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1
Kuppusamy, C. "Verb Phrase in Tamil." Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 7, no. 4 (April 1, 2020): 76–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/sijash.v7i4.1921.
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The verb phrase is built up of a verb, which is the head of the construction. Verb occurs as predicate in the rightmost position of a clause. As a predicate it selects arguments (Ex. Subject, Direct object, Indirect object and Locative NPs) and assigns case to its arguments and adverbial adjuncts. Another syntactic property of verbs in Tamil is that they can govern subordinate verb forms. Verb occurring as finite verbs in clause final position can be complemented by non-finite verbs proceeding them. The latter with respect to the interpretation of tense or subject governs these non-finite forms, being subordinate to the finite verb form. If we follow the traditional idea of having a VP node for Tamil, then all the elements, except the subject NP, will have to be grouped under VP.
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de Vries, Lourens. "From clause conjoining to clause chaining in Dumut languages of New Guinea." Studies in Language 34, no. 2 (August 13, 2010): 327–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.34.2.04vri.
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The Dumut languages Mandobo, South Wambon and North Wambon are a subgroup of the Awyu-Dumut family. They form a dialect chain that represents stages of the development from clause conjoining with independent verb forms to clause chaining with dependent verb forms that express switch-reference. South Wambon represents the first stage in which there is coordination reduction of tense and subject person-number suffixes in thematic continuity conditions. This process created three verb types: fully finite verbs; semi-finite verbs and non-finite verbs. Coordination reduction leaves the coordinating conjunctions intact and this explains the presence of coordinators with all verb types, including dependent verbs. Coordination reduction creates verb forms that signal subject continuity but it does not create subject discontinuity forms and there is no switch-reference in South Wambon. However, the introduction of dependent subject continuity forms gives South Wambon speakers a choice in subject continuity conditions between dependent forms and independent verb forms. Since speakers prefer dependent forms under these conditions, a frequency pattern emerges that associates independent forms with subject discontinuity conditions and that sets the stage for the development of medial verb forms and switch-reference. North Wambon and Mandobo represent the second stage in which subject discontinuity forms develop. North Wambon transforms conjoined semi-finite independent verbs into two types of special medial verb forms that express switch-reference. In Mandobo any medially occurring independent verb form is reinterpreted as a Different Subject form. The two-stage hypothesis revives the coordination reduction theory of Haiman (1983a) as an explanation for the origin of (certain) switch-reference systems by viewing coordination reduction as an explanation of SS forms only. In this way, the two-stage theory overcomes the problems of limited applicability that Roberts (1997: 190) noted for the original theory of Haiman (1983a).
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Washington, Jonathan N., Francis M. Tyers, and Ilnar Salimzianov. "Non-finite verb forms in Turkic exhibit syncretism, not multifunctionality." Folia Linguistica 56, no. 3 (November 1, 2022): 693–742. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flin-2022-2045.
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Abstract Non-finite verbs in Turkic are typically categorised as participles, converbs, and sometimes infinitives, with multiple uses of a form within one category considered to constitute multiple functions. This multifunctionality approach predicts that all non-finite verb forms within each of the categories should have the same range of syntactic functions. We show that this is not the case. Based on analysis of a representative set of Turkic languages (Kazakh, Kyrgyz, Sakha, Tatar, Turkish, and Tuvan), we propose a categorisation based on morphological and syntactic properties of non-finite verbs, resulting in four categories: verbal nouns, verbal adjectives, verbal adverbs, and infinitives. Under this approach, forms that are typically labelled as participles end up categorised as verbal nouns, verbal adjectives, or both, and forms that are typically labelled as converbs end up categorised as verbal adverbs, infinitives, or both. Some forms even span these two divisions. When a non-finite verb form appears to exist in multiple categories, we consider this to be a case of syncretism; this is, there is a member of one category that has the same form as a member of another category. We propose historical trajectories that may have led to the types of situations that are attested, examine the limitations of this approach, and discuss its wider implications.
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Washington, Jonathan North, and Francis Morton Tyers. "Delineating Turkic non-finite verb forms by syntactic function." Proceedings of the Workshop on Turkic and Languages in Contact with Turkic 4, no. 1 (October 7, 2019): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/ptu.v4i1.4587.
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In this paper, we argue against the primary categories of non-finite verb used in the Turkology literature: “participle” (причастие ‹pričastije›) and “converb” (деепричастие ‹dejepričastije›). We argue that both of these terms conflate several discrete phenomena, and that they furthermore are not coherent as umbrella terms for these phenomena. Based on detailed study of the non-finite verb morphology and syntax of a wide range of Turkic languages (presented here are Turkish, Kazakh, Kyrgyz, Tatar, Tuvan, and Sakha), we instead propose delineation of these categories according to their morphological and syntactic properties. Specifically, we propose that more accurate categories are verbal noun, verbal adjective, verbal adverb, and infinitive. This approach has far-reaching implications to the study of syntactic phenomena in Turkic languages, including phenomena ranging from relative clauses to clause chaining.
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Caesar, Regina Oforiwah. "The participle form of causative verbs in Dangme." Buckingham Journal of Language and Linguistics 9 (May 31, 2017): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/bjll.v9i0.1174.
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AbstractThis paper presents a descriptive analysis of verbs with the participle marking affixes in expressing causatives in Dangme, a language that belongs to the Kwa group of the Niger-Congo family of languages. The paper examines the syntax and the semantic perspectives of the participialized form of causative verbs in the Role and Reference Grammar’s (RRG) theory in Dangme. The participle is an affix which expresses the completion at the final stage of a process. As a verbal affix, it can take objects and have tense or aspect in languages. They also indicate active agency (actor) and an agency receiving an action (sufferer). Generally affixes that express participial are in two forms: the finite and non-finite categories. Unlike Akan and other languages that have both forms, Dangme has just the non-finite category which of two forms. The two non-finite forms of the verb in Dangme are the participle and the gerund. The gerund affix {-mi} denotes a new word class from verbs in Dangme, (noun). The participle on the other hand has adjective-like characteristics and it is expressed mostly with the front vowels of Dangme: /i, e, ԑ/. It is to be noted that to form the participle in Dangme, two processes are required. Firstly, the verb stem is reduplicated either partially or totally depending on the shape of the verb stem. The reduplicant then selects a front vowel of the same tongue height of the vowel of the verb stem. The words formed imply a process of change caused by a causer. For the purpose of this paper, my focus is on the participial affix used in expressing causative meaning in Dangme.
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Camacho, José. "Paradigmatic Uniformity: Evidence from Heritage Speakers of Spanish." Languages 7, no. 1 (January 13, 2022): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages7010014.
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Subject-verb agreement mismatches have been reported in the L2 and heritage literature, usually involving infinitives, analyzed as default morphological forms for fully specified T-heads. This article explores the mechanisms behind these mismatches, testing two hypotheses: the default form and the surface-similarity hypotheses. It compares non-finite and finite S-V mismatches with subjects with different persons, testing whether similarity with other paradigmatic forms makes them more acceptable, controlling for the role of verb frequency. Participants were asked to rate sentences on a Likert scale that included (a) infinitive forms with first, second and third person subjects, and (b) third person verbal forms with first, second and third person subjects. Two stem-stressed verbs (e.g., tra.j-o ‘brought.3p.past’) and two affix-stressed verbs (e.g., me.ti-o ‘introduced.3p.past’), varying in frequency were tested. Inflectional affixes of stem-stressed verbs are similar to other forms of the paradigm both phonologically and in being unstressed (tra.j-o ‘brought.3p.past’ vs. trai.g-o ‘bring.1 p.pres’), whereas affixes of affix-stressed verbs have dissimilar stress patterns (me.ti-o ´introduced.3p.past’ vs. me.t-o ‘introduce.1p.pres’). Results show significantly higher acceptability for finite vs. non-finite non-matching, and for 1st vs. 2nd person subjects. Stem-stressed verbs showed higher acceptability ratings than affix-stressed ones, suggesting a role for surface-form correspondence, partially confirming previous findings.
