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Journal articles on the topic 'Nominalized adjective'

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1

Al-Rawi, Maather Mohammed. "On Independent Adjectives: A Syntactic Analysis of Arabic Adjectival Nominals." International Journal of Linguistics 8, no. 1 (2016): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v8i1.8930.

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<p class="zhengwen"><span lang="X-NONE">In this study, I aim to investigate the ambiguity on the category of the non-modifying Arabic adjectives that occur independently without a modified noun and to provide an account for the following questions: (1) are independent adjectives in Arabic nouns or adjectives?; (2) do they undergo a deadjectivizing process?; and (3) if they do, at which layer in adjectival phases does nominalization take place? I attempt to investigate the bi-categorial nature of independent adjectives in Arabic showing that they are internally adjectival but externally nominal. This analysis postulates that these adjectives have undergone category-change by moving A to the nominalizer D, which has the abstract affix NOM. Semantically, the adjective becomes referential (or +[indiv(iduated)]) naming entities of certain attributes, rather than denoting the attribute. However, DP is not the mere layer at which category-change takes place. The category-change is observed to occur earlier than the DP layers as indicated by the subregularities in the adjective form. The plural morpheme indicates three layers of nominality: the lower nP, NumP, and DP. Adjectives that undergo a-to-n change are nominalized having singular nominal form. Adjectives that are nominalized in NumP are pluralized with the nominal broken plural, yet having a singular adjectival form. Finally, adjectives that are nominalized in the highest functional DP projection are marked with an adjectival sound plural morpheme. This analysis provides a neat account for the diversity in the adjective number form and is favored over the alternative assumption that adjectives in pro-drop languages drop the head noun.<strong></strong></span></p>
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Sinha, Nupur, and Madhumita Barbora. "Nominalization in Koro." Investigationes Linguisticae 41 (December 11, 2019): 157–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/il.2018.41.11.

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Koro is a Tibeto-Burman language spoken in the East Kameng district of Arunachal Pradesh. The present paper deals with the nominalization processes in Koro. Two types of nominalizing strategy is seen in Koro: derivational and clausal. Derivational nominalization derives a noun from a non-nominal lexical root (a verb or adjective) as [V-NMZ]N or [ADJ-NMZ]N. In clausal nominalizations, the nominalized clause is subordinate to the matrix clause. Koro employs the morphological marker –gõ to derive nouns from action verbs. The clausal nominals do not take any nominalizer marker but display nominal markers like number, definite articles, case on the verb.
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Altakhaineh, Abdel Rahman Mitib. "Identifying Adj + N compounds in Modern Standard Arabic." STUF - Language Typology and Universals 70, no. 4 (2017): 545–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2017-0024.

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Abstract The study aims to identify Adj+N compounds in Modern Standard Arabic by applying the cross-linguistic criteria for compoundhood discussed in the relevant literature. The analysis reveals that the most reliable cross-linguistic criteria to distinguish between phrases and compounds in MSA are adjacency, referentiality, compositionality and the presence of inflection. Another language-specific criterion, i.e. adjacency and the order of elements, which has asserted its validity, has been suggested to distinguish between the two types of construct. I have also shown that all cases of Adj+N compounding in MSA are bahuvrihis, since they denote a person in possession of the entity denoted by the compound. Similar to Fassi Fehri (“Arabic modifying adjectives and DP structures” 1999), I argue that the output of Adj+N compounding behaves more like a noun than an adjective. I propose that Adj+N compounds have a silent N head, i.e. ‘one/person’, which determines the syntactic category of such constructions in Modern Standard Arabic (cf. Günther [“The rich, the poor, the obvious: Arguing for an ellipsis analysis of ‘adjectives used as nouns’”, to appear) for a similar analysis of nominalized adjectives in English).
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4

Shatil, Nimrod. "The Nature and Diachrony of Hebrew Quality Pseudo-Partitives: Are They a Calque from the Contact Languages?" Journal of Jewish Languages 3, no. 1-2 (2015): 301–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134638-12340046.

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The article discusses the syntactic, semantic, prosodic, and sociolinguistic features of the contemporary Hebrew construction of the type ‘a beauty of a girl,’ in general N1of N2, known asquality pseudo-partitive(also asbinominal noun-phrase). In this construction, N1is a nominalized adjective and N2is the head. Semantically the syntagm is evaluative, either positively or negatively. The article examines the claim that the construction, first documented in 1928, emerged as an internally caused change, and concludes from the evidence that the construction was calqued from contact languages (English, French, German, Yiddish, and Judeo-Spanish).
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5

Mangelschots, Katinka, Sonja Ugen, and Constanze Weth. "Profiles of poor and good spellers in German noun capitalization." L1-Educational Studies in Language and Literature 23 (May 15, 2023): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/l1esll.2023.23.1.460.

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This study investigated how fourth graders with different proficiency levels (1st and 4th quartile, 192 and 195 pupils respectively) produce and detect German noun capitalization in relation to two factors, lexical-semantic characteristics of the noun and the structure of the noun phrase (NP). The first factor includes concrete and abstract nouns, and nominalized verbs and adjectives, the second factor the syntactic context of the NP (with or without determiner and/or adjective, including bare noun). The two proficiency groups showed different patterns in the production and detection of capitalization in relation to these two factors after three years of instruction in noun capitalization. The low-proficiency group performed on chance level only for concrete nouns in the context with precedent determiner, the context highlighted at school. The high-proficiency group seemed to make use systematically of the expanded NP in order to recognize and capitalize the noun but still had difficulties with most bare nouns. The paper discusses the type of information low- and high-achieving pupils seem to use in noun capitalization and detection.
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Скоробогатова, Елена Александровна. "ГРАММАТИЧЕСКИЕ ПОКАЗАТЕЛИ МЕЖТЕКСТОВОГО ВЗАИМОДЕЙСТВИЯ: МОРФОЛОГИЧЕСКАЯ СЕЛЕКЦИЯ В РОМАНЕ А. ГРИНА «БЕГУЩАЯ ПО ВОЛНАМ» И В СТИХОТВОРЕНИИ Б. ХЕРСОНСКОГО «ОНА»". Русская филология. Вестник Харьковского национального педагогического университета имени Г.С. Сковороды 2, № 55 (2015): 3–6. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.33561.

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<em>The grammatical features of selection in the poem &quot;She&quot; by Boris Khersonskiy and in the novel&quot;She Who Runs on the Waves&quot; by Alexander Grin are researched in the article. It is alleged that the grammatical selection serves as the indicator of their intertextual links. The method of linguopoetical comparative analysis reveals the grammatical markers of intertextual interactions and allows concluding that the form of the participle-formed nominalized transpositive adjective is the morphological and syntactic dominant of both texts. It is assumed that the grammatical characteristics of the dominant grammemes allowed Grin to use them for increasing the nominative ambiguity and for the unraveling of the plot and allowed Khersonskiy to create the generalized image of woman. The gender portrait of the dominant grammeme which is connected with the system of images in texts is significant in both works. The dominant of the lyrical poem by Khersonskiy is continuous, unlike the discrete dominant of the novel by Grin.</em>
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7

Bischoff, Andreas M. "Name of thrones?" Altorientalische Forschungen 45, no. 1 (2018): 36–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2018-0003.

