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Journal articles on the topic 'Non-Muslim Minorities'
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1
Adegoke, Kazeem Adekunle. "FIQH AL-AQALLIYYAH AND MUSLIM MINORITIES IN A NON-MUSLIM COMMUNITY." Jurnal Syariah 29, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/js.vol29no1.1.
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This study researches into the legal theory of fiqh al-aqaliyyah and Muslim minorities in a contemporary non-Muslim community. In order to achieve this objective, the paper examines the fiqh al-aqalliyyah, its legal position in Islamic jurisprudence, its legal instruments and its applicability to lessen the physical, social, financial and emotional hardships or difficulties encountered by Muslim minorities who find themselves in an unfamiliar non-Muslim environment. Research method used in this study is expository, descriptive and analytical in order to showcase the applicability of fiqh al-aqalliyyah in the modern legal theory within the context-specific and needs-based neo-ijtihād legal rulings for Muslim minorities. Conclusively, the paper makes findings that context-specific and needs-based neo-ijtihād legal rulings of fiqh al-aqalliyyah is still viable in this contemporary period to arrest new jurisprudential challenges facing the Muslim minorities in non-Muslim communities. Also neo-ijtihād exercise of fiqh al-aqalliyyah from a competent Islamic jurists and legal theorists of a particular society is meant for that society only and should not be given general or universal application so as not to cause confusion in the context-specific and needs-based jurisprudential response. Finally, the study recommends that Muslim minorities should make use of the Islamic jurists and legal theorists’ neo-Ijtihād exercise of fiqh al-aqaliyyah which are peculiar to their environment in procuring solutions to some of the contemporary Islamic jurisprudential challenges facing them in the non-Muslim community.
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Oztig, Lacin Idil, and Kenan Aydın. "The AKP’s Approach toward Non-Muslim Minorities." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 42, no. 2 (May 2017): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0304375417741706.
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Since the Justice and Development Party (the AKP) came to power, it has expanded the rights of non-Muslim minorities. In order to provide a comprehensive theoretical perspective of the AKP’s policies toward non-Muslim minorities, this article utilizes constructivist and rationalist insights (the logic of appropriateness and the logic of consequences, respectively). This article argues that the AKP’s policies toward non-Muslim minorities are linked to its normative commitment to religious freedom. In addition, by drawing upon the literature of political marketing, this article argues that the AKP’s policies toward non-Muslim minorities can be analyzed as a strategy to expand its voter base.
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Khalidi, Omar. "Muslim minorities: theory and experience of Muslim interaction in non‐Muslim societies." Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs. Journal 10, no. 2 (July 1989): 425–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602008908716130.
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Rahman, Fazlur. "Non‐Muslim minorities in an Islamic state." Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs. Journal 7, no. 1 (January 1986): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602008608715961.
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Choksy, Jamsheed K. "Non-Muslim Religious Minorities in Contemporary Iran." Iran and the Caucasus 16, no. 3 (2012): 271–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20120017.
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A little over three decades ago, during the reign of the last Pahlavi monarch Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, non-Muslim religious minorities in Iran experienced life within a relatively tolerant society. Since the Islamic Revolution in 1979, Iran’s native Zoroastrians, Jews, Christians, Mandaeans, and Baha’is have experienced increasing discrimination, isolation, and intimidation. Those non-Muslim religious minorities provide Iranian society with confessional pluralism and cultural diversity, thereby serving also as a moderating population sliver against Shi‘ite fundamentalism. But now the non-Muslim communities collectively have diminished to less than 2 percent of Iran’s 75,2 million residents. Yet, these minorities have attracted very limited domestic and international attention or concern because their situation is poorly understood. This article, based on extensive fieldwork in Iran during the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s, examines the situations of those Zoroastrians, Christians, Jews, Mandaeans, and Baha’is. While Sunnis also are a religious minority in Iran and do experience prejudices too, intra-Muslim tension with its origins in seventh century religious disputes and its geopolitical reverberations to the present day go beyond the scope of this article.
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Jeldtoft, Nadia. "Lived Islam: religious identity with ‘non-organized’ Muslim minorities." Ethnic and Racial Studies 34, no. 7 (July 2011): 1134–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2010.528441.
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Syamsul Arifin, Muhammad Wahyudi, and Muh Mustakim. "Political Leadership Among Religious Minorities." Al-Ulum 21, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.30603/au.v21i1.1838.
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This article focuses on the study of non-Muslim leadership, which is mentioned in several verses in the Qur'an and often triggers debates in the public sphere, especially at the moment of electoral politics in Indonesia. Because the discussion about this often uses verses from the Qur'an as justification, it is interesting to examine the views of the commentators in Indonesia, which is focused on Surah Al-Maidah verse 51. To explore the views of the two commentators, this study uses library research by comparing (comparative analysis) between Tafsir Al-Azhar and Tafsir Al-Misbah. The study of the opinions of the two commentators finds out that the political positions of non-Muslims as leaders for Muslims have two different views. First, not. Second, the prohibition is to make non-Muslims as auliya' then Shihab explains the position of non-Muslims in three parts, one of which is that a non-Muslim who lives in peace with Muslims has the same rights and obligations as Muslims, as well as the right to be a leader.
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Dekmejian, R. Hrair. "Comparative Study of Muslim Minorities." American Journal of Islam and Society 8, no. 2 (September 1, 1991): 307–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v8i2.2628.
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Most of the world’s Muslims reside in countries where they are numericallypredominant. As such, these Muslims possess a majoritarian outlook in sharpcontrast to the perspective of minority Muslims living in India, China, theUSSR, and some Western countries. In recent years, Muslim minorities havefound themselves at the confluence of diverse social forces and politicaldevelopments which have heightened their sense of communal identity andapprehension vish-vis non-Muslim majorities. This has been particularlytrue of the crisis besetting the Indian Muslims in 1990-91 as well as the newlyformed Muslim communities in Western Europe.The foregoing circumstances have highlighted the need for serious researchon Muslim minorities within a comparative framework. What follows is apreliminary outline of a research framework for a comparative study of Muslimminorities using the Indian Muslims as an illustrative case.The Salience of TraditionOne of the most significant transnational phenomena in the four decadessince mid-century has been the revival of communal consciousness amongminorities in a large number of countries throughout the world. This tendencytoward cultural regeneration has been noted among such diverse ethnic groupsas Afro-Americans, French Canadians, Palestinian Arabs, the Scots of GreatBritain, Soviet minorities, and native Americans. A common tendency amongthese groups is to reach back to their cultural traditions and to explore thoseroots which have served as the historical anchors of their present communalexistence. Significantly, this quest for tradition has had a salutary impactupon the lives of these communities, for it has reinforced their collectiveand individual identities and has enabled them to confront the multipledifficulties of modem life more effectively. By according its members a sense ...