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Mammadova, N. I. "THE VERB AND THE VERBALS (THE NON-FINITE FORMS OF THE VERB)." "Scientific notes of V. I. Vernadsky Taurida National University", Series: "Philology. Journalism" 1, no. 6 (2021): 151–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.32838/2710-4656/2021.6-1/27.
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VAN BERGEN, LINDA. "Ne + infinitive constructions in Old English." English Language and Linguistics 16, no. 3 (October 22, 2012): 487–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674312000202.
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The occurrence of the Old English negative particle ne ‘not’ preceding a bare infinitive rather than a finite verb is a largely neglected or overlooked phenomenon. It is attested in constructions with uton ‘let's’ and in conjoined clauses with omission of the finite verb (Mitchell 1985). This article discusses evidence gathered mainly from the York–Toronto–Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose, showing that it is a phenomenon that needs to be taken seriously in descriptions and analyses of Old English. It is argued that the factor shared by the two constructions is the lack of an available finite verb for ne to attach to. It is also found that the use of ne for the purpose of negative concord appears to be more variable with infinitives than it is with finite verbs. Whether attachment of ne to a non-finite verb in the absence of a finite one is restricted to bare infinitives is difficult to determine because of the limited evidence relating to other non-finite forms, but there are some indications that use of ne may have been possible with present participles. Finally, some implications that the ne + infinitive pattern has for the formal analysis of Old English are discussed.
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Haznedar, Belma. "Morpho-syntactic properties of simultaneous bilingualism: Evidence from bilingual English-Turkish." International Journal of Bilingualism 23, no. 4 (April 12, 2017): 793–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367006917703453.
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Aims and Objectives/Purpose/Research Questions: A number of studies on the acquisition of non-null subject languages in child grammars have suggested that while overt subjects are mainly used with finite forms, null subjects co-occur with non-finite forms. The purpose of this study is to explore the proposed relationship between subject realization and verbal morphology in a simultaneous bilingual context. Design/Methodology/Approach: Longitudinal case study Data and Analysis: The present study analyses longitudinal data from an English-Turkish bilingual child (2;4–3;9), with special reference to the distribution of finite forms and the suppliance of overt subjects on the one hand, and subject drop and the use of non-finite forms, on the other. The English/Turkish data comprise 37 recordings collected regularly for nearly 18 months. Findings/Conclusions: English-Turkish bilingual data show that the majority of the overt subjects in the English language of the bilingual child occur both with inflected and uninflected verb forms. At a time the child has consistent and productive suppliance of overt subjects in his English, he uses uninflected verb forms with overt subjects, suggesting that the proposed association discussed in the literature does not necessarily hold. Moreover, around the same time the bilingual child’s Turkish presents robust evidence for the productive and systematic use of inflected forms as well as omission of subjects. Originality and significance/implications: These data, based on a less commonly studied language pair, English-Turkish, challenge previous research that postulates an association between overt subjects and finite forms versus null subjects and non-finite root forms. Overall, there appears to be a relationship between the acquisition of subject–verb agreement in the bilingual child’s Turkish and the correct suppliance of overt subjects in his English, suggesting language-particular devices for the realization of person deixis.
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A. Jászó, Anna. "Comments on the history of non-finite verb forms in Hungarian." Acta Linguistica Hungarica 49, no. 1 (April 2002): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aling.49.2002.1.7.
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SARVASY, Hannah S. "The root nominal stage: a case study of early Nungon verbs." Journal of Child Language 46, no. 6 (August 22, 2019): 1073–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000919000357.
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AbstractThe ‘root infinitive’ phenomenon in child speech is known from major languages such as Dutch. In this case study, a child acquiring the Papuan language Nungon in a remote village setting in Papua New Guinea uses two different non-finite verb forms as predicates of main clauses (‘root’ contexts) between ages 2;3 and 3;3. The first root non-finite form is an apparent innovation of the child, unacceptable in adult-to-adult speech, which must be learned from a special auxiliary construction in child-directed speech. The second root non-finite form functions like attested adult main clause use of the same form. During the study period, the first root non-finite form increases sharply to function as a default verb form, then decreases to nil by 3;2. The second increases gradually to near-adult levels. Both forms are non-finite and have similar proportions in the input. Thus, factors other than finiteness and frequency must explain their distributions.
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Laaha, Sabine, and Dominique Bassano. "On the role of input for children’s early production of bare infinitives in German and French." Language, Interaction and Acquisition 4, no. 1 (May 31, 2013): 70–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lia.4.1.04laa.
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The “optional infinitive” phenomenon, i.e. the existence of an early developmental phase in which children show a strong preference for using bare non-finite verb forms, has been the subject of many studies and much controversy. The aim of this study is to assess the role of distributional characteristics of the input for children’s early production of bare infinitives in two languages, German and French. For this purpose, three different input variables are investigated: the frequency, informativeness and salience of infinitives in child-directed speech. Results show that salience is the best predictor for the distribution of bare infinitives in the very early phase of development. Furthermore, lexical effects of individual verb forms on the patterning of bare infinitives in child speech are found which further support the constructivist idea that bare infinitives reflect the child’s learning of verb forms from compound finite verb constructions in the input.
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Quliyev, Heydər. "İNGİLİS DİLİNDƏ CERUNDUN FUNKSİYALARI." Caucasus-Economic and Social Analysis Journal of Southern Caucasus 33, no. 06 (September 10, 2019): 35–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/cesajsc3306201935.
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The article deals with the Gerund in English. All English grammars distinguish between finite and non-finite forms of the verb. The non-finite forms, which are also called the verbal or the non-predicative forms of the verb, comprise, according to most grammars. There are 3 verbals in English. One of them is Gerund. Gerund is used in many functions in the sentence. Some grammarians do not distinguish between the gerund and participle I, calling them both the -ing form. The Collins Cobuild English Grammar (London 1995) prefers the term -ing noun to gerund. There are grammars which use the term gerund, but the functions of the gerund are not the same from one grammar to another. In this grammar the term -ing form is not used and a clear distinction is made between the gerund and participle I, for the reason that in spite of having the same form they function differently in a sentence. The gerund is close to a noun (pronoun) and has many nominal features, while participle I is close to an adjective and has adjectival features. Therefore, a number of the functions of the gerund and participle I do not coincide. Thus, the gerund, unlike participle I, can function as subject and object. As to the functions of attribute and adverbial modifier, the gerund, when used in these functions, is always introduced by a preposition, while participle I is either introduced by a conjunction (adverbial modifier of comparison and concession) or by nothing at all (attribute, adverbial modifier of time, cause, manner). The only functions in which participle I and gerund can be confused are those of the predicative and complex object. According to their functions in a sentence verb forms can be classified into finite and non-finite. The finite forms perform the function of the predicate. The non-finite forms, sometimes called verbal, can perform various functions in a sentence except that of the simple verbal predicate. The verbal include the Infinitive, the Gerund and the Participle. The verbal has some features in common. First, they can show whether an action expressed by a verbal is simultaneous with the action expressed by the finite verb, or precedes it. To denote precedence we use perfect forms of the verbal. Second, all the verbal can be used: a) singly: • Annoyed, she went out of the room (single participle II). b) in a phrase: • She spent whole days reading books (participle I in a phrase). c) in a predicative construction: • She noticed him look back (infinitive construction)
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Pallottino, Margherita. "“feš taqra?” What are You Reading?" Brill’s Journal of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics 8, no. 2 (2016): 286–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18776930-00802004.
