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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Non-Proliferation'
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1
Nichols, Patti J. "Understanding China's nuclear non-proliferation policy." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1999. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA366857.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, June 1999.<br>"June 1999". Thesis advisor(s): Rodney Kennedy-Minott, Denny Roy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 103-108). Also available online.
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Fiorentini, Enrico. "Avoiding non-proliferation atrophy: the effectiveness of multilateral cooperation, regime dynamics and the case of nuclear non-proliferation." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/367756.
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This project investigates the evolution multilateral nuclear non-proliferation arrangements to prevent state and non-state actors to access potentially destructive weapons and components thereof. While less scrutinized by political scientists and security experts, cooperative frameworks abound in practice. This begets questions as to the mechanisms and processes by which actors effectively cooperate in a crowded, complex and pluralist environment. Which factors determine the success and resilience of non-proliferation arrangements? How much explanatory power do cognitive beliefs and institutional practices command to understand and explain variance in governance effectiveness?
While previous studies have focused on the ‘front-end’ of cooperation by examining factors leading states to cut deals, others have focused on the ‘back-end’ by focusing on the role of military and diplomatic means, such as alliances, coercion and the role of law. In addition, while scholarship on cooperation neglects sovereignty-conscious issues, non-proliferation studies disregard what happens between the ‘front- and the backend’ of the cooperation loop.
This work analyzes three arrangements – the review process of the Nuclear Non- Proliferation Treaty, U.N. Security Council Resolution 1540 and the Nuclear Security Summits. Using case study analysis, elite interviews and participant observation, this study undertakes an investigation from a cognitivist perspective and examines the “principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures†governing non-proliferation.
While factors related to knowledge and learning affect actors' understandings of risks and their mitigation pathways, their impact is intertwined with idiosyncratic factors, with crisis as overarching and crosscutting thread. Theoretically, compared to neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism, cognitive approaches to international regimes provide the most cogent explanations to account for governance effectiveness, but cannot wholly explain a case. Operatively, effective and resilient nuclear non-proliferation governance should provide for permanent interaction whereby novel implementation and monitoring mechanisms are experimented in a sovereignty-respecting way.
3
Fiorentini, Enrico. "Avoiding non-proliferation atrophy: the effectiveness of multilateral cooperation, regime dynamics and the case of nuclear non-proliferation." Doctoral thesis, University of Trento, 2018. http://eprints-phd.biblio.unitn.it/3085/1/PhD_Thesis_EnricoFiorentini.pdf.
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This project investigates the evolution multilateral nuclear non-proliferation arrangements to prevent state and non-state actors to access potentially destructive weapons and components thereof. While less scrutinized by political scientists and security experts, cooperative frameworks abound in practice. This begets questions as to the mechanisms and processes by which actors effectively cooperate in a crowded, complex and pluralist environment. Which factors determine the success and resilience of non-proliferation arrangements? How much explanatory power do cognitive beliefs and institutional practices command to understand and explain variance in governance effectiveness?
While previous studies have focused on the ‘front-end’ of cooperation by examining factors leading states to cut deals, others have focused on the ‘back-end’ by focusing on the role of military and diplomatic means, such as alliances, coercion and the role of law. In addition, while scholarship on cooperation neglects sovereignty-conscious issues, non-proliferation studies disregard what happens between the ‘front- and the backend’ of the cooperation loop.
This work analyzes three arrangements – the review process of the Nuclear Non- Proliferation Treaty, U.N. Security Council Resolution 1540 and the Nuclear Security Summits. Using case study analysis, elite interviews and participant observation, this study undertakes an investigation from a cognitivist perspective and examines the “principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures” governing non-proliferation.
While factors related to knowledge and learning affect actors' understandings of risks and their mitigation pathways, their impact is intertwined with idiosyncratic factors, with crisis as overarching and crosscutting thread. Theoretically, compared to neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism, cognitive approaches to international regimes provide the most cogent explanations to account for governance effectiveness, but cannot wholly explain a case. Operatively, effective and resilient nuclear non-proliferation governance should provide for permanent interaction whereby novel implementation and monitoring mechanisms are experimented in a sovereignty-respecting way.