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AbstractThis article deals with the etymology of the Hattic throne-goddess dḪanwaašuit and the functions of the Hattic case ending with -(V)n. Usually, this case marks a noun for the genitive case in a phrase with two nouns N1-(V)n N2. In the Hattic corpus, there are nouns ending with -(V)n without having a second noun (N2) next to it (free n-case). This paper provides examples of free n-case words with possessive meanings, e. g. takeha=un „the lion’s one“ or wur=un „the country’s (people)“. A free n-case word is a denominal noun which is comparable with a possessive noun or a nominalized adjective. It is shown that the Hattic word for throne was not ḫanwaašuit but ḫanwaašuittun „dḪanwaašuit’s (throne)“. The goddess dḪanwaašuit seems to be a tutelary deity (hattic dWaašul, fem. *dWaašuit) and her name is probably related to (d)ḫanwaašu(i)sin(u) meaning aššu- „good“.
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Fedorenko, Anastasia. "Typology of Nominalisation of Adjectives in East Caucasian." Iran and the Caucasus 23, no. 4 (2019): 369–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20190407.

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Traditionally, functioning of major classes of lexical items is described as follows. Nouns prototypically function as arguments, but can also serve as predicates and attributes; verbs are normally used as predicates, but can also appear for arguments and attributes; and adjectives are categorically attributes, while secondary they can be used as predicates. The question arises, whether adjectives can serve as arguments (and how). The answer is, undoubtedly, “yes”, they can. When an adjective is used without a head, it begins to function as a noun. The current research aims to describe the morphological behaviour of such nominalised adjectives in the East Caucasian languages. The study of 31 grammatical descriptions of these languages, based on the analysis of nominalised adjectives, reveals 5 groups of the East Caucasian languages.
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9

Konnerth, Linda. "The Proto-Tibeto-Burman *gV- nominalizing prefix." Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 39, no. 1 (2016): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ltba.39.1.01kon.

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Matisoff (2003) reconstructs an “adjectival prefix” *gV-, based on work by Wolfenden (1929). As a result of surveying grammatical descriptions of more than 90 Tibeto-Burman languages, the present study provides evidence to reconstruct Matisoff’s adjectival prefix as a nominalizer whose functional range includes (but is not limited to) the adjectival marking. Evidence for the prefix is found in three major genetic subdivisions. Within Bradley’s (2002) Western branch, Baram (Newaric) has a particularly versatile nominalizer ki-~gi-, and Eastern Kiranti languages have *gV-…-pa nominalizing circumfixes. In Bradley’s Eastern branch, rGyalrongic languages have velar prefixes that function as the main nominalizers. Further, in DeLancey’s (2015) Central branch of Trans-Himalayan (Sino-Tibetan), we find reflexes of *gV- in many languages, most notably the versatile nominalizer kV- in Lamkang (Northwest Kuki-Chin). Other languages of the India-Myanmar border with unresolved phylogenetic status within Tibeto-Burman also have reflexes of *gV-, most prominently Karbi and Tangkhul (Konnerth 2012).
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10

Weitkamp, Linnéa. "Die Flexion der Indefinita jemand und niemand." Zeitschrift für germanistische Linguistik 49, no. 2 (2021): 209–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zgl-2021-2028.

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Abstract This article investigates the inflection of the German indefinite pronouns jemand and niemand in the accusative and dative. The pronouns are used both with inflectional suffix (jemanden/jemandem, niemanden/niemandem) and without (jemand, niemand) and are thus an example of current variation in contemporary German. The grammars take an unusually liberal stance and describe both forms as correct, partially even with preference to the uninflected form. A corpus study which examines conceptually written data of the DeReKo (German reference corpus) and conceptually oral data of the DECOW16B (German web corpus), shows that over 90 % of occurrences are inflected. But almost 10 % of uninflected forms show that these formations are no arbitrary errors either. To find out what influences the presence or absence of the inflectional ending, a binary logistic regression model was calculated. The following factors proved to be significant influencing factors for inflection: the degree of formality (DeReKo vs. DECOW16B), the lexeme (jemand vs. niemand), the case (acc vs. dat), government by preposition vs. government by verb and the following nominalized adjective (jemand anderen). With regard to the different inflectional suffixes, the frequent use of -en in the dative stood out in particular. Although this form is classified as erroneous in all grammars, almost 30 % of the dative occurrences in informal DECOW16B data are formed in this way.
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11

Osolsobě, Klára, and Hana Žižková. "Improving Nominalized Adjectives Tagging." Journal of Linguistics/Jazykovedný casopis 70, no. 2 (2019): 370–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jazcas-2019-0066.

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Abstract Part of speech transitions represent an interesting issue in terms of Automatic Morphological Analysis (AMA). In these cases, two parts of speech have to be considered: initial and final. However, their automatic recognition is complicated by the same form. This article presents the results of a corpus study aimed at mapping nominalized adjectives tagging with a focus on detecting candidates for nominalization among frequent adjectives. Analysis of the data obtained from the ČNK SYN v5 corpus shows different reasons for incorrect tagging. Taking into account these reasons, we propose three solutions for the improvement nominalized adjectives tagging.
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12

Vlajic-Popovic, Jasna. "Tracing the origin of S-Cr. novac 'money'." Juznoslovenski filolog, no. 66 (2010): 163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/jfi1066163v.

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The paper points at the imprecision of the hitherto prevailing etymology of S-Cr. novac ?money? as an univerbization departing from the adjective nov ?new?, through an undated and undefined *novi penez /dinar. After a review of previous interpretations and the corpus of lexicographic attestations of the noun novac, the areal distribution of its earliest Croatian and Serbian attestations (from the 16th and 17th centuries respectively), as well as the 18th century Sln. novz ?nummus ungaricus? is taken as an indication of Hungarian source of influence. Hence the nomination impulse is found in Latin, the official language in medieval Hungary, where in some 15th century legal documents from the Zagreb court the syntagm novorum denariorum (Gen. pl.) occurs simultaneously and synonymously with the nominalized adj. novos (Acc. pl.). The semantic borrowing into local Slavic novac /novec ?new coin (initially 1/100 of a dukat)?, evolves into ?coin of small value? and eventually, through a negative phrase nemati ni novca ?to be broke? (lit.: ?to have not a single penny?) into ?money (in general); wealth?. In both meanings it entered the vernaculars of the entire Stokavian territory (some time during the 18th century), which is reflected in folk poetry, paremiology, etc. The term novac has suppressed the previously widespread Slavic term penezi /pjenezi /pinezi and entered a co-existence with the Turcism para f. ?coin?, pare pl. ?money? which lasts into this day. Since the nomination from the adj. nov is unique among standardly known terms for money (cf. Buck s.v.), a precious onomasiological parallelism to this formation is discovered in Serb. dial. novica ?a Turkish 20 gr coin?, ?a fake coin?.
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13

Ogawa, Yoshiki, Keiyu Niikuni, and Yuichi Wada. "Empty nominalization over antonymous juxtaposition/coordination and the emergence of a new syntactic construction." Zeitschrift für Wortbildung / Journal of Word Formation 4, no. 2 (2020): 13–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/zwjw.2020.02.02.