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Jeldtoft, Nadia, and Jørgen S. Nielsen. "Introduction: methods in the study of ‘non-organized’ Muslim minorities." Ethnic and Racial Studies 34, no. 7 (July 2011): 1113–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2010.528442.
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Hussain, S. Mazhar. "International Conference on Muslim Minority /Majority Relations." American Journal of Islam and Society 7, no. 1 (March 1, 1990): 99–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v7i1.2673.
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The International Conference on Muslim Minority/Majority Relations held in New York, Rabi' al Awwal 23-25, 1410/0ctober 24 to 26, 1989 brought to the fore some of the little known but significantly major problems faced by the Muslim minority communities in many parts of the world. The magnitude of the problem can be seen from the fact that the Muslim minorities form one-third of the world Muslim population, over 300 million out of an estimated one billion Muslims. The three day conference was divided into different areas of concern. Over 50 papers were presented. Among the topics discussed were: North American Arab Muslims, an Intellectual and Attitudinal Profile of the Muslim Community in North America; Muslim/Non-Muslim Relations in America; Economic Development of Indian Muslims, Issues and Problems; The Turks in Bulgaria; South Africa: The Role of a Muslim Minority in a Situation of Change; The Islamic Minorities in Kenya, Tanzania and Mozambique; Muslim/Christian Relations in Sudan; Muslim Women in an Alien Society: A Case Study in West Germany; Muslims in Britain: Some Recent Developments; Muslim Minorities and non-Muslim Party Politics in the Netherlands; Muslim Minorities in the Soviet Union, China, Australia, Sri Lanka, Tibet, Philippines, Thailand and other areas.
The first day of the conference was devoted to North America, Asia and Africa. In the session on North America, Dr. Ni'mat Barazangi highlighted the fact that the process of adjustment and integration of Muslims in America had its own challenges. On the one hand, the immigrant Muslims realize the need to maintain their religious and cultural identity, and, on the other, it is not easy, or even practical, to stay away from the mainstream of the majority culture and its impact ...
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Ghana-Hercock, Nazila. "Religious Minorities in Iran." American Journal of Islam and Society 17, no. 3 (October 1, 2000): 111–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v17i3.2049.
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The author is an associate professor of political science at the University ofSouthern California. Her previous publications include a 1982 Praeger publication,"The Women's Rights Movement in Iran: Mutiny, Appeasement, andRepression from I 900 co Khomeini."Religious Minorities in Iran is of interest to political scientists, particularlythose focused on the Middle East; Iran experts; Islamic studies experts concernedwith modem-day politics and governance; those in the field of religiousstudies or comparative religion; and also lawyers, academics, and those workingin Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in the human rights field whoare interested in issues related to minority rights, freedom of religion or belief,and human rights in the Middle East.The book focuses on those identified as the main ethnoreligious componentsof the non-Muslim religious communities in Iran: Armenians, Assyrians,Chaldeans, Jews, Zorascrians, Baha'fs, and Iranian Christian converts. Themain period of study is the first decade of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, 1979to 1989. The author gives three reasons for focusing on this period; she arguesthat this was the most ideologically charged moment of the revolution, that theposition of recognized non-Muslim minorities was largely routinized by thelate 1980s, and because she wants to avoid the nuances that emerge and complicatethe political scene after the end of the cold war and the formation ofpost-Soviet states. Later periods are mainly considered only when they beardirect relevance to the points being made and in the concluding chapter ...
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Shavit, Uriya. "The Wasatī and Salafī Approaches to the Religious Law of Muslim Minorities." Islamic Law and Society 19, no. 4 (2012): 416–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851912x603210.
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AbstractThe article explores the evolution of competing approaches to the religious law of Muslim minorities (fiqh al-aqalliyyāt al-muslima): the wasatī and the salafī. Both approaches are grounded in a similar triumphalist and revivalist contextualization of Muslim presence in the West. The wasatī approach, led by al-Azhar graduates and Islamist activists, presents two objectives: making the lives of Muslim minorities easier in order to preserve their Islamic identity, and endorsing efforts to Islamize the West. To promote these objectives wasatīs emphasize a systematic search in all four religiolegal schools and beyond them and the liberal application of maslaha (public or individual interest). Some of the results achieved by this methodology demonstrate the potential of maslaha to revise any religious law relating to mu'āmalāt (social transactions). The stricter salafī approach associated with conservative elements in Saudi Arabia's religious establishment emphasizes the concept of al-walā' wa'l-barā' (loyalty and disavowal). Its juristic interpretations are based on opposition to perceived innovations, imitation of infidels and cooperation with them. I examine the two approaches through a systematic analysis of three issues that are central to the religious law of Muslim minorities: non-Muslim holidays, mortgages and service in non-Muslim militaries.
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SAVORY, ROGER M. "Relations between the Safavid State and its Non-Muslim Minorities 1." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 14, no. 4 (October 2003): 435–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0959641032000127597.
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Ağır, Seven, and Cihan Artunç. "The Wealth Tax of 1942 and the Disappearance of Non-Muslim Enterprises in Turkey." Journal of Economic History 79, no. 1 (March 2019): 201–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050718000724.
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Turkey imposed a controversial tax on wealth to finance the army in 1942. This tax was arbitrarily assessed and fell disproportionately on non-Muslim minorities. We study the heterogeneous impact of this tax on firms by assembling a new dataset of all enterprises in Istanbul between 1926 and 1950. We find that the tax led to the liquidation of non-Muslim-owned firms, which were older and more productive, reduced the formation of new businesses with non-Muslim owners, and replaced them with frailer Muslim-owned startups. The tax helped “nationalize” the Turkish economy, but had negative implications for productivity and growth.
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Bayar, Yeşim. "In pursuit of homogeneity: the Lausanne Conference, minorities and the Turkish nation." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 1 (January 2014): 108–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.802767.
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Following World War I, the Allied Powers signed Minority Treaties with a number of Central and Eastern European states. These treaties delineated the status of religious, ethnic and linguistic minorities in their respective countries. Turkey would be one of the last states that sat down to the negotiation table with the Allied Powers. In the Turkish case, the Lausanne Treaty would be the defining document which set out a series of rights and freedoms for the non-Muslim minorities in the newly created nation. The present article explores how and why the non-Muslim minorities were situated in the fringes of the new nation. In doing so, the article highlights the content of the discussions in the Lausanne Conference and in the Turkish Grand National Assembly with an emphasis on the position of the Turkish political elite.
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Fleischmann, Fenella, and Karen Phalet. "Religion and National Identification in Europe: Comparing Muslim Youth in Belgium, England, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 49, no. 1 (November 30, 2017): 44–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022022117741988.