4
Pettersson, Ylva. "EU Actorship in the Non-Proliferation area : An Analysis." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-3524.
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The threat of nuclear weapons is depicted by the EU as the potentially greatest threat to security. How then does the EU counter this threat, i.e. what kind of actor is the EU in this area? To answer that question, this paper sets out to discover if the EU is an actor in the non-proliferation area, and if that is positively confirmed, what kind of an actor the EU depicts itself to be. Using the actorship framework, developed by Hettne, Söderbaum and Stålgren, it looks into the regionness, presence and actorness of the EU on this issue, to capture both internal and external aspects. The paper concludes that the EU can be defined as an actor on non-proliferation, and that it depicts itself as having a high level of regionness and presence, and gets a mixed result in the area of actorness. The paper also contributes to the theoretical framework by pointing out three aspects that the framework fails to take into consideration.
5
Rioux, Jean-Francois Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "La politique canadienne de non-proliferation nucleaire: 1943-1991." Ottawa, 1991.
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6
Al-Othman, Saleh Fahed. "Study of proliferation and apoptosis control in non-Hodgkin's lymphoma." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251350.
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NASCIMENTO, MARIANA OLIVEIRA DO. "IMPLICATIONS OF THE ARTICLE IV OF THE NON-PROLIFERATION TREATY." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2009. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=26844@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO<br>COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR<br>PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO<br>Os bombardeios nucleares contra Hiroshima e Nagasaki alteraram profundamente o conceito de guerra entre os Estados nacionais. A partir do momento em que os dois cogumelos atômicos espalharam-se as cidades japonesas, a inclusão da ameaça nuclear em conflitos interestatais passou a ser preocupação obrigatória das nações que disputariam áreas de influência diante a Guerra Fria. Estimulada por essa preocupação, a comunidade internacional tomou diversas medidas durante os últimos 50 anos para restringir o uso dos armamentos nucleares. O Tratado de não-Proliferação Nuclear (TNP) foi uma das principais iniciativas para atingir esse fim. Seus artigos determinaram a proibição do desenvolvimento e da aquisição de armamentos nucleares após 1967, além de incentivar o desenvolvimento da tecnologia nuclear civil e o encorajamento do progressivo desarmamento dos Estados.Os acordos firmados no final da década de 60, entretanto, não foram capazes de prever o avanço da tecnologia nuclear. Se o uso pacífico do átomo era permitido em 1968, hoje o desenvolvimento de tecnologias de duplo uso - tais como o enriquecimento de urânio, ainda que para fins pacíficos - não é visto com bons olhos.As dificuldades para verificar a boa-fé do desenvolvimento e do uso dessas tecnologias tornaram a possibilidade de sua proliferação um problema ainda mais temido. O surgimento de programas nucleares clandestinos e, consequentemente, de novos Estados nucleares, além da cada vez mais presente possibilidade de terrorismo nuclear, abalaram a credibilidade do Regime de Não-Proliferação. Para tentar controlar os danos causados por esse problema, diversas reuniões de revisão do TNP vêm tentando preencher as brechas que desafiam o regime.Esta dissertação mostra quais são as principais tensões existentes dentro do regime e como a comunidade internacional e a Agência Internacional de Energia Atômica estão atuando para lidar com essas dificuldades. A análise do artigo IV do TNP parece demonstrar que, se as cláusulas do contrato não forem cumpridas de forma igualitária por todos os Estados-parte, será muito difícil resolver os problemas da não-proliferação.<br>The nuclear bombings over hiroshima and Nagasaki have deeply changed the concept of war among national States. From the moment the two atomic mushroom clouds spread in the sky over the Japanese cities, the inclusion of the nuclear threat in interstate conflicts has become a mandatory worry to the nations that would struggle for influence areas during the Cold War.Stimulated by these worries, the international community has taken several measures over last 50 years in order to curb the use of nuclear weapons. The Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) has been one of the main initiatives aimed at this purpose. Its articles instituted the proscription of developing and acquiring nuclear weapons after 1967, besides motivating the expasion of civil nuclear technology and heartening the progressive disarmament of states. The agreements signed by the end of the 60s, however, were not able to predict the advance of nuclear technology. If the peaceful use of the atom was allowed back in 1968, today the development of dual-use technology- such as uranium enrichment, even for peaceful reasons - is still frowned upon.The difficulties to examine the true intentions behind developing and using this technology have changed the possibility of its proliferation into a truly fearsome problem. The blossoming of rogue nuclear programs, and, therefore, of new nuclear states, allied to the growing threat of nuclear terrorism, has shaken the credibility of the non-proliferation regime. In order to control the damages induced by this problem, several review conferences have been trying to mend the gaps that challenge the regime.This paper tries to show which are the main tensions inside the regime and how the international community and the Internatonal Atomic Energy Agency are trying to cope with these matters. The analysis of Articles IV of the NPT seems to demonstrate that if the treaty provisions are not equally observed by all member states, it will be extremely hard to overcome the problems of non-proliferation.