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Abstract In Japanese, direct combination of verbs or adjectives by coordination (with to ‘and’) or juxtaposition (with its empty counterpart) can form a NP, if the conjuncts are antonymous to each other; the coordinator to ‘and’ can combine only NPs elsewhere. We claim that this is because there is a phonetically empty nominalizer that can nominalize each conjunct, and that the new nominal construction has been gradually developing in the history of Japanese. An acceptability-rating experiment targeting 400 participants shows that the younger speakers were likely to judge this construction more acceptable than the older ones, that this tendency is slightly weaker in the Nominative condition than in the Genitive condition, and that the coordination condition was significantly worse than the juxtaposition condition.
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Artiagoitia, Xabier. "Functional Heads and Eventive Nominals: The Basque Perspective." Roczniki Humanistyczne 71, no. 11s (2023): 13–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh237111-2s.

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This article shows that Basque has a few suffixes (-era, -keta, -pen) which give rise to the type of eventive nominals described in the literature (Grimshaw; Picallo; Alexiadou, Functional Structure). Nominals headed by these suffixes are passive-like (cf. Alexiadou, Functional Structure), obligatorily take genitive arguments and are mostly restricted to unaccusative and transitive predicates, but have a very limited eventive reading: they do not take adverbial modification (aspectual modification is realised through adjectives) and adpositional phrases show up with the functional linker -ko, typical of nominal structures (de Rijk, “Basque Hospitality”). A peculiar feature of Basque is that the external argument has genitive case, just like the internal argument; this double genitive structure suggests that Basque has a neutralised case system at the nominal level. On the other hand, Basque has nominalised clauses which admit all kinds of adverbial and PP modification, as well as regular subject case-marking (be it ergative or absolutive); this type of nominalised clauses may have an eventive reading. I propose that Basque nominalised clauses have the structure DP-TP-(NegP)-AspP-VoiceP-vP-root. For derived event nominals, I claim that Basque only projects up to VoiceP, with the nominaliser selecting a Voice head with a [-external argument] feature (Alexiadou, “Ergativity”). The selection of an unsaturated VoiceP forces the external argument of the root to be projected at the nominal level (Bruening): DP-PossP-NumP-ClassP-nP[ext. argument]-Voice[-ext. arg.]P-vP-Root. Basque grammar resorts to structural case-checking by the head Possesor (de Wit), which attracts all the DPs in its c-commanding domain and creates a multiple-specifier configuration of the kind defended in Richards. The rest of the features displayed by derived event nominals follow from the limited number of verbal functional projections available.
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Uth, Melanie. "The Diachronic Development of French -age between Usage-Related Shifts and Grammatical Change." Language Dynamics and Change 6, no. 2 (2016): 284–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105832-00602003.

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French -age developed from Latin relational adjectives in -aticus that were by and by nominalized, thereby incorporating the former head noun as a semantic constituent. In this article, it is argued that the Modern French -age derivation originated from the (re-)association of a semantically vacuous formative and an abstract semantic feature. This semantic feature gradually emerged through abstraction from the existing concrete derivatives and, once established, has determined the range of possible interpretations of newly coined formations up to this day. The most important result of the analysis is that, apart from a structural reanalysis of the Latin nominalized relational -aticus adjectives, French -age did not undergo any meaning change at all, the stability of its meaning being due to the abovementioned continuous interplay between the abstract semantic feature and the usage of the various concrete -age nominalizations.
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16

Wiland, Bartosz. "Polish Deadjectival Nouns as Nominalized Adverbs." Studies in Polish Linguistics 16, no. 4 (2021): 207–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.21.010.14678.

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Wedle tradycyjnego opisu, polskie abstrakcyjne rzeczowniki odprzymiotnikowe (nomina essendi), takie jak np. lekkość czy jasność, są zbudowane z przymiotnikowego tematu i przyrostka -ość. Artykuł rozważa alternatywną analizę, wedle której -o-ść jest przyrostkiem złożonym, a tworzone z nim rzeczowniki odprzymiotnikowe przechodzą przez etap przysłówkowy, czyniąc je formami o strukturze [[[ A ] Adv ] N ]. Możliwość złożoności -o-ść sugeruje fakt, że -o jest przyrostkiem tworzącym przysłówki. ABSTRACT The traditional description of Polish abstract nouns such as lekkość‘ lightness’or jasność ‘brightness’ holds that they are formed with an adjectival root and the nominalizing suffix -ość. The paper considers an alternative analysis where -o-ść is a complex marker and such nominals go through an adverbial stage in their formation, rendering them [[[ A ] Adv ] N ] structures, a possibility suggested by the fact that the -o itself is an adverbial marker.
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Sato, Sayaka, Ute Gabriel, and Pascal M. Gygax. "Altering Male-Dominant Representations." Journal of Language and Social Psychology 35, no. 6 (2016): 667–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261927x15625442.

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The generic use of masculine plural forms in grammatical gender languages has been criticized for activating unequal gender representations that are male dominant. The present study examined whether the recently introduced gender-neutral forms of nominalized adjectives and participles in German provide references that induce more balanced representations. We used cross-linguistic differences as a means to illustrate the flexibility of the gender representation system and investigated both native and nonnative (French–German bilinguals) speakers of German. Although a masculine bias persisted when participants read role nouns in the masculine plural form, the study suggests that the usage of nominalized forms can attenuate this male bias, even for nonnative speakers. The results of the study provide further support for the use of gender-neutral language.
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Baker, Mark C., and Nadezda Vinokurova. "Forms of predication in Sakha (Turkic): Will the true lexical predicates please stand up?" Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 57, no. 2 (2012): 177–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100004746.