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How inclusive are European national identities of Muslim minorities and how can we explain cross-cultural variation in inclusiveness? To address these questions, we draw on large-scale school-based surveys of Muslim minority and non-Muslim majority and other minority youth in five European countries (Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Survey [CILS]; Belgium, England, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden). Our double comparison of national identification across groups and countries reveals that national identities are less strongly endorsed by all minorities compared with majority youth, but national identification is lowest among Muslims. This descriptive evidence resonates with public concerns about the insufficient inclusion of immigrant minorities in general, and Muslims in particular, in European national identities. In addition, significant country variation in group differences in identification suggest that some national identities are more inclusive of Muslims than others. Taking an intergroup relations approach to the inclusiveness of national identities for Muslims, we establish that beyond religious commitment, positive intergroup contact (majority friendship) plays a major role in explaining differences in national identification in multigroup multilevel mediation models, whereas experiences of discrimination in school do not contribute to this explanation. Our comparative findings thus establish contextual variation in the inclusiveness of intergroup relations and European national identities for Muslim minorities.
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Ali Soner, B. "The Justice and Development Party's policies towards non-Muslim minorities in Turkey." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 12, no. 1 (March 2010): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448950903507347.
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Eligür, Banu. "Ethnocultural nationalism and Turkey’s non-Muslim minorities during the early republican period." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 46, no. 1 (October 23, 2017): 158–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2017.1388767.
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Yousif, Ahmad F. "Islamic Revivalism in Malaysia." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 21, no. 4 (October 1, 2004): 30–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v21i4.512.
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This paper briefly reviews some of the causes, manifestations, and effects of the growing Islamic revivalism in Malaysia. It also examines the non-Muslim minorities’ concerns about this rising Islamic consciousness and provides an Islamic response. Finally, the extent to which the events of 9/11 changed the dynamics between ethno-religious minorities and the government is briefly assessed.
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Yousif, Ahmad F. "Islamic Revivalism in Malaysia." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 4 (October 1, 2004): 30–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i4.512.
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This paper briefly reviews some of the causes, manifestations, and effects of the growing Islamic revivalism in Malaysia. It also examines the non-Muslim minorities’ concerns about this rising Islamic consciousness and provides an Islamic response. Finally, the extent to which the events of 9/11 changed the dynamics between ethno-religious minorities and the government is briefly assessed.
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Afsaruddin, Asma. "Jihād, Gender, and Religious Minorities in the Siyar Literature: the Diachronic View." Studia Islamica 114, no. 1 (April 3, 2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19585705-12341386.
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Abstract Siyar in Islamic law refers to the law of nations or international law. This study focuses on five siyar works composed between the 2nd/8th and 7th/13th centuries in order to compare and analyze their content diachronically in connection with two specific topics. The first topic is concerned with changing juridical conceptualizations of the role of the combative or military jihād in the Muslim polity’s relations with non-Muslim ones during this period. The second has to do with the evolution of siyar rules governing the treatment of non-Muslim and female participants in the military jihād, especially in the matter of the division of spoils. Four of these works represent the four major Sunnī madhāhib while the fifth is an early work predating the formation of these schools of law. Comparison of the content of these works allows us to draw certain conclusions about the nature and purview of the military jihād, as progressively articulated by jurists during the period under discussion. One of the major conclusions to be drawn from this study is that the combative jihād became an exclusively masculine and Muslim activity and effectively excluded women and non-Muslims from participation in it after the 2nd/8th century.
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van Koningsveld, P. S. "The Significance of Fatwas for Muslims in Europe: Some Suggestions for Future Research." NTT Journal for Theology and the Study of Religion 60, no. 3 (August 18, 2006): 208–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ntt2006.60.208.koni.
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Abstract In recent new Islamic interpretations of the world order as expressed, for instance, in the concept of Dâr al-Da’wa (‘The World of Preaching the Message’) Muslim minorities are to become full citizens of non-Muslim societies. This global view of the world as one, has lead to the appearance of a whole new branch of Islamic jurisprudence called the ‘Religious Jurispridence of Minorities’ (Fiqh al-Aqalliyât). Its purpose is to reinterpret Islamic principles in a situation in which Muslims are living in a minority position. Accurate understanding of the responses (Fatwas) that shape this jurisprudence is necessary to avoid many misunderstandings with regard to Muslims living in non-Islamic countries. In addition, this article argues that research in this field will allow following the developments of the interpretation of religious norms and rules in socalled ‘Muslim’ countries. Fiqh-al-Aqalliyat will influence Islam at large.
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Joly, Marie-Pier, and Jeffrey G. Reitz. "Emotional Stress and the Integration of Muslim Minorities in France and Canada." International Migration Review 52, no. 4 (April 5, 2018): 1111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0197918318768551.
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This study examines theories of Muslim minority integration as these apply to republican France and multicultural Canada, using data on psychological distress as a key measure. Based on the 2001–2002 Canadian Community Health Survey and the 2008 French Enquête sur la Santé et la Protection Sociale, we find Muslim minorities experience higher levels of psychological distress than non-Muslims, not only in France but also in Canada. The Muslim difference is unrelated to religious attachment and rather is partly explained by high rates of unemployment or labor market inactivity.
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ABDALLAH, Mahdi Ali. "THEORIZING AND ROOTING IN THE JURISPRUDENCE OF MINORITIES IN ISLAMIC ECONOMIC THOUGHT." International Journal of Humanities and Educational Research 03, no. 03 (June 1, 2021): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2757-5403.3-3.10.
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This research deals with a juristic view of the Islamic economic insight on the existence of Muslims in the non-Muslim countries in the West and how to handle their problem of housing and providing them with houses through dealing with usurious banks. Moreover, it is about helping them to have a well-off living by creating an Islamic market or Muslim merchants. The morals, principles and thought of Islam can be introduced to the world of non-Muslims. So, the mechanism of creating the market and merchants has been tackled. Besides, the issue of when Muslim have the right to deal with such banks has also been addressed throughout making use of the rules of jurisprudence. May Allah help and guide us. That is why the research is titled (Theorizing and rooting in the jurisprudence of minorities in Islamic economic thought
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Tas, Latif. "The Myth of the Ottoman Millet System: Its Treatment of Kurds and a Discussion of Territorial and Non-Territorial Autonomy." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 21, no. 4 (October 18, 2014): 497–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02104003.
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This article re-opens the discussion about the Ottoman millet practice. The best known stereotypes claim that the so-called ‘millet system’ only offered rights to non-Muslim religious minorities. This article fundamentally challenges this approach. It focuses on how the millet practice was applied to the treatment of Kurds under the early and late Ottoman Empire, and discusses how millet practices were destroyed by the disease of nationalism. The article then considers how practices like those applied by the Ottomans might act as a useful example for modern nation states facing conflicts with national, religious, ethnic or migrant minorities. It suggests that practices like the millet might be beneficial both if minorities gain territorial recognition and also for those minorities who live in non-territorial communities.