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This paper describes the distribution and the selectional properties of perfective and imperfective verb forms in Tunisian Arabic. While perfective predicates are finite forms and always undergo movement out of the VP domain, imperfective predicates acts less consistently as a unified class and, in some contexts, do not undergo movement to negation showing a behavior that reminds this of non-finite forms. Moreover, when the imperfective verb does not undergo movement, an additional structural layer headed by the preposition “fi” is introduced above the direct object. I propose that in this configuration the imperfective predicate is the non-finite element of a periphrastic construction whose other component is a null auxiliary with present tense reference. On the one side this construction affects the aspectual interpretation of the event; on the other, it affects the predicate’s ability to assign accusative Case to its object. As for the contexts where the imperfective predicate undergoes movement, I propose that their interpretation relies on a Generic Operator that provides an aspectual frame over which the predicate is interpreted.
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Tazranova, Alena R. "Modal Forms with Semantics of Desire in the Altai Language." Philology 19, no. 9 (2020): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2020-19-9-55-63.
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In the following article, we analyze the forms of the optative in the Altai language. The modal meaning of volition in the Altai language is expressed by various means: lexical, grammatical, analytical means, and idiomatic constructions. In the article, we offer a brief overview of the means of expression of volition. The primary focus of our study is the desiderative form with =(Ы)ксА=, along with 5 synthetic forms of optative mood: =ГАй, =СА, =(А)йын, =СЫн, =БАзЫн. We show that in the modern Altai language, the finite form with =(Ы)ксА= is widely used in spoken language, with limited compatibility. The form with =(Ы)ксА= is used with the lexical-semantic group of verbs denoting physiological, psychological, or social needs of the subject, for example: јаныкса ʻto want to go homeʼ from the verb јан= ʻto go homeʼ, кӧрӱксе= ʻto want to seeʼ from the verb кӧр= ʻto look’, etc. This form denotes the subject’s strong desire to do something related to their inner feelings and emotions experienced currently and at the moment of speech, or in the past, a desire aimed towards the future which the subject is confident about. Because this form’s semantic compatibility is limited, and the modal meaning of volition expressed by this form is defined as ‘non-locutive’ modality, we believe that it should not, at this stage of the language’s development, be viewed as optative mood, but rather as a non-productive word-forming affix.
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Tazranova, Alena R. "Modal Forms with Semantics of Desire in the Altai Language." Philology 19, no. 9 (2020): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2020-19-9-55-63.
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In the following article, we analyze the forms of the optative in the Altai language. The modal meaning of volition in the Altai language is expressed by various means: lexical, grammatical, analytical means, and idiomatic constructions. In the article, we offer a brief overview of the means of expression of volition. The primary focus of our study is the desiderative form with =(Ы)ксА=, along with 5 synthetic forms of optative mood: =ГАй, =СА, =(А)йын, =СЫн, =БАзЫн. We show that in the modern Altai language, the finite form with =(Ы)ксА= is widely used in spoken language, with limited compatibility. The form with =(Ы)ксА= is used with the lexical-semantic group of verbs denoting physiological, psychological, or social needs of the subject, for example: јаныкса ʻto want to go homeʼ from the verb јан= ʻto go homeʼ, кӧрӱксе= ʻto want to seeʼ from the verb кӧр= ʻto look’, etc. This form denotes the subject’s strong desire to do something related to their inner feelings and emotions experienced currently and at the moment of speech, or in the past, a desire aimed towards the future which the subject is confident about. Because this form’s semantic compatibility is limited, and the modal meaning of volition expressed by this form is defined as ‘non-locutive’ modality, we believe that it should not, at this stage of the language’s development, be viewed as optative mood, but rather as a non-productive word-forming affix.
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Надежда Баировна, ДАРЖАЕВА,. "Non-conjunctional functions of the auxiliary speech verb geforms in the buryat language." Vestnik of North-Eastern Federal University, no. 4(90) (January 13, 2023): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.25587/svfu.2022.96.63.009.
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В статье рассматриваются несоюзные функции грамматикализованных инфинитных и финитных форм от глагола речи гэ- ‘говорить’ в бурятском языке. Актуальность исследования определяется чрезвычайно важной ролью дицендиального глагола на уровне как простого, так и сложного предложения в монгольских языках. Поскольку значительная часть системы союзных средств базируется именно на инфинитных формах этого глагола, то союзные функции исследованы в первую очередь, а несоюзные функции остаются в тени. Для выявления и описания последних решались следующие задачи: изучить работы синтаксистов на материале других монгольских языков, провести анализ бурятского корпусного материала, классифицировать случаи несоюзного употребления инфинитных и финитных форм глагола речи гэ-. Материалом исследования послужили современные словари и оригинальные художественные тексты на бурятском языке, размещенные в электронном Бурятском корпусе, а также результаты анкетирования носителей языка. Применялись следующие методы исследования: лингвистическое наблюдение, интроспекция, описание, метод компонентного анализа, метод корпусного анализа. В итоге выявились различные направления грамматикализации форм глагола речи гэ-: включение слов, фокусное выделение слов, маркирование логического вывода, привлечение внимания, выражение эмоций, роль вспомогательного глагола в аналитических конструкциях. При этом инфинитные и финитные формы зачастую утрачивают связь с исходным глаголом речи гэ-, грамматикализуясь в различные частицы. В центре описания находятся две наиболее грамматикализованные частицы гээшэ и гэгшэ, образованные от фокусных причастий на -ААшА и -гшА. Несоюзные функции этих частиц во многом обусловлены значениями их составляющих: глагола речи гэ- и выделительных причастий. The article considers the non-conjunctional functions of grammaticalized infinite and finite forms from the verb of speech ge- ‘to speak’ in the Buryat language. The relevance of the study is determined by the extremely important role of the decendial verb both at the level of simple and complex sentences in the Mongolian languages. Since almost the entire system of conjunctions is based precisely on the infinite forms of this verb, conjunctional functions are studied first, and non-conjunctional functions remain in the shadows. The purpose of this article is to identify and describe previously unexplored non-conjunctional functions in forms formed from the service verb of speech. To achieve this goal, it was necessary to solve the following tasks: to study the works of scientists on the material of other Mongolian languages, to analyze the Buryat corpus material, to select and classify cases of non-conjunctional use of the infinite forms of the speech verb ge-. The material of the study was modern dictionaries and the original literary texts in the Buryat language, posted in the electronic Buryat corpus, as well as the results of a survey of native speakers. The research methods are linguistic observation, introspection, description, component analysis method, corpus analysis method. As a result, various directions of grammaticalization of the forms of the speech verb ge- were revealed: the inclusion of words, focus highlighting, marking a logical conclusion, attraction of attention, expressing emotions, the role of an auxiliary verb in analytical constructions. At the same time, infinite and finite forms often lose their connection with the original verb of speech ge-, grammaticalizing into various particles. In the center of the description are the two most grammaticalized particles geeshe and gegshe, formed from focus participles in - АAšA and - gšA. The non-conjunctional functions of these particles are determined by the meanings of their components: the verb of speech ge- and focus participles.
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Hengeveld, Kees, Edson Rosa Francisco de Souza, Maria Luiza Braga, and Valéria Vendrame. "Perception Verbs in Brazilian Portuguese: A Functional Approach." Open Linguistics 5, no. 1 (August 3, 2019): 268–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opli-2019-0016.