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AbstractThe Turkic language Sakha (Yakut) uses a copular verb with predicate nominals but not with predicate adjectives or verbs in certain environments, including relative clauses, nominalized clauses, and complements to nouns. Previous work takes this as evidence that adjectives but not nouns are true one-place predicates. However, unaccusativity diagnostics show that adjectives pattern with nouns in Sakha, as in other languages: neither is inherently predicative without a predicative functional head. The need for a copula with predicate nominais in certain environments can be explained using Richards’s distinctiveness condition. Relative clauses, noun complements, and nominalization structures all bring a nominal head in close contact with the predicate. If the predicate itself is nominal, a verbal copula must intervene to separate the predicate from the embedding head of the same category.
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Barrie, Michael, and Sihun Jung. "The Northern Iroquoian nominalizer and lexical categories." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 65, no. 1 (2019): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2019.21.

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AbstractIn Northern Iroquoian languages, a nominalizer (nlzr) is typically required to transform a verb into a noun, either for noun incorporation or to create a full DP. In some cases, the nominalizer is required only for noun incorporation and not for the formation of a DP. Interestingly, the converse is never found. That is, there are no lexical roots that require the nominalizer for the formation of a DP, but not for noun incorporation. With this asymmetry in mind, we examine the categorial properties of roots in Northern Iroquoian. We discuss three common theories of the categorization of roots: (i) the traditional theory, in which all roots are specified as nouns or verbs (or adjectives for languages that have this category), (ii) the Bare Root Hypothesis, in which all roots are acategorial, and (iii), the Roots as Nouns Hypothesis, in which all roots are nouns. We show that the Northern Iroquoian facts are not amenable to any of these theories. We propose instead that some roots in Northern Iroquoian are categorially specified (some as nouns, some as verbs), while others are truly bare.
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Kustova, Galina I. "Nominalization and pronominal constructions in Russian." Tyumen State University Herald. Humanities Research. Humanitates 9, no. 4 (2023): 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2411-197x-2023-9-4-48-62.

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This paper presents a study on nominalized adjectives and participles denoting a person. It distinguishes between occasional nominalizations, usual nominalizations (chuzhoi ‘alien’, postoronnii ‘outsider’, mestnyi ‘local’, prisutstvuyushchii ‘present’, zhelayushchii ‘willing’, otdykhayushchii ‘resting’) , and dictionary nominalizations (veruyushchii ‘believer’, voennyi ‘military’, podchinennyi ‘subordinate’, sluzhashchii ‘employee’). The paper discusses the specific usage of adjectives and participles from the usual group in constructions with the pronouns nikto ‘nobody’, kto-to ‘someone’, kto-nibud’ ‘anyone’: kto-to neznakomyi ‘someone unfamiliar’. Additionally, it examines the variability of number forms, for example nikogo znakomogo — nikogo znakomykh (no one familiar sg. — no one familiar pl.). The article is based on a paper presented at the 7th International Research Symposium “Russian Grammar: Constants, Contexts, Perspectives” (October 10–14, 2023, Tyumen).
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Pearce, Elizabeth. "The Syntax of Genitives in the Maori DP." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 43, no. 3-4 (1998): 411–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100024543.

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AbstractThis article proposes an account of genitive case marking in the Maori DP which shows how the licensing requirements for genitive depend both on thematic role distinctions and on the presence of a functional projection situated immediately below D. An investigation of ordering alternations including genitives, demonstratives, adjectives, and the lexical head indicates that the FP below D is also the location of an identifying or specifying function within the DP. The label “IdentP” is proposed as a cover term for this FP projection. It is also proposed that DPs containing nominalized verbs include a head, Nmz, that has the capacity to license additional instantiations of genitive case marking.
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Terna, Dr Stephanie Mwarsen, and Dr Elizabeth Ugechi. "Grapho-phonological Stylistic Devices in the Select Novels." Ahyu: A Journal of Language and Literature 5 (December 4, 2022): 62–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.56666/ahyu.v5i.127.

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Previous studies on nominalization in Tiv language focus on nominal compounds where compound words which belong to the grammatical category of nouns are derived through the process of compounding. This paper analyses the nominalization processes (strategies) in the Tiv language. The paper seeks to determine the nominalization processes in the Tiv language, and the classes of words as well as the linguistic units that are nominalized in Tiv. The study adopted the survey method in investigating the facts about the nominalization process in the language. The study used primary sources of data collection. The primary data were sourced through interview. Structured interview questions were used to elicit the needed data on nominalization from the ten selected adult Tiv native speakers in Makurdi and Gboko in Benue State. A total number of eighty (80) data were gathered and analysed. The theory adopted in the paper is Hockett’s (1954) structural theory modified in (2004) whose models are the Item-and-Process (I.P) and Item-and-Arrangement (I.A). The study found out that the processes through which nominalization occurs in the Tiv language are prefixation, prefixation plus some modifications, tonality and desententialization (sentence deconstruction). These processes are discovered to be very productive in nominalization in Tiv. It has also been found out that verbs roots and adjectives are the classes of words that are nominalized (lexical nominalization) in the Tiv language together with sentences (syntactic nominalization). The paper concludes that nominalization is very essential in word creation and helps in enriching the Tiv language.
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Ajim, Stephen Shiaondo, and Dr Elizabeth Ugechi. "Analysis of Nominalization Process in Tiv Language." Ahyu: A Journal of Language and Literature 5 (December 4, 2022): 51–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.56666/ahyu.v5i.126.

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Previous studies on nominalization in Tiv language focus on nominal compounds where compound words which belong to the grammatical category of nouns are derived through the process of compounding. This paper analyses the nominalization processes (strategies) in the Tiv language. The paper seeks to determine the nominalization processes in the Tiv language, and the classes of words as well as the linguistic units that are nominalized in Tiv. The study adopted the survey method in investigating the facts about the nominalization process in the language. The study used primary sources of data collection. The primary data were sourced through interview. Structured interview questions were used to elicit the needed data on nominalization from the ten selected adult Tiv native speakers in Makurdi and Gboko in Benue State. A total number of eighty (80) data were gathered and analysed. The theory adopted in the paper is Hockett’s (1954) structural theory modified in (2004) whose models are the Item-and-Process (I.P) and Item-and-Arrangement (I.A). The study found out that the processes through which nominalization occurs in the Tiv language are prefixation, prefixation plus some modifications, tonality and desententialization (sentence deconstruction). These processes are discovered to be very productive in nominalization in Tiv. It has also been found out that verbs roots and adjectives are the classes of words that are nominalized (lexical nominalization) in the Tiv language together with sentences (syntactic nominalization). The paper concludes that nominalization is very essential in word creation and helps in enriching the Tiv language.
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Mare, María. "A Formal Approach to Spanish ‘Genitive’ Pronouns in Non-Nominal Domains." Languages 8, no. 4 (2023): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages8040233.