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Tagoranao, Mariam Saidona, and Alizaman D. Gamon. "Understanding the Religious Rights of the Muslims in the Philippines: A Catalyst for Peace and Justice (Kefahaman tentang Hak Beragama Orang Islam di Filipina: Pemangkin untuk Keamanan dan Keadilan)." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 16, no. 1 (April 12, 2019): 204–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v16i1.779.
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Religious rights for minorities are not merely a privilege policy but an important commitment that should be acknowledged by any organization, state or nation. The contemporary legal systems of the world recognize religious rights particularly in today’s multicultural societies. This system has been acknowledged by the international law of human rights and the United Nations Conventions. Religious faith and religious practices are inherently protected by the Constitution of the Republic of Philippines. International law of human rights becomes the basis for a non-Muslim government to provide commitments in promoting spiritual and conventional infrastructures for Muslim minorities. The main objective of this paper is to discuss the national laws that can accommodate Muslim religious rights based on how Islam defines it, in order to achieve a lasting peace in the Philippines. The paper recommends that the universal principle of peace must be contained in the legal reform of every sovereign nation. In addition, religious obligations and liberties must be fairly treated and regarded as a national agenda towards promoting peace and justice.
Keywords: Religious rights, Muslim minorities, Philippine Constitution, Peace and Justice.
Abstrak
Hak keagamaan untuk golongan minoriti bukan sekedar dasar keistimewaan semata, tetapi merupakan suatu komitmen penting yang harus diakui oleh mana-mana organisasi, negara atau bangsa. Sistem undang-undang kontemporari di dunia mengiktiraf hak beragama, khususnya dalam masyarakat pelbagai budaya hari ini. Ia telah diakui oleh undang-undang hak asasi manusia antarabangsa dan Konvensyen Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu. Kepercayaan dan amalan keagamaan pada dasarnya dilindungi oleh perlembagaan negara. Undang-undang ini menjadi asas bagi sebuah kerajaan bukan Islam untuk memberikan komitmen dan keprihatinan dalam mempromosikan infrastruktur rohani dan konvensional bagi golongan minoriti Muslim. Objektif utama kajian ini adalah untuk mengetahui sejauh mana undang-undang negara boleh menampung hak agama Islam berdasarkan bagaimana Islam mentakrifkannya, untuk mencapai keamanan yang kekal di Filipina. Keadaan menjadi amat malang apabila makna sebenar perdamaian akhirnya terhakis akibat penyelewengan yang lazimnya berlaku dalam sistem dan amalan perundangan. Walau bagaimanapun disyorkan, bahawa prinsip sejagat kedamaian mesti terkandung dalam reformasi undang-undang bagi setiap negara berdaulat. Di samping itu, kewajipan dan kebebasan beragama mesti dilayan dengan adil dan dianggap sebagai agenda nasional untuk mempromosikan keamanan dan keadilan.
Kata Kunci: Hak keagamaan, minoriti Islam, Perlembagaan Filipina, Keamanan dan Keadilan.
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Çetinoğlu, Sait. "Foundations of Non-Muslim Communities: The Last Object of Confiscation." International Criminal Law Review 14, no. 2 (March 13, 2014): 396–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01401013.
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This article focuses on a specific component of the expropriation of property from non-Muslim minorities that began the Armenian Genocide and similar expropriations from Greeks, the long period of dispossession of the property of non-Muslim foundations resulting from use of the 1936 requirement that all non-Muslim foundations provide the government a list of their immovable properties and go through a complex permitting process regarding property acquisition. This has been an important part of the capital accumulation process in the Turkish Republic for decades. The confiscations beginning in the late 1960s constitute a continuous breach due to the fact that these properties have never been returned to their owners. As result, these claims for the return of such property could be taken to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR).
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Daniels, Timothy P. "Pramono U. Tanthowi, Muslims and tolerance; Non-Muslim minorities under shariah in Indonesia." Contemporary Islam 3, no. 3 (February 17, 2009): 317–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11562-009-0083-1.
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Mehfooz, Musferah. "Religious Freedom in Pakistan: A Case Study of Religious Minorities." Religions 12, no. 1 (January 13, 2021): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12010051.
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The Islamic Republic of Pakistan is a multi-racial and multi-religious nation, with Muslims being in the majority. Its 1973 Constitution guarantees religious freedom to all religious minorities, including Christians, Hindus, and Sikhs. This is mainly because Islam itself ensures religious freedom to the whole of humanity. Unfortunately, some Muslim clerics seem to be attempting to deny religious freedom to other faiths in Pakistan. Their opposition to the plurality of faith contradicts Islamic principles. This research paper identifies such Islamic principles and examines the undesirability of the mistreatment of religious minorities in Pakistan, focusing on the arguments for and against religious freedom in Pakistan on the one hand, and the religious rights and freedoms of non-Muslim minorities from an Islamic perspective on the other. The methodology applied in this discussion is critical analysis. The conclusion drawn is that both the Constitution of Pakistan and Islam guarantee religious freedom to the country’s religious minorities. Finally, this study suggests some practical mechanisms to reconcile the different religious groups in Pakistan.
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March, Andrew. "Sources of Moral Obligation to non-Muslims in the "Jurisprudence of Muslim Minorities" (Fiqh al-aqalliyyāt) Discourse." Islamic Law and Society 16, no. 1 (2009): 34–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851908x413757.
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AbstractThis article surveys four approaches towards moral obligation to non-Muslims found in Islamic legal thought. I refer to the first three approaches as the "revelatory-deontological," the "contractualist-constructivist" and the "consequentialist-utilitarian." The main argument is that present in many contemporary works on the "jurisprudence of Muslim minorities" (fiqh al-aqalliyyāt) is an attempt to provide an Islamic foundation for a relatively thick and rich relationship of moral obligation and solidarity with non-Muslims. This attempt takes the form of a fourth "comprehensive-qualitative" approach to political ethics that appeals not to juridical reasoning of the type "is x permissible and in which conditions?" but rather to Islamic ideals of what it means to live a good life, of what believing, normatively-committed Muslims want to pursue in this world. This meta-ethical approach builds on and goes beyond the first three. This fourth "comprehensive-qualitative" approach to moral obligation to non-Muslims is novel, emergent and not found in the writings of outright reformers but in those of conservative, "neo-classical," sharī'a-minded—even Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated—Muslim scholars. What adds to the force of this argument is that the other meta-ethical discourses, particularly of contract and utility (maslaha), already get these scholars quite far towards a doctrine of "loyal resident alienage" in non-Muslim societies. That even orthodox Muslim scholars go further shows that they have some interest in giving a theological or principled foundation to a much thicker and richer form of moral obligation to non-Muslims, a relationship which involves recognizing non-Muslims qua non-Muslims and contributing to their well-being.