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AbstractThis paper examines the semantic and morphosyntactic complementation patterns of perception verbs in Brazilian Portuguese. Using the framework of Functional Discourse Grammar, five semantic complement types are identified. It is subsequently shown that these five types are in an implicational relationship, such that the set of semantic complement types that a certain perception verb in Brazilian Portuguese may take occupies a contiguous segment on a hierarchy of semantic complement types. The morphosyntactic complements of perception verbs in Brazilian Portuguese include noun phrases, finite, and non-finite clauses, the latter comprising progressive1 and infinitival forms. The second part of the study shows that the choice for one of these types can to a high extent be predicted from the semantics of the complements, using the same hierarchy of semantic complement types.
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SERRATRICE, LUDOVICA. "Overt subjects in English: evidence for the marking of person in an English-Italian bilingual child." Journal of Child Language 29, no. 2 (May 2002): 327–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000902005068.
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Data from one English-Italian bilingual child (1;10–3;1) are presented in this study which challenge the hypothesis that the consistent realization of overt subjects in English is caused by the emergence of finite verbal morphology in the child's grammar. The argument is made for the emergence of subjects as an independent grammatical property of English, namely the marking of person deixis. Throughout the period of observation there is a significant proportion of overt subjects in the child's English utterances appearing both with finite and non-finite verb forms. Production of subjects stabilizes at 90% of obligatory contexts when no morphological correlates of finiteness have been acquired yet. While subjects are produced at significantly lower rates in Italian, we observe the consolidation of a number of inflected forms marking person agreement. The emergence of overt subjects in English on the one hand, and of subject–verb agreement in Italian on the other suggest that this bilingual child is grammaticalizing the all-important function of person deixis in language-specific ways: the same function is expressed by different forms in the child's two languages.
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Molchanova, Svetlana E. "The use of non-finite forms of the English verb in modern oral speech." Humanities and Social Sciences 80, no. 3 (July 1, 2020): 96–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2070-1403-2020-80-3-96-108.
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ALJENAIE, KHAWLA. "Verbal inflection in the acquisition of Kuwaiti Arabic." Journal of Child Language 37, no. 4 (November 16, 2009): 841–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000909990031.
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ABSTRACTThis paper investigates the distribution of imperfective and perfective verb inflections in Kuwaiti Arabic. Spontaneous speech of three children (1 ; 8–3 ; 1) was analyzed for accuracy and error types. The results showed that the verbal inflections appeared correct almost all the time (89–97% of the time). Agreement errors appeared 3–11% of the time. The children did not inflect the verb in obligatory contexts in describing ongoing action 2–12% of the time. It is predicted that children acquiring Arabic would select a default form in place of fully inflected forms. The children used a non-finite form which is identical to the imperfective verbal bare stem to describe ongoing action, which is consistent with Benmamoun's argument (1999, 2000) that the imperfective bare verb is the default form in Arabic. The findings of the study are discussed in the light of the Optional Infinitive (OI) stage argued by Wexler (1994, 1996, 1998). The fact that the non-finite is non-tensed makes this type of behavior consistent with the OI.
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Romano, Francesco Bryan. "Morphological variability in L2 Italian." ITL - International Journal of Applied Linguistics 168, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 203–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/itl.16010.rom.
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Abstract Key accounts of morphological variability in L2 acquisition posit either deficits in the representation of abstract morphosyntactic features or the mapping between morpho-phonological forms and syntactic features due to computational limitations. This study extends previous research to L2 Italian, a richly inflected language. The production and grammatical intuitions of suppletive and affixal verb inflection were elicited from a cross-section of instructed adult L2 learners with L1 Spanish and L1 English. Although a clear production-intuition gap was found, supporting computational views, a strong regularity in the degree of variability across test conditions, L1s, and proficiency levels was also attested, supporting representational accounts. The findings suggest morphological development in L2 Italian is consistent with structure-building models that assume no L1 transfer of functional features. Imperative verb forms in L2 Italian are proposed as defaults equivalent to the bare verb forms of L2 English and non-finite defaults of L2 French and German.
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Hentschel, Elke. "Wortbildung, Syntax oder Flexion? Hinweise auf die Entstehung einer neuen Verbalkategorie im Deutschen." Zeitschrift für Wortbildung / Journal of Word Formation 1, no. 2 (January 1, 2017): 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/zwjw.2017.02.03.
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Abstract In German, non-finite forms of verbs that are traditionally labelled as “nominalized infinitives”, but are better categorized as gerunds, can show very unusual features. Although they carry a definitive article and therefore clearly seem to belong to the class of nouns, they still govern objects and adverbials in exactly the same way the verb does. It is therefore argued that in spite of the determiners, these forms are essentially verbal in nature. The syntactic functions they fulfil can be anything from subject or object to adverbial or attributive modifier, i. e. functions that are usually fulfilled by subordinate clauses. Since this is the same kind of behavior that converbs in languages like Turkish show, this leads to the suggestion that they can indeed be considered as a functionally similar to converbs.
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Hetman, Zoya. "THE SPANISH NON-FINITE VERB FORMS IN THE CONTEXT OF PARTS OF SPEECH LINKS APPROACH." PROBLEMS OF SEMANTICS, PRAGMATICS AND COGNITIVE LINGUISTICS, no. 35 (2019): 212–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2663-6530.2019.35.16.
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Jacques, Guillaume. "Clause linking in Japhug." Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 37, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 264–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ltba.37.2.05jac.
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This paper presents a detailed description of clause linking in Japhug, based on a corpus of traditional narratives and conversations. It follows the methodology used in Dixon and Aikhenvald’s (2009) collective book on this topic, to ease crosslinguistic comparisons. Although Japhug has a very rich system of converbs, there is not a single meaning that requires a non-finite form: all subtypes of clause linking can be expressed exclusively with finite verb forms, and these indeed predominate in our corpus.
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Bayu Pratama, I. Gede Pande, Ni Made Susini, and Anak Agung Gede Suarjaya. "FORMS AND MEANINGS OF ADJUNCTS IN JAMES’ FIFTY SHADES OF FREED." KULTURISTIK: Jurnal Bahasa dan Budaya 2, no. 2 (July 31, 2018): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.22225/kulturistik.2.2.753.
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This study is specifically aimed at identifying the forms of adjuncts and the meanings they carry. In order to analyze the data, descriptive-qualitative approach was applied in this research. The data are sentences which contain adverbials functioning as adjuncts and they were taken from a novel entitled Fifty Shades of Freed, written by Erika Leonard Mitchell, also known as E.L. James (2012). They were collected through library research and then presented informally by providing some examples and elaborations. There are some important points that can be concluded based on the results of analysis. First, adjuncts may appear in many forms, either phrases or clauses. Phrases forming adjuncts found in this novel are noun phrases, adverb phrases, and prepositional phrases. Meanwhile, clauses forming adjuncts which appear in this novel are finite verb clauses, non-finite verb clauses (including to-infinitive, bare infinitive, -ing participles, and -ed participles), and verbless clauses. Secondly, there are various meanings carried by adjuncts found in Fifty Shades of Freed. Adjuncts which denote space or place carry the meanings of position, direction, and distance. Adjuncts referring to time carry the meanings of time position, duration, frequency, and time relationship. Adjuncts showing process carry the meanings of manner, means, instrument, and agentive. Besides, there are also adjuncts which imply respect, cause, purpose, and concession found in this novel.
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Ozonova, A. A. "Subjunctive Mood in the Altai Language." Languages and Folklore of Indigenous Peoples of Siberia, no. 37 (2019): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2312-6337-2019-1-74-83.