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Khazaeli, Susan. "Atomic Middle Power: Canada’s Nuclear Export and Non-Proliferation Policy." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/38298.
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This dissertation examines Canada’s nuclear export and non-proliferation policy. It demonstrates that contrary to the received wisdom on nuclear behaviour, Canada does not think ‘strategically’ in the nuclear field. I argue that while the decision-making of great powers may be straightforward in the nuclear field, non-great powers can afford to be more ambivalent and even less cautious.
The focus of the dissertation is on Canada’s nuclear export decisions from the 1950s to the late 1970s. My contention is that middle powers, like Canada, are rarely influenced by military-strategic interests, but that they, nonetheless, act according to their own particular self-interests when determining whether or not to export nuclear materials and technology.
In looking at Canada’s nuclear decision-making from its entry into the nuclear age until the late 1970s, the dissertation offers three findings. First, Canada does not make decisions that fit a military-strategic calculus. Second, Canada is often ambivalent in the nuclear field. I argue that Canada can afford to be ambivalent because constraints on its decision-making do not stem primarily from security concerns or existential threats but from beliefs as to what Canada should do and should be in global affairs. Finally, Canada’s nuclear export and non-proliferation policies have been defined primarily by its place – both real and imagined – in the world as a middle power.
The argument rests on insights draw from liberal IR theory as well as domestic politics explanations of nuclear behaviour. My contention is that Canada’s decision-making has been influenced by domestically held beliefs and perceptions of its identity – that is, where Canada ranks on the figurative power spectrum and what values it professes in relation to other actors in the international system. My research thus makes a contribution to the literature on nuclear supply and on the broader literature on nuclear behaviour, more generally.
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Petersen, Bradley Craig. "The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty : a comparison of realist, liberal and constructivist views." University of the Western Cape, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4644.
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Magister Philosophiae - MPhil<br>The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) was negotiated to stop the proliferation of nuclear weapons, resulting from the dangers associated with the use of these weapons well visible during 1945, in Hiroshima and Nagasaki and a nuclear arms race as seen during the Cuban Missile Crisis. During NPT Review Conferences, held every five years, the strength and integrity of this treaty is tested. Evident in NPT review conferences is the disagreement between nuclear weapon states and non-nuclear weapon states over the role and importance placed on nuclear weapons and the slow pace of nuclear disarmament. The NPT has been in force for over 40 years; however the threat of nuclear weapons still exists. It then becomes necessary to understand what role the NPT plays in the international system, which differs depending on the theoretical lens used to interpret the NPT. A realist perspective of the NPT reveals that this treaty is an instrument used by dominant states to safeguard and legitimise their hold over nuclear weapons, while denying other states access to these weapons, instead protecting their allies through extended nuclear deterrence. A liberal perspective of the NPT highlights the moral influence of this treaty as an instrument for the benefit of the greater good, to shield humanity from the dangers of a nuclear explosion by delegitimizing nuclear weapons, key to shaping the perceptions of the decision makers of states regarding state security and nuclear weapons particularly. A constructivist interpretation of the NPT argues that this treaty is a social construction by states to impose a measure of order in their relations. At particular times in history, the NPT moves between a realist and liberal interpretation based on critical events that inform its direction. Social agents (decision makers of the state) through their thinking and ideas construct and give meaning to “reality” which is constantly negotiated. With that in mind, no interpretation of the NPT is fixed and for that reason, a constructivist conclusion seems ultimately applicable, namely that the NPT is what states make of it.