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This paper examines the distribution of ‘genitive’ pronouns in non-nominal domains in Spanish. These pronouns can alternate with constructions headed by the item de ‘of’ and a pronoun or other Determiner Phrases (DPs). In general Spanish, this alternation between a synthetic (nuestro ‘our’) and an analytic (de nosotros ‘of us’) option is found in the nominal domain. However, when looking at variation, this alternation appears in adverbial, verbal, and adjectival domains too. We discuss this phenomenon from a neo-constructionist approach, which assumes the late insertion of phonological exponents. We propose that the analytic and the synthetic options have almost the same syntactic structure, the only difference being the nature of the nominalizer’s φ-features. When the nominalizer values its φ-features, it can be lexicalized alone, and the ‘genitive’ pronoun lexicalizes the rest of the structure, including the introducer p/Place. Otherwise, when the nominalizer cannot (or needs not to) value its features, a ‘non-genitive’ pronoun lexicalizes the pronominal structure, and the head p/Place is lexicalized by the item de. Our proposal explains the complementary distribution between agreement/nominal morphology and the item de observed in many Spanish constructions. Different consequences are advantageously deduced.
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25

Brandt, Patrick, and Eric Fuß. "A corpus-based analysis of pronoun choice in German relative clauses." Current trends in analyzing syntactic variation 31 (December 31, 2017): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bjl.00008.bra.

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Abstract This paper investigates the conditions that govern the choice between the German neuter singular relative pronouns das ‘that’ and was ‘what’. We show that das requires a lexical head noun, while in all other cases was is usually the preferred option; therefore, the distribution of das and was is most successfully captured by an approach that does not treat was as an exception but analyzes it as the elsewhere case that applies when the relativizer fails to pick up a lexical gender feature from the head noun. We furthermore show how the non-uniform behavior of different types of nominalized adjectives (positives allow both options, while superlatives trigger was) can be attributed to semantic differences rooted in syntactic structure. In particular, we argue that superlatives select was due to the presence of a silent counterpart of the quantifier alles ‘all’ that is part of the superlative structure.
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26

Van Eynde, Frank. "What participles are a mixture of." Linguistics 59, no. 4 (2021): 817–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2021-0070.

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Abstract It is commonly assumed that participles show a mixture of verbal and adjectival properties, but the issue of how this mixed nature can best be captured is anything but settled. Analyses range from the purely adjectival to the purely verbal with various shades in between. This lack of consensus is at least partly due to the fact that participles are used in a variety of ways and that an analysis which fits one of them is not necessarily equally plausible for the other. In an effort to overcome the resulting fragmentation this paper proposes an analysis that covers all uses of the participles, from the adnominal over the predicative to the free adjunct uses, including also the nominalized ones. To keep it feasible we focus on one language, namely Dutch. With the help of a treebank we first identify the uses of the Dutch participles and describe their properties in informal terms. In a second step we provide an analysis in terms of the notation of Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar. A key property of the analysis is the differentiation between core uses and grammaticalized uses. The treatment of the latter is influenced by insights from Grammaticalization Theory.
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27

Bril, Isabelle. "Roots and stems in Amis and Nêlêmwa (Austronesian)." Lexical flexibility in Oceanic languages 41, no. 2 (2017): 358–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.41.2.04bri.

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Abstract In constrast with Nêlêmwa (Oceanic, New Caledonia) whose lexemes are most generally subcategorised as nouns or verbs and undergo category-changing derivations, in Amis (Formosan), roots are pervasively categorially neutral, yet they contain semantic features and instructions that allow or disallow combination with primary derivational affixes which specify their class and category. Lexical categories are expressed after roots are derived into morphosyntactic words projected in a syntactic frame; they are then quite rigidly subcategorised as verbal, nominal or adjectival-modifying heads. Still, word forms display some functional flexibility; for instance, nouns and derived nouns, pronouns, numerals may be predicative in equative, ascriptive and focus constructions, simply by being in the syntactic position of the verb. Such functional flexibility is asymmetrical and does not apply to derived verb stems which must be nominalised to achieve argument function.
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Brosig, Benjamin, Foong Ha Yap, and Kathleen Ahrens. "Assertion, presumption and presupposition." Studies in Language 43, no. 4 (2019): 896–940. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.18050.bro.

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Abstract In this paper, we analyze the clitic YUM (&lt; ‘thing’) in Khalkha Mongolian which, in different syntactic contexts, reinforces assertiveness or expresses different shades of presumption or presupposition. The former holds for declaratives where the presence of YUM conveys the speaker’s strong subjective commitment. In question clauses, YUM is used to indicate the speaker’s subjective and often strong guess, sometimes to the point that the speaker presupposes that the proposition actually obtains. In subordinate clauses, YUM may fulfill the same function or serve as a structurally necessary nominalizer for adjectival predicates without introducing any semantic opposition. In declaratives marked as immediately perceived, YUM conveys inference via assumptive reasoning. We thus analyze YUM as a marker of subjective speaker conviction that within the Khalkha Mongolian declarative system is opposed to both simple factuality and overt evidential marking.
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Nowak, Małgorzata, and Artur Truszkowski. "Epistolary Dialogue between Zofia Kossak and Jan Dobraczyński. Forms of Address and Letter Signatures." Respectus Philologicus, no. 45(50) (April 10, 2024): 97–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/respectus.2024.45(50).8.

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The epistolary discourse between Zofia Kossak and Jan Dobraczyński, spanning from 1947–1968, proves the dynamic nature of their relationship. The study focuses on the forms of address and epistolary signatures in their correspondence. In addition to the opening and closing formulas, the forms of address attested in the epistolary corpus under analysis were also analysed. As formal exponents of the bond and of the signalled sender-receiver attitude, forms of address differed. Dobraczyński’s use of forms of address was fixed and conventional, with little variation in his signatures. Conversely, Kossak was more spontaneous in both respects. Her forms of address featured nominalised variants of conventional adjectives like dear and beloved, used singularly or in a syntagmatic series, and complemented by the addressee’s name in the main, diminutive or hypocoristic form. Some cases were colloquial and humorous phrases with the lexeme dad and chap/man. Still other forms included occasional, allusive lexemes, resultant from the subject matter of the letters. Beyond fulfilling the phatic function typical of such correspondence, these forms of address also served denotative and expressive purposes.
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30

Illamola, Cristina, and Emma Martinell Gifre. "De apelativos y calificadores en español." Bergen Language and Linguistics Studies 10, no. 1 (2019): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15845/bells.v10i1.1448.