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Semantics of subjunctive mood are expressed in most Turkic languages, however, subjunctive mood itself is not always included in the system of grammatical mood forms in descriptive grammars of specific languages. Analytical forms consisting of future tense participles of the main verbs and past tense forms of the auxiliary verbs serve as subjunctive mood markers in Turkic languages (excluding Khakas). In the following article, we analyze the structure, semantics, and functioning of the Altai subjunctive mood. The following analytical forms serve as subjunctive mood markers: -ar/-bas edi и -ɣaj/-baɣaj edi. The first form consists of the future-present tense participial form with -ar/-bas and the auxiliary verb e- ‘to be, to become’ in the past tense form with -di; the second one consists of the desiderative form -ɣaj and the same auxiliary verb e- ‘to be, to become’ in the past tense form with -di. The form -ar/-bas edi is the base form actively functioning as expression of subjunctive mood. In the Altai language, subjunctive mood functions actively in conditional and, less commonly, in conditional-concessive constructions. Subjunctive mood marks the main parts of these constructions and predicates in simple sentences. Subjunctive mood denotes contrafactive situations in the past, and hypothetical situations in the future. Contrafactive situations are not real. They never happened in the past, do not exist in the present, and will not take place in the future. The subjunctive form -ar/-bas edi as a finite predicate in simple sentences also expresses the meaning of non- categoricalness, which is used in dialogues in order to soften the speaker\s declaration of intent or to make a statement less categorical.
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Vernyaeva, R. A. "FORMS МЪНОГО AND МАЛО IN RUSSIAN CHRONICLES OF THE 13TH TO 15TH CENTURIES AND COLLOCATIONS WITH THEM: COMPARATIVE AND QUANTITATIVE-STATISTICAL ANALYSIS." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series History and Philology 31, no. 2 (May 11, 2021): 199–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9534-2021-31-2-199-208.
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The article is devoted to 1) the analysis of the chronicle contexts with the forms мъного and мало to determine parts of speech of these words in the Old Russian language, 2) the determination of the collocations and colligations with the forms мъного and мало in order to extract the patterns and N-grams which can be classified as the fixed lexical and grammatical chunks. This study presents the results regarding the specific forms of syntagmatics in determining parts of speech of these words. Having analyzed and compared the examples, we can infer that there was the evolution of non-finite forms into adverbs due to the activation of verb forms as the core of syntagma in the late manuscripts and the need to eliminate ambiguous connections of forms ending in -o if their semantics allows them to define both names and verb forms. It has been found that during the comprehensive analysis the modern research methods, especially the quantitative and statistical analysis, have an importance in extracting the collocations from the Old Russian texts. The article demonstrates statistically significant combinations - collocations obtained using the N-gram module.
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Romasanta, Raquel P. "Contact-induced variation in clausal verb complementation: the case of REGRET in World Englishes." Revista Alicantina de Estudios Ingleses, no. 30 (December 15, 2017): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/raei.2017.30.05.
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It has been argued that in language contact situations both transfer processes from the substrate languages (Thomason, 2008) and cognitive effects derived from the language contact situation itself (Schneider, 2012, 2013) can constitute important catalysts for language variation and change. Regarding the verbal complementation system, Steger and Schneider (2012: 172), for example, notice a preference for finite patterns over non-finite structures in World Englishes (WEs), that is, a preference for more explicit forms (hyperclarity and isomorphism). On the contrary, Schneider’s study (2012) does not confirm such a preference for more explicit forms in WEs in the competition between finite and non-finite patterns. This article intends to shed some light on the differences between the distribution of finite and nonfinite complementation patterns in WEs by exploring the complementation profile of the verb REGRET in two metropolitan varieties, British and American English, and comparing them to three geographically distant varieties with different substrate languages, historical contexts, and degrees of language contact: on the one hand, two ESL varieties, Hong Kong English and Nigerian English, and on the other, one ESD variety, Jamaican English, where contact is more pronounced. The main aim of this paper is, therefore, to investigate whether potential differences in the verbal complementation systems between varieties of English are product of cognitive processes derived from the language contact situation, a matter of transfer-induced change, or a combination of both.
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Dviniatin, Fedor N. "The Quantitative Grammar and Poetics of Finite Verb Forms in the Guslʹ Dobroglasnaia by Simeon Polotsky." Slovene 4, no. 1 (2015): 159–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2015.4.1.8.
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The paper offers data on the quantity and structure of finite verbal forms in Simeon Polotsky’s collection Guslʹ Dobroglasnaia. The results are compared to data from twenty epinician odes by Mikhail Lomonosov and ten odes by Gavriil Derzhavin. We find 851 personal forms in Simeon’s collection, of which 214 belong to past tenses (73 to imperfect, 92 to aorist, 49 to past tense with l morpheme); 363 belong to present tense; 99 to future tense; 51 to imperative mood; 6 to conjunctive mood; and 118 to the forms with the da particle. The total percentage of past tenses in Simeon’s texts (25.1%) is close to the parameters appearing in Lomonosov’s and Derzhavin’s texts (21.4% and 23.5%, respectively), and the same is true for the percentages of non-indicative moods (20.5% vs. 19.1% and 20.5%). Simeon Polotsky’s texts contain fewer present tense forms than those written by the 18th-century poets (42.8% vs. 50.6% and 49.5%), but they contain more future tense forms (11.6% vs. 8.9% and 6.5%). Past tense forms in Simeon’s texts with l suffix include 29 forms of the third person with the auxiliary iestʹ verb, usually given in a rhyme position. In the aorist, the proportion of imperfective and perfective forms to the forms of the byti verb is 9:72:11; in imperfect, this proportion is 52:6:15; and in past tenses with l suffix, it is 8:38:3. We find 99 forms of the future tense, broken down as follows: 69 are forms of simple future; 12 are accompanied by imatʹ and similar forms; and 18 are accompanied by budet and similar forms (there is no semantic difference between these two last cases). Of the forms containing the da particle, 65 belong to present tense, 37 belong to future tense, and 16 are accompanied by byti forms.
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Kikilo, Natalia I. "On the elusive grammatical status of da-construction in Macedonian and Serbian (independent type)." NSU Vestnik. Series: Linguistics and Intercultural Communication 18, no. 2 (2020): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7935-2020-18-2-62-78.
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The da-construction in Macedonian and Serbian languages combines the modal conjunctive particle da with the finite form of the verb to express a wide range of modal meanings. Being a Balkan Sprachbund novelty, the da-constructions in dependent clauses take on the functions of the infinitive in a complex predicate (in all cases in Macedonian, partly in Serbian). The da-construction in independent simple sentences has a complete conjugation paradigm with the imperative meaning and competes with the synthetic imperative forms in both languages, expressing also optative meanings. The article offers an analytical review on the status of these forms based on data gathered from Macedonian, Bulgarian (being closely related to Macedonian) and Serbian languages. There are two salient extremes in it: 1) the da-construction is not an analytical form of the verb and does not have an independent status in the verb system, instead it functions as a syntactic construction; 2) it is indeed an analytical form of the subjunctive mood, with da being a grammatical indicator of modality with the general non-factual meaning. The article concludes that the first view should be regarded as definitive in determining the status of the da- constructions in the Serbian language. To support this conclusion, we are putting forward the following arguments: a) the verb form is non-adjacent to the da particle in the form; b) there is a competition between the infinitive and the da- constructions as complex predicates as well as in some tenses (future tense: ja ću ići / ja ću da idem) and negative structures (nemoj ići / nemoj da ideš); c) The conjunctive particle da does not always have the non-factual meaning, and in most cases the following verb form can take on any tense or mood. In Macedonian the da-construction should be regarded as an analytical form of the subjunctive mood on account of the following characteristics: а) the da-construction has a syntactically fixed component order, which means that it is a semantically bound or fused chain of components which lost their individual meanings; b) the da-construction has a complete conjugation paradigm, one for da+praes and another for da+imperf, on which stems a wide range of modal meanings: imperative, optative and some others; c) the particle da has an invariant meaning of non-factuality, and it marks the verb form in this construction as non-indicative.