10
Crowe, Simon Richard. "Alternative strategies for nuclear non-proliferation : denial or cooperative control; a case study of United States and United Kingdom non-proliferation policy towards France, 1943-63." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239895.
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Jennings, Elaine. "U.S. proliferation policy and the campaign against transnational terror: linking the u.s. non-proliferation regime to homeland security efforts." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/38956.
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CHDS State/Local<br>The non-proliferation treaty regime the international community has utilized for over half a century is insufficient to combat emerging global threats, specifically, WMD terrorism. The current landscape of transnational terrorism requires a major shift in U.S. nonproliferation policies if the current regime is going to address WMD threats and the proliferation of weapons and materials by non-state actors adequately. From a policy perspective, nonproliferation and counterterrorism still largely operate as separate and distinct missions which creates a disconnect that can be exploited. Recent efforts have been instituted in an attempt to fill gaps but they still fall short because these measures operate in the absence of an overarching international framework, which results in the failure to capture fully the integration of the convergence of issues in the fields of counter-proliferation transnational terrorism, and weapons of mass destruction. This thesis explores how the traditional non-proliferation policy regime can be connected to domestic homeland security efforts as an effective counter-terrorism strategy. It recommends a modern policy approach, including leveraging the non-proliferation framework already in existence, by supplementing with efforts to combat international criminal networks and overarching counterterrorism objectives to keep pace with current threats.
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Boulton, Ralph Adrian. "The role of hepatic non-parenchymal cells in regulating hypatocyte proliferation." Thesis, Imperial College London, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286234.
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Mulas, Roberta. "Strategies of disarmament : civil society and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/90836/.
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This thesis explores the ideological bases of the global governance of nuclear weapons by analysing the role of civil society, an actor generally left aside by nuclear scholarship. Here the question of nuclear order is tackled with an unconventional approach that combines critical works in nuclear studies, critical constructivist works on security, and Antonio Gramsci’s theory of civil society. Such approach brings civil society to the forefront of analytical attention in order to show the cultural domination exercised by the bomb by inquiring into the common sense nature of nuclear discourse. This rests on the assumption that uncritically accepted ideas about what nuclear weapons do have been instrumental in generating the current nuclear order that, although under mounting challenges, remains based on a hierarchy between states protected by the bomb and all the rest. To understand how civil society challenges and reproduces that order, this thesis analyses the calls for nuclear disarmament advanced by organised collective actors and inquires, in a Gramscian way, into the common sense ingrained in those calls as well as their ability to constitute a united front. As a result, the thesis problematises the notion of disarmament, marking the importance of a struggle on its very concept between reductionist and abolitionist frames. It indicates that while the latter are involved in a radical opposition, the former are culturally dominated by the system of deterrence, thus coming to represent two distinct historic blocs: a counter-hegemonic opposition, on one hand, and an unwitting part of the hegemonic apparatus, on the other. This thesis concludes that 1) civil society is far from having created a unity of intent; and 2) the bases for the reliance on nuclear weapons are deeply entrenched, because of the pervasiveness, even inside civil society, of a common sense view of the nuclear threat.
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Mulas, Roberta. "Strategies of disarmament: civil society and the nuclear non-proliferation treaty." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201149.
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This thesis explores the ideological bases of the global governance of nuclear
weapons by analysing the role of civil society, an actor generally left aside by
nuclear scholarship. Here the question of nuclear order is tackled with an
unconventional approach that combines critical works in nuclear studies,
critical constructivist works on security, and Antonio Gramsci’s theory of
civil society. Such approach brings civil society to the forefront of analytical
attention in order to show the cultural domination exercised by the bomb by
inquiring into the common sense nature of nuclear discourse. This rests on
the assumption that uncritically accepted ideas about what nuclear weapons
do have been instrumental in generating the current nuclear order that,
although under mounting challenges, remains based on a hierarchy between
states protected by the bomb and all the rest.