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In this article, we will deal with forms whose function within the discourse is basically to qualify (in general, they are essentially attributes) and whose proliferation responds to a need that goes far beyond linguistic issues, since a group of social factors must be taken into consideration. Thus, we will examine pieces that can be defined as qualifying adjectives (cateto/cateta, cenizo/ceniza), as derived nouns (bocazas), as nouns bearing a metaphorical value (cobaya, tesoro), as nominalized adjectives (rubiales. frescales), as well as those that respond to an appealing function (tronco, enano) or others that come from cultural traditions (adán, ídolo, judas).&#x0D; After, we present our starting hypotheses: 1) the ending -a, as a carrier of reference to 'woman', is diluted in the heterogeneity of considered forms; 2) the role of the article (el/la, un/una) is decisive in the presence of these forms; 3) newly formed forms coexist with old forms; and, above all, 4) in the use of these appreciative forms there does not seem to be awareness of a woman/man reference emanating from the end in -a or -o, or any other.&#x0D; To corroborate them, we have selected around forty voices and examined their use and prevalence in the online versions of CORDE, CREA, CORPES XXI, various editions of Diccionario de la lengua (RAE) and Diccionario inverso de la lengua española.&#x0D; Finally, the analysis leads us to affirm that, in the use of these nominal forms, the endings in -e, -i /-is or -o to apply to a female referent are not rejected, nor, on the contrary: many forms ending in -a do not know a transformation into –o to apply to a male referent. Moreover, the language avoids any possible ambiguity with the application of the article, derivation by suffixes or by an attributive structure.
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31

Butar, Brando Pancarian. "The Derivational Processes of Coronavirus Related Terms in WHO Website "Mythbusters"." Jurnal DinamikA 2, no. 1 (2021): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/dinamika.v2i1.1-20.

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The present research discusses about the derivational process of Coronavirus in WHO website “Mythbusters”. The reason of choosing the topic is because word formation processes occur in various area, including scientific areas. The impact of Coronavirus disease influenced the usage of spesific terms related with Coronavirus. People need to understand the Coronavirus related terms, so that they able to use and understand new terms to help them deliver different kinds of information. This research has the purpose of figuring out what types of derivational word formation of Coronavirus related terms are found in the WHO "Mythbusters." Thus, a morphological approach is used to facilitate the researcher on conducting the analysis. The researcher conducted a qualitative research using content analysis in analyzing the data. Based on the analysis of derivational processes in WHO website “Mythbusters” article, the researcher found 24 coronavirus related terms formed by derivational processes. There are 18 coronavirus related terms formed by derivation process, which consist of 10 nominalizer and 8 adjectivalizer found in the article. The derivational affixes occur in “Mythbusters” are {-ion}, {Anti-}, {-ness}, {-ment}, {-al}, {-ous}, {-ful}, and {-y}. There are 6 coronavirus related term formed by compound process. 5 terms are formed with compound noun process, while the other is formed by compound adjective. Key words: Derivational, Coronavirus, WHO
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32

Cahyani, Rosalia Revita, Sara Immaculata Terra Istinara, Agnes Chika Damayanti, and Kurniadining Sri Pertiwi. "The Derivational and Compounding Process in William Shakespeare’s Literary Works." Jadila: Journal of Development and Innovation in Language and Literature Education 1, no. 1 (2020): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.52690/jadila.v1i1.18.

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One importance of studying morphology in literary work is increase the vocabulary. Perhaps the biggest contributions to the English language of Shakespeare may be the addition of new words and phrases that have transformed the language and make it more vivid and descriptive. Shakespeare also changing nouns into verbs, verbs into adjectives, connecting words never used together, adding affixes, and devising words wholly original. This study aims to know how the words are formed through derivational and compounding process. In this paper, we take the data from some of William Shakespeare’s works. We use qualitative method by using morphological approach to analyze the data. Morphological approach focused on the identification and interpretation of the meaning of the words and the analysis of the morphemes attached to the words. We collect the data by downloading 11 of William Shakespeare's works, reading the words, selecting the data, and summarizing the data. Then, it’s followed by describing and determining the function of the morphemes and analyzing the change of the word class as techniques of analyzing the data. The result of this study shows that for derivational process, affix {-ish }, {-y }, {-less }, {-ate }, {-eous }, {fore- }, {pur- }, {fore- }, {-y }, and {un- } as adjectivalizer, affix {-ify }, {en- }, {un- }, and {fore- } as verbalizer, and affix {-er }, {-y }, and {-ment }, as nominalizer. For compounding process, we found there are two types of compound word : hyphenated compound and closed compound.
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33

Mukhibun, Akhmad, and Kundharu Saddhono. "The Indonesian Confix /Pe-+-an/ in Thammasat University Student Descriptive Text: Allomorph, Usage, and Grammatical Meaning." Aksis : Jurnal Pendidikan Bahasa dan Sastra Indonesia 7, no. 2 (2023): 117–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/aksis.070202.

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The Indonesian language program for foreign speakers (BIPA) has been taught in 52 countries with a total of 154 thousand students by 2023. With this high number of students, Indonesian is expected to spread and become an international language by 2045. Even though Indonesian is relatively easy to learn, BIPA students are suspected to have difficulty mastering the rules of affixation/additions in forming Indonesian vocabulary. This research aims to explain (1) the confix allomorph /pe-+-an/ in BIPA students' descriptive texts. (2) use of the confix /pe-+-an/. (3) grammatical meaning formed due to the attachment of the /pe-+-an/ confix. This research is a descriptive qualitative research with a content analysis approach design. The data source used is a descriptive text document of BIPA students from Thammasat University, Thailand. Validity test uses triangulation of data sources and theory. The results of the research show (1) there are six variations of the confix allomorph /pe-+-an/, namely /pe-+-an/, /pem-+-an/, /pen-+-an/, /peng-+-an /, /peny-+-an/, /penge-+-an/. (2) The use of the confix /pe-+-an/ in BIPA students' descriptive texts was found in 32 data. The function of attaching the confix /pe-+-an/ is to nominalize verbs, adjectives, nouns and number words. (3) The grammatical meaning that appears, for example, regarding leaving (travel), things that are done (work), organizations that conduct business (companies), processes, actions, ways of saying (pronunciation).
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34

Collins, Peter. "Extraposition in English." Functions of Language 1, no. 1 (1994): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/fol.1.1.03col.

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This paper, which is based on a corpus of contemporary Australian English, investigates the structural and communicative properties of extraposed clause constructions. Such constructions will often be superficially similar to right-dislocated constructions, but are generally distinguishable from these on structural, communicative and prosodie grounds. If there are no grammatical factors impeding extraposition (such as a matrix predicate containing a subordinate clause or an identified complement), then finite and infinitival clauses may be freely extraposed. Present-participials, which are more highly nominalised, extrapose less freely. The matrix predicate, which typically expresses an 'objectified epistemic or moral judgement, exhibits a variety of structural patterns. Dominant among these is the 'Subject~Predicator~Predicative Complement' pattern, with the complement most commonly realised as an adjectival phrase. Three communicative factors which influence extraposition may be identified: 'weight*, information, and theme. The data suggest that there is strong pressure in English to avoid sentences with a clause as subject in initial position and a comparatively light matrix predicate in final position. Non-extraposed sentences with a clausal subject in fact require special rhetorical and/or cohesive motivation, their infrequent occurrence reflecting the preferred 'given - before -new' ordering found in English. Just as important as the end-positioning of material in extraposition is the initialisation of an expression of the speaker's angle, enabling it to serve as the theme.
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35

Villalba, Xavier. "Eventualities under deadjectival nominalizations." Borealis – An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics 2, no. 2 (2013): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/1.2.2.2617.