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Hewitt, George. "Conditional and Other Functions of Forms in /-(zα(.))r/ in Abkhaz." Iran and the Caucasus 12, no. 1 (2008): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338408x326208.
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AbstractProtases ('if'-clauses) in the North West Caucasian language Abkhaz are mostly marked by either /-r/ or /-zα.r/, depending on the tense and/or type of verb (Stative or Dynamic) concerned. The article presents examples of this conditional usage and the role of protasis-type forms in both temporal and interrogative expressions as well as in complementiser-function. The complementisers in question share the semantic feature of irrealis with conditionals. A rhotic element is also found in the non-finite form of the Future I tense, in the Masdar (verbal noun), and in such converbs as the Purposives, the Resultative and the Future Absolute. The article attempts to link the semantic notions of futurity, potentiality, indefiniteness or general irrealis to the rhotic element and asks what might have been the historical development resulting in the forms attested today and thus their original morphological segmentation.
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Watanabe, Yasuko. "Clause-Chaining, Switch-Reference and Action/Event Continuity in Japanese Discourse." Studies in Language 18, no. 1 (January 1, 1994): 127–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.18.1.07wat.
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This paper investigates the clause-chaining mechanism exhibited in Japanese. Clause-chaining is characterized by a string of clauses with non-finite (or partly non-finite) verb forms followed by a clause with a finite verb. The basic property of clause-chaining devices is to conjoin two or more clauses in a (more or less) chronological order. In this paper, the discourse function of the clause-chaining devices, te, to and zero-conjunction, is interpreted in terms of the notion of action/event continuity. First, general properties of the clause-chaining devices, including various degrees of clause integration, are discussed. Then, the notion of action/event continuity in discourse is introduced, and a hypothesis that the clause-chaining devices in Japanese are coding action/event continuity or discontinuity is advanced. The hypothesis will be tested by examining continuity of referent, aspect, time, and location. Firstly, this paper studies switch-reference properties of the clause-chaining devices along with their correlations with subject marking devices (wa, ga and zero anaphora). As a corollary of the hypothesis, I offer a functional explanation of a well-known phenomenon: that generally only the subject marking device ga appears in a subordinate clause. Later, the paper will investigate the significance of aspectual coding in clause-chaining. Finally, it will investigate how referential, aspectual, temporal, and locational continuity correlate with the overall discourse coherence of action/event continuity.
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Pakendorf, Brigitte. "Intensive Contact and the Copying of Paradigms: An Éven Dialect in Contact with Sakha (Yakut)." Journal of Language Contact 2, no. 2 (2009): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/000000009792497724.
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AbstractThe development of the unique structure of Copper Island Aleut, which displays a combination of Russian finite verb morphology and Aleut nominal and non-finite verbal morphology as well as lexicon has been the subject of heated debate. In the absence of other examples of similar inflectional paradigm copying, the processes leading to this development are hard to elucidate. This paper discusses examples of paradigms copied from the Siberian Turkic language Sakha (Yakut) into a dialect of the Northern Tungusic language Éven spoken in the village of Sebjan-Küöl in northeastern Siberia. These data demonstrate that paradigm copying can take place in a situation of widespread bilingualism, with code-switching playing a vital role. Furthermore, they provide evidence that such mixed forms have the potential of serving as conduits for further copying of grammatical forms, and that they play an important role in the linguistic identity of the speakers, as has been suggested previously for mixed languages such as Copper Island Aleut.
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Petrova, Nyurguyana. "Syntax-Pragmatics interface in converbal constructions." LSA Annual Meeting Extended Abstracts 1 (May 2, 2010): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/exabs.v0i0.523.
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Converbs are non-finite verb forms which indicate adverbial subordination (Haspelmath 1995). Converbal clauses can occur in chaining constructions, where they are stacked one after the other to advance the narration (Nedjalkov 1995). Bickel (2006) has claimed that there are cross-linguistic occurrences of such constructions, where the scope of an interrogative marker is indeterminate. The chaining constructions in Sakha (Yakut), a Turkic language, show variation in illocutionary scope, which is determined by focus assignment. This study provides a mechanism for deriving Sakha converbs and their interaction in terms of mood and information-structure in chaining constructions.
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Cyrino, Sonia Maria Lazzarini. "On romance syntactic complex predicates: why Brazilian Portuguese is different." Estudos da Língua(gem) 8, no. 1 (June 30, 2010): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.22481/el.v8i1.1120.
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I analyze clitic climbing as the effect of Romance syntactic complex predicate formation: the non-finite verb phrase moves to the specifier of the upper V. This movement forms a complex predicate so as to allow for a configuration where clitics can climb. Crucial for this movement is the presence of a defective C-T. The lack of clitic climbing in Brazilian Portuguese is but one consequence of a non-defective C-T system in these structures. As a consequence, we have the possibility for certain constructions to occur in the language; in fact, they are presented as additional evidence for the proposal.KEYWORDS: Clitic climbing. Syntactic complex predicates. ECM. Inflected infinitives. Brazilian Portuguese. Principles & Parameters Theory.
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RÄSÄNEN, SANNA H. M., BEN AMBRIDGE, and JULIAN M. PINE. "Infinitives or bare stems? Are English-speaking children defaulting to the highest-frequency form?" Journal of Child Language 41, no. 4 (July 8, 2013): 756–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000913000159.
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ABSTRACTYoung English-speaking children often produce utterances with missing 3sg -s (e.g., *He play). Since the mid 1990s, such errors have tended to be treated as Optional Infinitive (OI) errors, in which the verb is a non-finite form (e.g., Wexler, 1998; Legate & Yang, 2007). The present article reports the results of a cross-sectional elicited-production study with 22 children (aged 3;1–4;1), which investigated the possibility that at least some apparent OI errors reflect a process of defaulting to the form with the highest frequency in the input. Across 48 verbs, a significant negative correlation was observed between the proportion of ‘bare’ vs. 3sg -s forms in a representative input corpus and the rate of 3sg -s production. This finding suggests that, in addition to other learning mechanisms that yield such errors cross-linguistically, at least some of the OI errors produced by English-speaking children reflect a process of defaulting to a high-frequency/phonologically simple form.
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Iryna, Mykytiuk, and Kaziura Kseniya. "TRANSLATION TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE PROCESS OF RENDERING ENGLISH NON -FINITE VERB FORMS INTO UKRAINIAN (BASED ON THE LITERARY TEXT)." Scientific Bulletin of Kherson State University. Series Linguistics, no. 36 (September 25, 2019): 146–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.32999/ksu2413-3337/2019-36-32.
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Nádvorníková, Olga. "Contexts and Consequences of Sentence Splitting in Translation (English-French-Czech)." Research in Language 19, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 229–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1731-7533.19.3.01.
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The present paper examines the contexts and consequences of sentence splitting in English, Czech and French translated fiction. In the data extracted from a parallel (multilingual) corpus, we analyze first a language-specific context of sentence splitting (sententialization of non-finite verb forms in translations from English and French into Czech), and second, contexts of splitting occurring in all directions of translation. We conclude that sentence boundaries are usually introduced at the point of a sentence entailing the fewest modifications in the target sentence, especially between two coordinate clauses; and that a systematic sentence splitting, deeply modifying the style of the source text, involves the effect of simplification and normalization.
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Chernev, V. "AN OUTLINE OF THE ANALYTICAL APPROACH TOWARDS THE KAZAKH VERBAL MORPHOLOGY." Tiltanym, no. 3 (August 25, 2020): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.55491/2411-6076-2020-3-90-103.