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Fox, Jonathan, Roger Finke, and Dane R. Mataic. "The Causes of Societal Discrimination against Religious Minorities in Christian-Majority Countries." Religions 12, no. 8 (August 6, 2021): 611. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080611.
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Using the Religion and State-Minorities and WVS datasets, this study examined the impact of religiosity in Christian-majority countries on societal religious discrimination (i.e., discrimination by non-state actors) against religious minorities. We found that increased levels of religious activity and commitment in a country lead to less discrimination against Muslim and Jewish religious minorities but more discrimination against Christian minorities. We offered two explanations for this complex relationship. First, when Christian-majority nations hold high levels of religiosity, other Abrahamic religions are potential allies in the fight against secularism. Second, in religiously active Christian-majority nations, the majority religion views Christian minorities (rather than Jews and Muslims) as an unwanted competitive threat because denomination switching is more common within the same religious tradition.
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Njadat, Abdelsalam, and Ahmad Aref Al Kafarneh. "American Policy torwards Minorities in the Arab World: A Case Study." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 6, no. 2 (April 24, 2016): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v6i2.9371.
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Minorities subject is one of the ignored subjects in the Arab world and is surrounded with a great deal of conservation accompanied with clear efforts to minimize or spell any existing type of this problem where states in the Arab world are still based on tribal and regional basis, which resulted in the interest and care in minorities subject and the foreign intervention and the immersion of most minorities in resistance movements against margination and annulation with the aim of being recognized as partners in the country.Minorities in the Arab world can be divided into the following types([1]).(1) Non Arabic linguistics Minorities: Groups that don't use Arabic language as mother language in their daily transactions such as leurds, Armans, Arams, Serian, Turkmans, Shakas, Jews, Nigro, Nobions and Baraberian Tribes.(2) Non Muslim religion Minorities: Consisting of Christians Jews and other religion groups such as yazeedis, paganism, to taling for (20) million persons.(3) Non sounnitti Islamic groups; imami shiat (lthnay A shriah), Zaydis, ismailis, Durs, Alawyeen, and Abathyah khawarej.(4) Non Arabic and Non Muslim Minorities: those minorities that differ from Arab world habitants in terms of language, religion, and descent such as Migros and paganism minorities in the south of Sudan.Minorities represent one of the most important problems threatening state's national and regional unit, which opens the door for foreign intervention in the state national affairs, politically, economically, or military which will result in threatening internal stability.Given that united nations in it, current shape represent power relations distribution in the modern global order (system), these powers might Kurds those declaration issued by UN calling for the respect of human and minority rights to intervene in those countries internal affairs under various names such as humanistic intervention given the political and international usage towards human rights issues to control resistant or outlaw countries and the titles of human rights.The united states as a unipolar, started recently, adopting minorities and human rights issues as part of political requirements, that determine its foreign policy towards this countries or that, according to the way it deals with its minorities. But the proven thing is that the American intervention in minorities affairs has political objectives including its countries policies to be in accordance with American political requirements, and this intervention takes many various linds including military intervention in those countries in which USA has supreme interests and once these interests are secured, withdraw and left those minorities alone([2]).[1] sa'edeldin, Ibrahim, Reflections on minorities Question, Cairo, Ibn – khaldon center, (1992), pp. 73 – 132.[2] sa'edeldin, Ibrahim, AL-milal walnahal walarag minorities concerns in the Arab world, Cairo, Ibn khaldun centre, 1994, pp, 740 – 749.
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Abulafia, David. "Minorities in Islam: reflections on a new book by Xavier de Planhol." European Review 7, no. 1 (February 1999): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003768.
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The geography and history of the minorities living under Islam is the subject of a new book by the noted French scholar Xavier de Planhol. This article sets Planhol's work in the context of 14 centuries of Islamic rule over non-Muslim groups. Islam itself was initially the religion of a minority, a fact that helped determine its treatment of Jews, Christians and some other groups as tolerated ‘Peoples of the Book’. Islam conceived of a society in which non-Muslims had a place, as second class citizens, whereas medieval Christendom saw the Jew or Muslim as an outsider who could not be part of society in a real sense. For the Jews in particular, the meeting with Islam was enormously stimulating, and occasional derogatory remarks about Jews, or bouts of persecution, bore no comparison with western anti-Semitism.
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Abu-Laban, Yasmeen, and Claude Couture. "Multiple Minorities and Deceptive Dichotomies: The Theoretical and Political Implications of the Struggle for a Public French Education System in Alberta." Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, no. 2 (May 28, 2010): 433–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910000119.
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Abstract.In this article we re-establish the relevance of linguistic diversity by highlighting that French is a minority language spoken by a growing number of non-white and non-Christian minority groups, including Muslims. These groups are often characterized in contemporary Canada as essentially non-modern, traditional and opposed to secularism—characterizations that were used historically to depict French ethnic minorities as essentially Catholic, traditional and non-modern. Utilizing a historically grounded case study of the evolution of French language education rights in Alberta, the study reveals how “Franco-Albertans” are a linguistic minority comprised of other minorities. We also show the contradictions inherent in dichotomous representations of “secularism” when it comes to “Western” and “non-Western” societies, or “Christian” and “Muslim” groups. We argue that in expanding the discipline's focus to deal with a wider range of “groups,” analysts need to attend to how “multiple minorities” may take analytically relevant forms, and be wary of evolutionary and dichotomous constructions of diverse “others.”Résumé.Dans cet article, nous redonnons une place importante à la question linguistique comme dimension politique fondamentale au Canada, et au français comme langue minoritaire parlée par un nombre croissant de groupes minoritaires non blancs et non chrétiens, y compris les musulmans. Ces groupes, ce qui n'est pas selon nous sans intérêt, sont souvent globalement décrits aujourd'hui comme étant non modernes, traditionnels et opposés au sécularisme dans un discours qui n'est pas sans évoquer la façon dont les Canadiens français furent historiquement décrits comme une société strictement catholique et prémoderne. Dans ce cas-ci, le Canada francophone est étudié à travers le prisme de la francophonie albertaine, elle-même composée de plusieurs minorités. Nous nous concentrons en particulier sur les droits scolaires en Alberta et un lien est aussi établi entre cette situation et la description souvent dichotomique par rapport au sécularisme de la société canadienne entre les groupes «occidentaux» et «non occidentaux» ou encore entre les groupes «chrétiens» d'un côté, et de l'autre, les groupes de la diversité multiculturelle canadienne, notamment les musulmans francophones. La thèse de cet article est qu'en élargissant le champ d'investigation de la discipline de façon à inclure un éventail de groupes plus grand, les analystes doivent être vigilants quant à l'articulation complexe du concept de «minorités multiples» de façon à éviter les constructions trop évolutionnistes et dichotomiques des divers «autres».