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&lt;p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 35.4pt;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;" lang="EN-US"&gt;In this paper the behavior of deadjectival nominalizations in Spanish is studied regarding the presence of an eventuality reading. It is shown that whereas abstract nominalizations (&lt;em&gt;la belleza del libro &lt;/em&gt;&amp;lsquo;the beauty of the book&amp;rsquo;) clearly encode an eventuality according to standard tests, neuter nominalizations (&lt;em&gt;lo bello del libro&lt;/em&gt; &amp;lsquo;the beautiful part of the book&amp;rsquo;) lack any eventuality reading altogether. It is argued that the difference lies in the different kind of nominalization process involved. As for abstract nominalizations, after the nominalizer is merged, the nominal functional head Classifier will encode the stative eventuality derived from the adjective root. In the case of neuter nominalizations, we lack any nominal functional structure, but rather the AP is directly selected by the neuter determiner, which, following a suggestion by McNally &amp;amp; de Swart (2012), is the syntactic realization of Chierchia&amp;rsquo;s (1982) &lt;/span&gt;&lt;sup&gt;&lt;span style="font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 9.0pt; font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-ansi-language: CA; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"&gt;&amp;Ccedil;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;span style="font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;" lang="EN-US"&gt; (&amp;lsquo;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style="font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;" lang="EN-US"&gt;cap&amp;rsquo;) operator, which shifts a property into its entity correlate. Moreover, a slight modification of this semantic operation allows a simple and principled analysis of the difference between the two main neuter deadjectival nominalizations.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
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36

Рудницкая, Елена Леонидовна. "ATTRIBUTIVE USE OF DEVERBAL NOUNS IN EVENKI." Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology, no. 2(36) (November 25, 2022): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.23951/2307-6119-2022-2-47-58.

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Рассматриваются отглагольные имена с показателями номинализации -кӣт, -дяк, -вун. Описывается их значение и употребление. Материалом послужил корпус устных рассказов на эвенкийском языке, а также газетные и переводные тексты. В центре внимания механизм появления у таких имен атрибутивного употребления. Номинализации на -кӣт, -дяк образуют существительные со значением места или действия, а на -вун – со значением результата или инструмента действия. В акциональном значении эти существительные встречаются в основном в газетных текстах, а в локативном/результативном – в устной речи. Атрибутивное употребление данных отглагольных имен возникло недавно, оно зафиксировано только в газетных и переводных текстах XXI века. Его возникновение мы связываем с отсутствием в эвенкийском языке относительных прилагательных с абстрактным значением, таким как ‘медицинский’ или ‘подготовительный’. Данные имена морфологически являются существительными, а в синтаксическом отношении они сохраняют глагольное свойство управления дополнением в аккузативе. На том положении, что номинализации присоединяют аккузативный объект, основано заключение, что эти номинализации фразовые (то есть номинализуется глагольная группа VP, состоящая из глагольной основы и ее дополнения). Показатели -кӣт, -дяк, -вун образуют именную группу (NP), будучи ее вершиной. В атрибутивном употреблении показатель номинализации претерпевает дальнейшее семантическое выветривание и грамматикализацию, превращаясь в показатель атрибутивности, или релятор. Релятор соединяет предикативное/атрибутивное слово (на -кӣт, -дяк, -вун) и субъект предикации (существительное). Из исходной предикативной структуры с релятором получается атрибутивная структура: две таких структуры анализируются как родственные, такие, в структуре которых выделяется субъект и предикат. Для иллюстрации используются схемы предложений в терминах грамматики непосредственных составляющих. The paper considers deverbal nouns with nominalization markers -кӣт, -дяк, -вун. Their meaning and use are considered. The study is based on the corpus of oral stories in Evenki as well as on Evenki newspapers, and on texts translated from Russian. The focus of the study is the mechanism as to how the attributive use appears. The action -кӣт, -дяк, -вун nominalizations occur mostly in recent newspaper texts, whereas in oral stories, locative nominalizations in -кӣт, -дяк and instrumental/resultative nominalizations in -вун can be found. Nominalizations in the attributive position were also found in newspaper texts and texts of the XXI century translated from Russian. We claim that the attributive use of nominalizations under consideration was the consequence of the lack of adjectives with an abstract relational meaning, such as ‘medical’ or ‘preparatory’. The nouns in -кӣт, -дяк, -вун are morphologically nouns, and syntactically they preserve the verbal subcategorization property, and require an Accusative noun. Based on the data of the Accusative object of the verbal stem, we proposed that the -кӣт, -дяк, -вун nominalizations are phrasal (the VP consisting of the verb stem and its object gets nominalized). The nominalization markers -кӣт, -дяк, -вун are NP heads. In the attributive use, the nominalization markers undergoes further grammaticalization and semantic erosion, and becomes the attributivity marker, or relator. The relator links the predicative/attributive word (the -кӣт, -дяк, -вун nominalization) to its subject (the noun). The attributive structure emerges from the predicative structure: these two structures are considered as related and consisting of subject and predicate. To illustrate the derivations, generative grammar structures are used.
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37

Seraku, Tohru. "Mi-nominalizations in Japanese Wakamono Kotoba ‘youth language’." Pragmatics. Quarterly Publication of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA), November 10, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/prag.20006.ser.

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Abstract This article explores grammatical and functional properties of mi-nominalizations in Japanese Wakamono Kotoba ‘youth language.’ In the standard variety, the suffix -mi nominalizes an adjective stem: fuka-mi ‘deep-nmlz’ (= ‘profoundness’). This suffix is also used in youth language, but its productivity has expanded considerably. To mention a few, -mi applies to not only an adjective (stem) but also a verb, a noun, a pronoun, their phrasal counterparts, and even an onomatopoeia. We claim that these properties of -mi are flexibly captured in the framework of nominalization recently proposed by Masayoshi Shibatani. This framework leads us to describe further unique properties of mi-nominalization, such as “double nominalization” where an already-nominalized form undergoes a further nominalization process and the “sentential use” of a nominalized structure where a nominalized element functions as a sentence, with which an illocutionary speech act is performed.
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38

Li, Aliang. "Nominalizations and its grammaticalization in standard Thai." Folia Linguistica, February 19, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2006.