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The Kazakh morphology has always been one of the key research topics in the Kazakh linguistics, as well as a key matter in the Kazakh teaching methodology. Nevertheless, it is evident that some of the topics related to Kazakh verbal morphology still require a thorough research. In particular, creation and use of the modern software for morphological analysis, as well as outlining more comprehensive methods of teaching Kazakh as a second/foreign language [1] may require a different approach towards the morphological analysis. Even though the analytical morphology pattern outlined in this paper does not contradict the internal structure of the Kazakh language, it has not been in consistent use either in the academic grammars, or in the KSL/KFL teaching methodology.The paper provides a consistent distinction between primary and secondary finite forms. The former denote a temporal and personal meaning in every single context, regardless of any peculiarities thereof, whereas the latter are essentially based on verbals (also known as non-finite verb forms) [2]. In terms of a strictly morphological approach the “secondary tenses» are predicative forms of verbals. The tense meaning conveyed by these forms lies rather in the field of semantics than in the field of morphology
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Botsman, Andriy, and Olga Dmytruk. "Trans-germanic peculiarities of preterite-present verbs." Actual issues of Ukrainian linguistics: theory and practice, no. 40 (2020): 140–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apultp.2020.40.140-155.
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This article contains systematic and detailed analysis of morphological and semantic parameters of Germanic preterite-present verbs, dividing them into major and minor subgroups. The development of both preterite-present subgroups and their steady transformation into the modal verbs is a specific feature of all Germanic languages. Since the modal verbs of the Modern Germanic languages are morphologically defective, it is commonly assumed that preterite-present verbs of the old Germanic languages lost some of their morphological features in the process of turning into modal verbs. The semantic aspects of this process are rather obscure. All Germanic languages were losing some preterite-present verbs in the process of transformation from the Gothic language, which had fourteen preterite-present verbs. In OE there were twelve preterite-present verbs. Six of them survived in NE. The morphological description focuses on the finite and non-finite forms of the preterite-present verbs, which belong to the minor subgroup. The detailed description helps to see the origin and development of the minor subgroup in the new light. The description encompasses the data of classical Indo-European languages and Old Germanic languages. The authors emphasize the expediency of turning to the theory of preterite/strong verb origin, the verbs in question may be regarded as inter-group, hybrid units. In order to gain insight into the origin of the Germanic languages it is necessary to look into the history of the Gothic and West Germanic and North Germanic languages. The authors find it useful to compare common and different phenomena, highlighting individual specific processes taking place in the process of development of the Germanic languages. These languages are analyzed on different stages of their development, but inline with the view that the languages co-operated and coexisted in the same area. The data given in the article are used to analyze the problem implementing comparative grammar tools. The authors were particularly careful to take all grammatical forms into consideration while working with the lexical units from the ancient sources. Some additional information was taken from Greek, Latin and Sanskrit to produce reliable and consistent comparison of the German language with the rest of Indo-European languages.
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Ledgeway, Adam, Norma Schifano, and Giuseppina Silvestri. "The Negative Imperative in Southern Calabria. Spirito Greco, Materia Romanza Again?" Journal of Language Contact 14, no. 1 (September 30, 2021): 184–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-14010007.
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Abstract The aim of this article is to investigate a special case of suppletion in the paradigm of the negative imperative in some dialects of southern Calabria. First, we show how these paradigms involve the extension of an original infinitival desinence to a present indicative verb, giving rise to a hybrid imperatival form (Section 2). Second, we claim that this pattern of suppletion does not represent a Romance-internal development but, rather, the outcome of contact-induced change and, in particular, the influence of the local Greek sub-/adstrate (Section 3). Furthermore, we show that these hybrid patterns also provide significant evidence for the formal morphosyntactic equivalence between competing Greek finite and Romance non-finite forms of subordination, a typical Balkanism (Section 4). Finally, we demonstrate that the extension of the Romance infinitival desinence according to an underlying Greek model yields in synchrony an alternation between a suppletive positive imperative and a true negative imperative, a typologically very rare formal opposition (Section 5).
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Abdullabekova, U. B. "MONOFINITE COMPLEX CLAUSE IN THE KUMYK LANGUAGE." Russian Journal of Multilingualism and Education 12 (December 25, 2020): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2500-0748-2020-12-28-36.
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This article aims to analyze the monofinite complex clause in the Kumyk language in terms of structure. The originality of the research lies in the fact that the article proposes a different approach than in Russian studies on the analysis of the syntactic structure of a sentence. The relevance of the research is determined by the role of the sentence structure and methods of its study in linguistics in general. The main method used in the study is the method of syntactic modeling, which is used in terms of functions (members of a sentence), in terms of morphological forms of words and the semantic structure of a sentence. Turkic languages are not characterized by properly complex sentences with two formally independent finite parts connected by an analytical form. Case affixes and postpositions form not finite verb forms, but infinite verb forms. Such constructions in agglutinative languages are central and most frequent. The monofinite complex clause, or a sentence complicated by an infinite phrase (participial and adverbial phrase), or “polypredicative construction” according to the Novosibirsk syntactic school is investigated in this article. The author argues that when characterizing a complex clause, it is necessary to take into account such parameters as the finiteness / infiniteness of the dependent predicate, the nature of the means of communication and the referential identity / non-identity of the subjects of the main and dependent parts. The constructive center of a monofinite complex clause is the indicator of connection –analytical, that is, an auxiliary word, or synthetic, that is, a morpheme in the composition of a dependent predicate. Formally, this is a part of the infinite form of such a predicate, but functionally it serves to express the relationship between the predicative parts. Since the dependent predicate in the Kumyk language occupies the final position in the dependent predicative unit, the synthetic link indicator is located on the border between the main predicative unit and the dependent predicative unit.
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Abdullabekova, U. B. "MONOFINITE COMPLEX CLAUSE IN THE KUMYK LANGUAGE." Russian Journal of Multilingualism and Education 12 (December 25, 2020): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2500-0748-2020-12-28-36.
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This article aims to analyze the monofinite complex clause in the Kumyk language in terms of structure. The originality of the research lies in the fact that the article proposes a different approach than in Russian studies on the analysis of the syntactic structure of a sentence. The relevance of the research is determined by the role of the sentence structure and methods of its study in linguistics in general. The main method used in the study is the method of syntactic modeling, which is used in terms of functions (members of a sentence), in terms of morphological forms of words and the semantic structure of a sentence. Turkic languages are not characterized by properly complex sentences with two formally independent finite parts connected by an analytical form. Case affixes and postpositions form not finite verb forms, but infinite verb forms. Such constructions in agglutinative languages are central and most frequent. The monofinite complex clause, or a sentence complicated by an infinite phrase (participial and adverbial phrase), or “polypredicative construction” according to the Novosibirsk syntactic school is investigated in this article. The author argues that when characterizing a complex clause, it is necessary to take into account such parameters as the finiteness / infiniteness of the dependent predicate, the nature of the means of communication and the referential identity / non-identity of the subjects of the main and dependent parts. The constructive center of a monofinite complex clause is the indicator of connection –analytical, that is, an auxiliary word, or synthetic, that is, a morpheme in the composition of a dependent predicate. Formally, this is a part of the infinite form of such a predicate, but functionally it serves to express the relationship between the predicative parts. Since the dependent predicate in the Kumyk language occupies the final position in the dependent predicative unit, the synthetic link indicator is located on the border between the main predicative unit and the dependent predicative unit.
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Habicht, K., T. Hennoste, A. Jürine, H. Metslang, D. Ogren, L. Pärismaa, and O. Sokk. "Language Change Mirroring Social Change: Constructions with saama ’get’ and Non-Finite Verb Forms in Different Periods and Registers of Written Estonian." Linguistica Uralica 54, no. 3 (2018): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.3176/lu.2018.3.02.