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Hussain, Amir. "Muslims in Canada: Opportunities and challenges." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 33, no. 3-4 (September 2004): 359–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980403300305.
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This article outlines the major opportunities and challenges that shape the identities of Muslims in Canada and argues that Canadian Muslims are closer to each other and are also less alienated from, or closer to, the majority (non-Muslim) population than are Muslims in the United States. The opportunities discussed are multiculturalism, Muslim minorities and interfaith dialogue. As Muslims in Canada build institutions, communities and lives, Canadian contexts present them with challenges as well as opportunities. Five key challenges are discussed in this article: mosques, community life and Muslim worship, marking boundaries, gender and sexual orientation.
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Burhanuddin, Nunu, Ahmad Ali Nurdin, and Muhammad Irfan Helmy. "Religious conflict and regional autonomy in church establishment and Islamic clothing in West Pasaman and Dharmasraya West Sumatera." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 9, no. 2 (December 25, 2019): 189–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v9i2.189-216.
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This paper analyses how religious minorities in West Pasaman and Dharmasraya have been disturbed by the implementation of regional autonomy policies. By examining the church establishment and Islamic clothing enactment in the region as case studies, the paper shows that the conflicts between Muslims and Christians were caused by the discriminatory regional regulations against minority groups. This study uses an ethnographic approach, consisting of interviews and extensive observational research in the research site to collect the data. The article argues that the implementation of local government policies such as the very strict requirement to establish church and Islamic clothing regulations for students have negative impacts on the harmonious relationship between Muslims and non-Muslims in the region. Thus, local government officers should take into consideration minority and majority-group relationships in creating regional religious regulations. Penelitian ini menganalisa bagaimana kaum minoritas agama di Pasaman Barat dan Dharmasraya terusik dengan implementasi kebijakan otonomi daerah. Dengan mengkaji aturan pendirian gereja dan busana Islami sebagai kasusnya, artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa konflik yang terjadi antara Muslim dan Kristen di daerah tersebut disebabkan karena regulasi otonomi daerah yang bersipat diskriminatif bagi kalangan kaum minoritas. Studi ini menggunakan metode etnografi dengan menggunakan wawancara dan observasi yang ekstensif di lokasi penelitian sebagai teknik pengumpulan data. Peneliti berargumen bahwa penerapan kebijakan pemerintahan lokal seperti ketatnya persyaratan membangun rumah ibadah (gereja) dan aturan kewajiban memakai busana Islam bagi pelajar mempunyai implikasi negatif terhadap hubungan antara Muslim dan non-Muslim di daerah tersebut. Karenanya, pemerintah daerah harus berhati hati dan mempertimbangkan hubungan kelompok minoritas-mayoritas dalam membuat aturan daerah yang berhubungan dengan agama.
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Sarkissian, Ani. "Religious Regulation and the Muslim Democracy Gap." Politics and Religion 5, no. 3 (December 2012): 501–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048312000284.
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AbstractThis article argues that high levels of government regulation of religion help to explain the “democracy gap” in majority Muslim countries. Controlling for previously hypothesized determinants of democracy, it finds that as levels of regulation increase, levels of democracy decline. Examination of specific types of religious regulation in Muslim-majority countries uncovers a pattern of repression of religious expression that may be used to mobilize citizens politically. These regulations are targeted more often at Muslims who seek independence from state-controlled religion or who wish to challenge authoritarian governments, rather than at non-Muslim minorities or at religious worship more generally. Thus, authoritarian and semi-authoritarian regimes in Muslim-majority states successfully use policies toward religion to restrict political competition and inhibit democratic transition.
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Sefriyono, Sefriyono. "Negotiating Models of The Identity of Minorities Religious Follower in The South Padang District of Padang City." Al-Tahrir: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 18, no. 2 (November 17, 2018): 439. http://dx.doi.org/10.21154/altahrir.v18i2.1379.
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Abstract: The presence of numerous religions in the midst requires negotiation. Negotiation is the way an individual or groups get the recognition from others. In negotiations, each group tries to reduce their bargaining position for an agreement in order to get the benefits for both parties. Negotiation models employed by the follower of religious minorities like Christian, Catholic, and Buddha in the mid of Muslim majority in South Padang District are: first, Church without the symbol of cross--Catholic do not mind to take off their cross symbol in their church so that the church looks like a regular building. This action is done by Catholic to honor the Minangkabau sensitivity on the establishment of church; second, using hijab for non-Muslim students--wearing “hijab” to minimize their differences with the Muslim Students, especially in public school; third, the housing ritual for Christian. Its can be done by the obeying of them to the local regulations and negotiation with local leader; fourth, Buddhist was not stunted become the chief committee of the establishing of mosque; fifth, the sacrificial meat not only enjoyed by Muslim but also non-Muslim. Although, the negotiation on the establishing the new church difficult to be realized, but on the others field like political, education, economic, the negotiation were implemented well.الملخص: يحتاج وجود العديد من الديانات حول المجتمع إلى التفاوض. التفاوض هو الطريقة التي يحصل بها الفرد أو المجموعات على الاعتراف من الآخرين. في التفاوض تحاول كل مجموعات أن تخضع موقفها من أجل الوصول إلى اتفاق للحصول على الفوائد لكلا الطرفين. ونماذج التفاوض المستخدمة من قبل أتباع الأقليات الدينية مثل المسيحيين والكاثوليكين وبوذيين أثناء أغلبية المسلمين في جنوب بادانج كما يلي: أولاً، لا تكون فى الكنيسة رمز الصليب- خلع الكاثوليكيون رمز الصليب في كنيستهم حتى تبدو الكنيسة كأنها مبنى عادي. تمّ هذا الإجراء من قبل الكاثوليكييين لتحريم حساسية شعبة ميناج كابو على بناء الكنيسة هناك. ثانيا، ارتداء الحجاب للطالبات غير المسلمين- ارتداء الحجاب لتقليل اختلافاتهم مع الطالبات المسلمات وخاصة في المدارس العامة. ثالثا، العبادة السكنية للمسيحية يمكن أن يتم ذلك عن طريق إطاعتها إلى النظام المحلي والتفاوض مع الزعيم المحلي. رابعا، لا يتوقف أن يصبح البوذية رئيسية اللجنة لتأسيس بناء المسجد. خامسًا، لحم الأضحية لا يتمتعه المسلمون فحسب بل غير المسلمين أيضا. على الرغم من أن التفاوض على بناء كنيسة جديدة صعب لأن يتحقق ولكن في مجالات أخرى مثل السياسة والتعليم والاقتصاد تم تنفيذ التفاوض بشكل جيد. Abstrak: Kehadiran banyak agama di tengah-tengah masyarakat membutuhkan negosiasi. Negosiasi adalah cara individu atau kelompok mendapatkan pengakuan dari orang lain. Dalam negosiasi, masing-masing kelompok berusaha mengurangi posisi tawar mereka untuk sebuah perjanjian agar mendapat manfaat bagi kedua belah pihak. Model negosiasi yang digunakan oleh pengikut agama minoritas seperti Kristen, Katolik, dan Buddha di tengah-tengah mayoritas Muslim di Kabupaten Padang Selatan adalah: pertama, gereja tanpa simbol salib - Katolik tidak keberatan melepas simbol salib mereka di gereja sehingga gereja terlihat seperti bangunan biasa. Tindakan ini dilakukan oleh Katolik untuk menghormati kepekaan Minangkabau pada pendirian gereja; kedua, menggunakan jilbab untuk siswa non-Muslim -mengenakan "jilbab" untuk meminimalkan perbedaan mereka dengan Siswa Muslim, terutama di sekolah umum; ketiga, ritual perumahan bagi orang Kristen. Ini dapat dilakukan dengan mematuhi mereka terhadap peraturan lokal dan negosiasi dengan pemimpin lokal; keempat, umat Buddha tidak terhambat menjadi panitia utama pendirian masjid; kelima, daging kurban tidak hanya dinikmati oleh Muslim tetapi juga non-Muslim. Meskipun, negosiasi pendirian gereja baru sulit direalisasikan, tetapi di bidang lain seperti politik, pendidikan, ekonomi, negosiasi itu dilaksanakan dengan baik.