To understand how civil society challenges and reproduces that order, this
thesis analyses the calls for nuclear disarmament advanced by organised
collective actors and inquires, in a Gramscian way, into the common sense
ingrained in those calls as well as their ability to constitute a united front. As
a result, the thesis problematises the notion of disarmament, marking the
importance of a struggle on its very concept between reductionist and
abolitionist frames. It indicates that while the latter are involved in a radical
opposition, the former are culturally dominated by the system of deterrence,
thus coming to represent two distinct historic blocs: a counter-hegemonic
opposition, on one hand, and an unwitting part of the hegemonic apparatus,
on the other. This thesis concludes that 1) civil society is far from having
created a unity of intent; and 2) the bases for the reliance on nuclear weapons
are deeply entrenched, because of the pervasiveness, even inside civil
society, of a common sense view of the nuclear threat.
15
Campbell, James K. "Weapons of mass destruction and terrorism : proliferation and the non-state actor." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1996. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA323947.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1996.<br>"December 1996." Thesis advisor(s): John Arquilla, Gordon McCormick. Includes bibliographical references (p. 309-323). Also available online.
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Li, MingLi. "Regulation of apoptosis-induced proliferation and non-apoptotic cell death in Drosophila." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7491/.
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Apoptosis-induced Proliferation (AiP) refers to an evolutionary conserved process that stress-induced apoptotic cells stimulate neighbouring cells to undergo extra proliferation to compensate for the loss of apoptotic cells. It is therefore involved in tissue regeneration in multi-cellular organisms. I found that dAtg1 (Drosophila autophagy-related gene 1), a gene best known in activating autophagy, is required for AiP. dAtg1 is transcriptionally induced by the JNK pathway, a stress response signalling pathway, during AiP and it regulates AiP by acting upstream of growth signals e.g. Wg/Wnt. Surprisingly, other Atg genes involved in autophagy are not required for AiP. Therefore, dAtg1 regulates AiP independent of its canonical roles in mediating autophagy. In parallel, I investigated the non-apoptotic cell death induced by Eiger (Egr), the Drosophila tumour necrosis factors (TNFs). In mammals, TNF induces apoptosis and, when apoptosis is blocked, necrosis. In Drosophila, the type of cell death induced by Egr remains elusive. I found that expression of egr in the developing Drosophila eye primarily induces apoptosis through the canonical apoptosis pathway. Intriguingly, when apoptosis is blocked by inactivation of effector caspases DrICE and Dcp-1, Egr induces necrosis instead. Therefore, mechanisms underlying TNF-induced cell death are more conserved in Drosophila than previously thought.
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Farrell, Kate Michelle. "Shoring Up the Non-Proliferation Regime: An analysis of the diplomatic strategies for dealing with nuclear non-compliance." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4819.
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This thesis aims to determine the most effective ways to deal with nuclear non-compliance using
diplomacy at regional and multilateral levels. Recent exposure of clandestine and dual-use
nuclear weapons developments has revealed the need for diplomatic engagement in cases of
extreme non-compliance with the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT).
Due to the anarchic structure of the international system there is limited international authority to
enforce treaty compliance or to deal with clandestine nuclear activities. This thesis takes an
approach that seeks to deal with the problem of illicit nuclear development, while working
towards an international security structure that has decreased reliability on nuclear weapons.
Taking the lessons learned from past cases will inform current challenges to the non-proliferation
regime and work towards a uniform approach while the regime is in a transition phase. This
thesis applies Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) to explain international security
interactions from a regional perspective and to rationalise nuclear diplomacy. RSCT helps
establish what levels within the international security structure motivate illicit nuclear
development and what level is then most appropriate in dealing with such actions. To establish
the parameters of debate, this research examines past diplomatic strategies to resolve cases where
states failed to adhere to international obligations in the frrst nuclear crisis with the Democratic
People's Republic of Korea (North Korea), Iraq, Libya and Ulaaine. This research then considers
the factors that contributed to the 2009 breakdown of the Six-Party Talks - the strategy
employed to deal with the second North Korea nuclear crisis from 2003 . This exploration allows
us to discern where multilateral diplomacy experiences obstacles and to then evaluate the
possibilities for multilateral engagement for the Islamic Republic ofIran (Iran). Lessons learned
in these cases provide understanding ofthe factors that exacerbate and mitigate compliance
negotiations. This research gives insight into the possibilities for and limitations of regional and
multilateral diplomacy to deal with Iran's illicit nuclear developments and future noncompliance
crises.