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Nikolaev, Alexander. "Iranian *zganda- ‘mounted messenger’, *zgad- ‘to ride’ and Greek σφαδᾴζω." Philologia Classica 16, no. 2 (2021): 222–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2021.204.
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This article argues that Greek σφαδᾴζω ‘struggle, toss one’s body about’ is etymologically related to Proto-Iranian *zgad- ‘to ride, gallop’ and *zganda- ‘messenger’, the source of loanwords σαγγάνδης and ἀσγάνδης in Greek. Iranian nominal stems *zgandá - ‘rider, mounted messenger’ and *zgánda- ‘riding’ (reflected in Sogdian non-finite forms) suggest the reconstruction of a Proto-Iranian root *zgand-, the zero-grade form of which is found in tudáti-type verbal stem *zgadá-ti ‘rides, gallops’ (*zgad- < *zgn̥ d-). The correspondence between Greek σφ- and Iranian *zg- is unproblematic, since these are regular reflexes of PIE *sgwh- in both languages, compare Younger Avestan zgərəsna- ‘round, circular’ vis-à-vis Greek σφαῖρα ‘sphere, ball, globe’. Importantly, in its earliest attestations Greek σφαδᾴζω is used to refer to horses that are prancing, struggling, and moving violently: the application of the verb to human agony is demonstrably secondary. The Greek verb is best analyzed as a denominative *σφαδαι-ιζωderived from an unattested adjective *σφάδαιος, itself made from a nominal stem *σφάδη or *σφαδή, cf. ματᾴζω ‘speak foolishly’ ← μάταιος‘foolish’ ← μάτη ‘foolishness’; the underlying unattested noun, whether *σφάδη ‘kicking, tossing’ or *σφαδή ‘kick, toss’, is based on a thematic verbal stem *σφαδε/ο- ‘to kick, toss, move swiftly (of horses)’ identical in origin with Proto-Iranian *zgadá-ti. On the basis of these forms, a new PIE root *sgwhend- / *sgwh ̥n d- ‘to move quickly (of horses)’ can be reconstructed.
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Bezenova, Maria. "Морфологические особенности первых печатных Евангелий на удмуртском языке." Ural-Altaic Studies 47, no. 4 (December 2022): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.37892/2500-2902-2022-47-4-7-27.
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The article describes the morphological features of the first printed Gospels in the Udmurt language. These editions are the first longest coherent Udmurt texts, that is, they are one of the first sources for studying the formation of the morphological system of the standard Udmurt language. The paper describes the main grammatical categories of the noun (number, possessiveness, case) and verb (voice, mood, tense), as well as non-finite forms of the verb (infinitive, participle, gerund). The study is based on the corpus of texts that includes translations of the Gospels of Matthew and Mark into the Glazov dialect and the Gospel of Matthew into the Sarapul dialect of the Udmurt language, which were published in 1847. The analysis was carried out by comparing the linguistic data from the sources with the one from the Udmurt literary language and its dialects. Whenever possible, questions of the origin of morphological indicators are touched upon in order to determine the innovative or archaic nature of the features identified in the sources under analysis. The analysis reveals various kinds of characteristics in the texts of the first Udmurt Gospels. At the same time, many features are characteristic of the sources both in the Glazov and Sarapul dialects, which probably indicates the compilers’ desire to make all translations as easily understandable as possible for the speakers of different Udmurt dialects. However, the translations into the Glazov dialect still have some distinctive characteristics, such as the functioning of special possessive forms, the presence of secondary spatial cases, the use of egressive forms in the elative function, which indicate their dialect affiliation.
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Davies, Eirian C. "Speaking, telling and assertion." Functions of Language 13, no. 2 (November 24, 2006): 151–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/fol.13.2.06dav.
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This paper distinguishes between speaking, telling and assertion. Speaking is approached in ‘mechanical’ terms, as the production of linguistic forms. Telling is defined in terms of the degree of the speaker’s commitment to what s/he says, and, therefore, as operative both with respect to constructions of knowledge and of decision. That is, telling is said to apply to constructions both in the indicative and imperative moods, to those with ‘wish’ as well as those with ‘thought’ subjunctives, and to both those with epistemic, and those with deontic, modal verbs. Assertion is defined as full telling of full knowledge. This definition leads to the establishment of three broad categories of non-assertive constructions, which are nevertheless ‘told’. Four telling operators are proposed, defined in terms of degrees of commitment. The discussion builds on an earlier analysis of knowledge constructions in terms of propositional attitudes, by applying telling operators to four of the categories established there. From this it emerges that an account of knowledge constructions in terms of epistemic operators alone cannot be adequate, since telling operators sometimes act to modify epistemic modalities. Other than full telling is seen as introducing a further kind of modality. This telling modality is realized in the knowledge component by the interrogative sentence type in sentences containing either a finite lexical verb or an epistemic auxiliary, and by subjunctive mood in the former and ‘past tense’ forms of the latter.
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Baranova, Vlada V. "Условные конструкции с деепричастием и союзными словами в калмыцком и бурятском языках." Монголоведение (Монгол судлал) 12, no. 4 (December 17, 2020): 635–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2500-1523-2020-4-635-643.
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Introduction. The paper deals with different conditional constructions in Buryat and Kalmyk. Traditionally, the main way to express the conditional meaning in Mongolic languages is a non-finite clause with a converb (there are the conditional form on -bal in Buryat and Khalkha and new marker -xla in Kalmyk). Alongside with it, there are some new conditional constructions with connectives, with conjunction-like markers herbee in Buryat and Khalkha and kemər in Kalmyk co-occurring with a form of conditional converb. The language contact approach presupposes that connectives as well as a structural pattern with a conjunction are frequently borrowed from dominant languages. Thus, the research question of the paper is how to explain the new conditional construction. Results. In particular, the paper discusses the distribution of different types of conditional construction according to the data from Buryat and Kalmyk corpora. It suggests that conjunction-like markers herbee ‘if’ in Buryat and kemər ‘if’ in Kalmyk may be viewed as grammatical interference from Russian. Nevertheless, the form of conditional converb gixlä developing to a connective in Kalmyk is grammaticalized among other forms of the verb gi- ‘say’ and its grammaticalization of a verb of saying to marker of a conditional clause is frequent cross-linguistically.
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Häkkinen, Kaisa. "Infiniittiset verbirakenteet raumalaisessa Westhin koodeksissa ja Mikael Agricolan Käsikirjassa." AFinLA-teema, no. 14 (June 16, 2022): 153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.30660/afinla.111245.
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Finnish written language was created through translation. Liturgical texts began to emerge, as the Protestant Reformation reached Finland in 1530s. Codex Westh is one of the oldest manuscripts written in Finnish. The core part of the codex contains an Agenda (schemata of ecclesiastical ceremonies) dating from 1546. Mikael Agricola, the celebrated founder of the Finnish literary language, submitted corresponding material to the printing press some years later (1549). As a common and homogenous Finnish language did not yet exist at that time, the texts translated from Swedish sources by Westh and Agricola were partly different. This study examines the use of non-finite verb forms and verbal constructions in the Agendas of Westh and Agricola. The results of analysis illustrate that, consistent with previous knowledge of the nature of contact-induced changes and different translation strategies, significant changes have taken place in those parts of the Finnish modal verb system that have provided various alternative solutions or system gaps to be filled with new types of syntactic constructions following the model given by source languages. Structural borrowing from Swedish and Latin can be seen in both translations, and Westh especially seems to have ended up with simple and partly unidiomatic routines when choosing Finnish counterparts to Swedish modal constructions.