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Abstract The focus of this study is on the function and grammaticalization of nominalizations in Thai and the nominalization categories and nominalizing strategies in Thai are described. The Thai language exhibits a composite of derivational and clausal nominalizations marked with three nominalizers: kaan 1 derives nouns or nominalized clauses from lexical verbs and relative or complement clauses; khwaam 1 derives nouns from lexical verbs and adjectives; and kaan 1 thii 3 is used for clauses. The current study posits diachronic developments for nominalizers and addresses related issues. It is concluded that nominalizers kaan 1 and khwaam 1 were originally lexical nouns meaning ‘work’ and ‘matter’. The essential features of the use of nominalizations have remained constant, but certain developments have occurred, which include lexical nominalization to clausal nominalization and the emergence of a new nominalizer, kaan 1 thii 3 . It is found that nominalizers kaan 1 , khwaam 1 and kaan 1 thii 3 are basically in complementary distribution, and language internal evolution and external contact are the primary motivations for nominalization in Thai.
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39

Haas, Dominik A. "Mortal Combat and the Hereafter: saṃparāya and sāṃparāya in Sanskrit Literature". Bhasha, № 2 (18 грудня 2024). https://doi.org/10.30687/bhasha/2785-5953/2024/02/004.

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Sāṃparāya is a comparatively rare word in Sanskrit literature that has been translated in various ways, among them ‘battle’, ‘the next world’, and ‘transit to the next world’. It is a nominalized adjective derived from saṃparāya, which is in turn derived from the rarely used verb sam+parā+i (to pass away, to decease). The aim of the present paper is to establish the basic meanings of sāṃparāya as well as of its base, saṃparāya, and to investigate how they are used in Sanskrit literature. To this end, text passages from a range of sources are discussed. It is shown that in pre-medieval literature, saṃparāya and sāṃparāya are generally used as variants of one and the same noun, and that this noun has two basic meanings: ‘mortal combat, battle’ and ‘the postmortal, the hereafter’. The plethora of meanings recorded in modern dictionaries were mostly derived from later, highly context-specific commentaries.
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40

-, Amorjit Daimary, and Indira Boro -. "Lexical Nominalization in Bodo." International Journal For Multidisciplinary Research 6, no. 4 (2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.36948/ijfmr.2024.v06i04.26609.

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One of the most frequently noted characteristics of Bodo language is the presence of nominalization. Most Bodo nouns are derivational. In this language, nominalized nouns are used in a wide range. Here, the nouns are derived from lexical verbs and lexical adjectives through the suffixation process. Lots of suffixes are employed as nominalizer. The nominalizing suffixes or noun denoting suffixes are the derivational in nature. This paper describes the structure and process of forming lexical nouns in Bodo.
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41

Eddington, David. "Nominalized adverbs in Spanish: the intriguing case of detrás mío and its cohorts." Research in Corpus Linguistics, 2017, 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.32714/ricl.05.04.

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Instances of adverbs modified by adjectives (e.g. detrás mío, delante tuyo) were extracted from the Corpus del Español. The corpus analysis reveals that these constructions are attested in all 21 Spanish-speaking countries to varying degrees, but are most frequent in Argentina and Uruguay. Adjectives following the adverbs in questions are predominantly masculine; however, in Peninsular varieties feminine forms are quite common. Although alrededor and lado are both adverbs as well as masculine nouns, they are occasionally followed by feminine adjectives (e.g. al lado suya), which is arguably due to the use of the feminine in other constructions such as encima mía and debajo nuestra.
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42

Eddington, David. "Nominalized adverbs in Spanish: the intriguing case of detrás mío and its cohorts." Research in Corpus Linguistics, 2017, 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.32714/ricl.0504.

Full text
Abstract:
Instances of adverbs modified by adjectives (e.g. detrás mío, delante tuyo) were extracted from the Corpus del Español. The corpus analysis reveals that these constructions are attested in all 21 Spanish-speaking countries to varying degrees, but are most frequent in Argentina and Uruguay. Adjectives following the adverbs in questions are predominantly masculine; however, in Peninsular varieties feminine forms are quite common. Although alrededor and lado are both adverbs as well as masculine nouns, they are occasionally followed by feminine adjectives (e.g. al lado suya), which is arguably due to the use of the feminine in other constructions such as encima mía and debajo nuestra.
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43

Pavlova, Anna V. "“Something mysterious”: nominalization of Russian and German adjectives and participles after pronouns." Tyumen State University Herald. Humanities Research. Humanitates, 2024, 6–22. https://doi.org/10.21684/2411-197x-2024-10-4-6-22.

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Despite the absence of prohibitions on nominalizing adjectives and participles in the Russian language and the seemingly productive nature of the nominalization model, occasional nominalizations are relatively rare in Russian texts, which becomes noticeable when compared to other languages, such as German. In approximately 50% of cases of German-to-Russian translations, German occasional nominalizations of adjectives and participles are not translated using equivalent forms in the target language. At the same time, almost all cases of German nominalized adjectives after pronouns — like etwas, einiges, nichts, viel, wenig, among others, which correspond to Russian indefinite pronouns нечто, что-то, кое-что, много, мало, etc. — are translated using complete equivalents. The difficulties with occasional nominalizations of adjectives in Russian and the complexities of translation are closely interconnected. This article presents a hypothesis regarding the reasons for the problematics in nominalization without the support of pronouns and the simplicity of the same operation when they are involved.
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Ajim, Stephen Shiaondo, and Iorember Margaret N. "Nominalization in TIV." Indian Journal of Language and Linguistics, March 30, 2021, 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/ijll2112.

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Nominalization is a linguistic process of deriving nouns from other word classes or linguistic units. Nominalization is evident in many languages of the world. The Tiv language also exhibits nominalization. This paper critically analyses nominalization in Tiv. The objectives of the paper are: to determine the processes through which nominalization takes place in the Tiv language, the extent to which the processes of nominalization are productive in the Tiv language, and the classes of words and linguistic units that are nominalized in Tiv. Data were sourced from the native speakers of Tiv using the researcher – participant technique. The researchers documented the lexical items used during the interaction, determine the basic components of the lexical items and the word classes such lexical items belonged to. The intuitive knowledge of the researchers as the native speakers of the language was harnessed. The secondary data were sourced from the already existing literatures such as textbooks, journals and the internet. The theory adopted in the paper is Hokett’s (1954) structural theory whose models are the Item-and-Process (I.P) and Item-and-Arrangement (I.P). It has been found out that the processes through which nominalization takes in the Tiv language are prefixation, prefixation plus some modifications, tonality and desententialization (sentence deconstruction). These processes are discovered to be very productive in nominalization in Tiv. It has also been found out that verbs roots and adjectives are the classes of words that are nominalized (lexical nominalization) in the Tiv language together with sentences (syntactic nominalization).
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