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Eckford, James. "Nuclear Proliferation And The Nuclear Deterrent: Will The Non-Proliferation Treaty Ever Achieve Total Nuclear Disarmament? Is The Nuclear Deterrent Worth Keeping?" Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Centrum för studier av politik, kommunikation och medier (CPKM), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-16926.
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In 2009 President Obama outlined his utopic vision of a nuclear-free world, admitting that this would not be possible within his lifetime he claimed that while the US will continue to reduce its stockpile it would implement the missile defence shield as long as Iran, North Korea and terrorists pose a nuclear threat. Such a pledge...
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Baskaran, Angathevar. "Technology development in India's space programme 1965-1995 : the impact of the missile technology control regime." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244322.
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Reiss, M. "The determinants of non-proliferation : Why countries decide not to acquire nuclear weapons." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.354812.
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Price, Tristan. "Reconciling the irreconcilable? : British nuclear weapons and the non-proliferation treaty 1997-2007." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/40c3324d-6329-4762-b57c-64592e16b825.
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This thesis examines the evolution of the relationship between nuclear weapons and the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in UK policy, with a focus on the first ten years of the New Labour Government, 1997-2007. By approaching the NPT from the perspective of an international security regime, the thesis argues that the relationship between the two strands of policy – nuclear weapons and the NPT – should be understood in relation to the changing normative framework of the NPT’s disarmament pillar. The influence of the NPT in shaping policy was both enabling and constraining. It was enabling to the extent that the developments in the disarmament pillar of the NPT allowed the Government to frame its nuclear weapons policy in terms of multilateral disarmament without directly impinging on its nuclear future. It was constraining to the extent that it placed pressure on policy-makers to continue to make further cuts in capability, to recognize that incremental reductions were part of its obligations under the NPT, and to accept that the goal of nuclear disarmament was a clear and distinct obligation under the terms of the Treaty. The thesis argues that ultimately the tensions between what was considered the strategic imperative of nuclear weapons and the disarmament imperative in the NPT were not resolved by the New Labour Government, but in examining how the Government’s endeavours to reconcile the irreconcilable shaped policy, the thesis highlights one of the most pressing issues in British foreign and defence policy, and develops an understanding of the operation of one of the most important international regimes for global security.
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Harries, Matthew Edward. "The role of Article VI in debates about the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2014. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-role-of-article-vi-in-debates-about-the-nuclear-nonproliferation-treaty(63e6f120-ce80-40df-a3f0-3ab2e8a8f12c).html.
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This thesis examines the role that nuclear disarmament, embodied in the Article VI obligation, has played in debates about the Non-Proliferation Treaty. It provides a narrative archival history of the treaty negotiations, tracing the emergence of the NPT idea as the key priority for multilateral nuclear diplomacy in the mid-1960s, describing the tortuous route to superpower agreement on pursuing an NPT; and exploring the complex process by which key US allies and non-aligned states were encouraged to support the treaty. On this basis the thesis explains the role that disarmament played in conceiving, lobbying for and achieving an NPT. The thesis goes on to outline how the role of disarmament in the NPT 'bargain' has evolved, beginning with the effects of US ambivalence about the NPT in its early years, and the development of a circumscribed process of arms control. It then traces a path from the treaty's first review conference in 1975 up to the acrimonious failure of 2005. Finally, it provides an assessment of the role that disarmament issues played in the 2010 NPT Review Conference, which the author attended. The thesis argues, firstly, that the role of disarmament in the original NPT ‘bargain’ was limited and left key questions unsettled, but was nonetheless highly significant in political terms. Secondly, it explains how the practice of a distinctive ‘NPT diplomacy’ allowed the treaty to form the basis of a broader non-proliferation regime. Lastly, however, it concludes that the unresolved questions inherent in Article VI, and exacerbated since the end of the Cold War, mean that the NPT is unlikely to act as an effective vehicle to achieve the vision of a world free of nuclear weapons, and that measures to strengthen the non-proliferation regime in the future are unlikely to be achieved by offering specific concessions on disarmament.