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Prina, Federica. "Constructing Ethnic Diversity as a Security Threat: What it Means to Russia’s Minorities." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 28, no. 1 (November 26, 2021): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10002.
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This article analyses the Russian government’s securitisation of inter-ethnic relations, and national minorities’ responses to such processes. While Russia’s securitising dynamics have been linked to threats associated with ethnic groups (perceived as) culturally distant from the Russian majority (such as non-Slavic and Muslim minorities), this article argues that securitisation can affect all of Russia’s national minorities (including Slavic and well-integrated communities). Through the analysis of the securitisation of three, partly converging, spheres of domestic politics (civil society, migration, and minority issues) the article highlights forms of (in)security impacting upon national minorities with reference to their experience of securitisation and format of their civic engagement. The article contributes to research exploring the relationship between security and minority studies, through a bottom-up perspective focusing on national minorities’ experience of securitisation. It employs empirical data based on semi-structured interviews with minority representatives held in 2015–2016 in six locations in the Russian Federation.
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Ibrahim, Hussein Muhammad. "Legitimizing the protection of the places of worship of non-Muslim minorities in Islamic law." Journal of University of Human Development 1, no. 4 (September 30, 2015): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v1n4y2015.pp46-65.
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الحمد لله والصلاة والسلام على رسول الله وعلى آله وصحبه ومن والاه.
وبعد: فإن بقاء الأقليات في المجتمعات الإسلامية وكنائسهم وصوامعهم ودور عباداتهم حتى هذا العصر لأكبر دليل على أن الإسلام قد ربى رعيته على التمسك بحقوق غيرهم، والإنصاف والعدل تجاههم، وأن نصوص القرآن وسنة الرسول –صلى الله عليه وسلم- الوافرة حول الرفق والعدل مع غير المسلمين، والتحذير على الجور والظلم في حقهم وفي حق ممتلكاتهم قد ربى الأجيال الإسلامية على حسن المعاملة والموازرة والتعاون معهم وعدم الإضرار بهم بغض النظر عن أديانهم وأعراقهم.
في هذا البحث نتطرق إلى النصوص والأدلة الشرعية حول الحفاظ على دور عبادة غير المسلمين، وحكم تعميرها و إنشاءها وما يتعلق بها من الأحكام مما درسها فقهاء الإسلام، كما نشير إلى الجانب التطبيقي لمعاملة المسلمين وحكامهم تجاه دور عبادة غير المسلمين، وردّ ما ورد حول ذلك من الشبهات.
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Asdullah, Dr Sajid. "Urdu Quranic Translations & Interpretations by Non-Muslims in Sub-Continent." ĪQĀN 1, no. 01 (December 31, 2018): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36755/iqan.v1i01.27.
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Islamic literary legacy is diverse and multidimensional in Sub-continent despite its being prone to religious b and the issue of migration integral part of Islamic literary legacy is the Quranic translations & interpretations. The main aspect of these translations & interpretations are the endeavors put forward by Muslim as well as non-Muslim scholars. Keeping in view the endeavors translations & interpretations of Quran, the non-Muslims minorities of sub-continent can be divided into two groups. The first group of part is based on the followers of Judaism, Parsee, Buddhist, Sikhism, Jainism and idols of Kalash whose translations and interpretations is not well known. Whereas, the second group endure Christians, Hindus and Qadyanis. Christians and Hidus consider Quran as non-revealed. Since the style of their interpretations is based on criticism and rejection in aggressive manner. Whereas the interpretations by Qadyanis are focused on religious polarized beliefs and ideologies taking into considerations Quran as revealed. That’s why Qadyanis interpretations are not accepted in Muslim community. The criticism by non-Muslims writers has resulted in rational approach for study of Quran instead of tendency based on esteem among Muslim. This paper represents aforementioned non-Muslims services regarding Quranic Interpretations and Translations which are distinguished in Muslims Interpreters.
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Behloul, Samuel M. "Negotiating the ‘Genuine’ Religion: Muslim Diaspora Communities in the Context of the Western Understanding of Religion." Journal of Muslims in Europe 1, no. 1 (2012): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221179512x644033.
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Abstract The article contextualizes the current West European debates on Islam within the framework of the specific modern Protestant understanding of religion. Using the case study of Muslim minority groups from the Balkan (Albanians and Bosniaks) in Switzerland, it illustrates how this essentialistic understanding of religion characterizes the public perceptions of religious minorities in West European societies, especially in the post 9/11 period. The main argument of this contribution lays stress on the fact, that, depending on their cultural background as well as on their perception by the non-Muslim majority, different Muslim actors internalize the essentialistic understanding of religion dictated by majority society and likewise reply with different essentializing discursive constructions of Islam.
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Karataş, İbrahim. "AK Parti Döneminde Türk Dış Politikasında Kardeşlik Söylemi." Üsküdar Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi 7, no. 12 (2021): 37–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.32739/uskudarsbd.7.12.84.
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This study analyzes why and for which countries the Turkish Foreign Ministry uses the word kardeş (brother) in its discourse, particularly during the AK Party (Justice and Development Party) era. The study reveals that if a country is Muslim or ethnically Turkic, it is called a brother country. Besides states, Muslim or Turkic minorities in other countries are included in the brotherhood category. On the other hand, non-Turkic and non-Muslim countries are described as a friend, an ally, or strategic partners. However, being a brother does not mean that Turkey has the best relations with a country. On the contrary, Turkey has better relations with non-brother countries as well. Yet, being a brother state means probable privileged status in relations. Besides elucidating the discourse in Turkish foreign policy, this study also tries to counter realist ideas that friendship is not possible in the world order, which is supposed to be anarchical. Besides literature review, interviews were made to write the article.
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Panjwani, Imranali. "Shari’a in the Modern Era." American Journal of Islam and Society 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 126–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v34i1.868.
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Iyad Zahalka’s commendable Shari’a in the Modern Era: Muslim MinoritiesJurisprudence gives researchers and legal practitioners an overview of theemerging fiqh al-aqalliyyāt (the jurisprudence of minorities) discipline. Infact, at the time of its publication several other books were published on thissubject, among them Uriya Shavit’s Shari’a and Muslim Minorities: TheWasati and Salafi Approaches to Fiqh al-Aqalliyyāt al-Muslima (Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, 2015) and Said Fares Hassan’s Fiqh al-Aqalliyyāt: History,Development, and Progress (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016).114 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 34:1Zahalka credits Shavit with giving him useful comments while preparingShari’ah in the Modern Era.It is no coincidence that all of these books are from a Sunni perspectivewith particular focus on the works of two well-known scholars in the Sunnilegal world: Yusuf al-Qaradawi and Taha Jabir al-Alwani (d. 2016). Zahalka’sbook, therefore, captures the gradual creation of another – or perhaps a new– branch of fiqh that focuses on the socio-legal issues faced by Muslims ruledby non-Muslim sovereigns or systems that conflict with Islamic law. His objectiveis to examine the “fiqh al-aqalliyyāt of the wasaṭi faction, a school ofthought dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood that positions itself in the middleground between conservative resistance to changing religious laws andthe disintegration of the commitment to religious tradition” (p. 4). The author ...
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Bosanquet, Antonia. "One Manuscript, Many Books: The Manuscript and Editing History of Aḥkām ahl al-dhimma." Die Welt des Islams 61, no. 2 (January 19, 2021): 153–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-61010011.
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Abstract Aḥkām ahl al-dhimma is a book of regulations about Christian and Jewish subjects of Islamic rule, written by the Ḥanbalī jurist and theologian Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya (d. 751/1350). It is an important resource for historical studies of non-Muslim minorities in the Mamluk period and is often cited as a normative text in present-day Muslim discussions about Muslim-non-Muslim relations. This article gives an insight into the history of the only surviving manuscript of Aḥkām ahl al-dhimma and the unusual process by which the first printed edition was compiled. It shows that the movement of the manuscript was largely a result of Ibn Taymiyya’s and Ibn al-Qayyim’s more general popularity in specific geographic regions than the authority of the text itself, and that individuals’ religious-intellectual interests were decisive for the publication of a printed edition in 1961. It also shows that the unusual editing process impacted on the reliability of the printed editions available today, the majority of which are financed by Saudi institutions.
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حسين, أحمد ضياء الدين. "الهوية الإسلامية للأقليات المسلمة في المجتمعات غير الإسلامية : التحديات والحلول = Islamic Identity of Muslim Minorities in Non-Muslim Societies : Challenges and Solutions." مجلة جامعة القدس المفتوحة للأبحاث و الدراسات, no. 40 Part 2 (2016): 183–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0038667.
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Abbas, Tahir. "Teaching the Study of Muslim Minorities in Higher Education in the United Kingdom." American Journal of Islam and Society 24, no. 3 (July 1, 2007): 143–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i3.1538.
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In this paper, I reflect on my experiences of teaching sociology of Islam atan elite British university: the University of Birmingham. As a trained economistwith postgraduate degrees in social science and sociology and as a formerWhitehall civil servant, my foray into the world of Islamic studies hasonly been recent. Indeed, it was the events relating to British Muslimminorities between 1999 and 2001 (namely, the arrests, trial, and sentencingin relation to the mostly Birmingham-born “Seven in Yemen” in 1999; the9/11 attacks in New York and Washington, DC; and the urban disturbancesin northern England 2001) that propelled me to interact with this vast andrich field of learning and scholarship. These three events compounded mattersin relation to identity politics, Islamism, and international political economy.Having already researched and written on matters related to educationand class,1 entrepreneurship and culture,2 and Islamophobia and the printnews,3 my new focus on Muslim minority issues stemmed precisely frommy existing interests in ethnicity, culture, and multiculturalism.4Upon joining the University of Birmingham in 2003, I spent my first twoyears concentrating on teaching a specialized course, “Ethnic Relations inBritain,” to finalists. In 2005, I began to teach a new course, “Islam, Multiculturalism,and the State” to finalists. In this article, I discuss the resultinginsight into teaching to a largely non-Muslim audience issues relating toIslam and Muslim minorities ...
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Ulusoy, Kıvanç. "The European Impact on State–Religion Relations in Turkey: Political Islam, Alevis and Non-Muslim Minorities." Australian Journal of Political Science 46, no. 3 (September 2011): 407–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2011.595558.
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Türkmen, Füsun, and Emre Öktem. "Foreign Policy as a Determinant in the Fate of Turkey's Non-Muslim Minorities: A Dialectical Analysis." Turkish Studies 14, no. 3 (September 2013): 463–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2013.831257.
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Herlambang, Saifuddin, and Budi Juliandi. "Ibn ‘Āshūr and Negation of Minority’s Contribution To the Development of Nation." Ulumuna 22, no. 1 (May 28, 2018): 34–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v22i1.306.
Full textAbstract:
The Quran promotes universal values. However, the interpretation of the Quran may potentially reduce its universality. This paper presents the concept of shūrā and sadaqa in al-Taḥrīr wa al-Tanwīr authored by Ibn ‘Āshūr, focusing on Surah Āli ‘Imrān (3): 159 and Surah al-Baqarah (2): 264. It also brings up other interpretations to provide a variety of opinions from Muslim scholars. This study builds up on the Malasevic’s theory of identity politics, stating that identity politics is not only exercised by marginalized people, or minorities in the midst of a major power within a country, but also in the majority, as well as in the ruling group. This study argues that Ibn ‘Āshūr’s interpretation is influenced by Islamic identity politics that negate other identities. He therefore excludes non-Muslims’ engagement in the process of national consolidation and development in Tunisia. This paper further maintains that, unlike Ibn ‘Āshūr’, the interpretation of the concept of shūrā should yield a peaceful coexistence between minorities and majorities in Muslim countries and beyond.