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Akhtar, Rabia. "The counter-narrative: U.S. non-proliferation policy towards Pakistan from Ford to Clinton." Diss., Kansas State University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/35044.
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Doctor of Philosophy<br>Security Studies Interdepartmental Program<br>David R. Stone<br>Best known for being a ‘rollercoaster’ and a ‘marriage of convenience’, various scholars have
tried to reflect upon the true nature of Pak-U.S. relationship under this banner. However, no
matter how one examines this relationship one thing is certain –– the experience for both
countries has been harrowing. After India settled for non-alignment early in the Cold War,
Pakistan seized the opportunity and aligned itself with the United States in the East-West
struggle and pledged allegiance to fight communism in Asia. But that was not the only motive ––
Pakistan secretly hoped that an alliance with the U.S. would provide it security against India with
whom Pakistan had an antagonistic relationship over their outstanding territorial dispute of
Kashmir. When the U.S. did not rescue Pakistan as it had hoped for during its war with India in
1965 and sanctioned both countries with an arms embargo, Pakistan felt betrayed. From that
period onwards, Pakistan’s list of grievances against the U.S. developed into a narrative of
betrayal and abandonment fed by several episodes in their relationship during and after the Cold
War –– a period in which Pakistan developed and tested its nuclear weapons –– duly exploited
by Pakistani leaders as a tool for populist politics.
This dissertation provides the first scholarly account of Pakistan’s narrative and tests its
merit against the U.S. non-proliferation policy towards Pakistan under five administrations from
Ford to Clinton and finds that Pakistan’s narrative of betrayal and abandonment is uneven and
misleading with respect to the objectives and successes of U.S. non-proliferation policy. This
dissertation uses multi-archival documents to offer a counter-narrative which argues that
Pakistan, although a small state, was able to brilliantly maneuver its way through restricted
spaces in its relationship with the U.S. in the past five decades to not only acquire a decent
conventional capability through U.S. military assistance but also nuclear weapons due to the
fickleness of U.S. non-proliferation policy. This research concludes that the compromises made
by the U.S. to accommodate Pakistan and its inconsistency in enforcement of non-proliferation
laws has implications for the efficacy and success of U.S. non-proliferation policy with
prospective proliferants.
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Lockwood, James Martin. "Prospects for Nuclear Non-Proliferation: An Actor-Oriented Case Study of Iran’s Future." Scholar Commons, 2010. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/1701.
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This study is designed to assess the effectiveness of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime and analyze theories for effectively analyzing countries that are a risk for proliferating nuclear armaments. The initial phase of my research is designed to assess the existing literature and primary theoretical approaches for analyzing nuclear non-proliferation initiatives and potential nuclear proliferators. My main means of analysis will be to examine the national and international actors involved in each case. With this method, I plan to analyze a government at the level of each of its ruling institutions. Each of these institutions will be analyzed in the context of Joseph Cirincione's five drivers and barriers: security, prestige, domestic politics, technology, and economics. This study will then review multiple historical cases of countries and treaties related to the nuclear non-proliferation issue in the context of my method of analysis. In particular, each historical study will discuss major actors and institutions with respect to the five major proliferation concepts, as a means of demonstrating the validity of my method. The primary section of my thesis will be the application of my method to one of the preeminent nuclear proliferation threats today: Iran. After a discussion of the physical status of Iran's nuclear program, I will begin my analysis in terms of my concepts, and will examine the principal actors involved in the Iranian nuclear dispute. These will be the Iran's moderate and conservative factions, as well as the U.S., Israel, the EU-3, and IAEA, and they will be examined in the context of the five drivers and barriers. The final section will be my overall risk analysis for Iran. My preliminary analysis is that regime survival is the most critical issue when it comes to the principal motivations of a state to develop nuclear arms. If this is correct, policy options designed to take advantage of the actors' positions in Iran can be formulated based on the specific conditions that prevail in Iran.
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Wrobel, Paulo Sergio. "Brazil, the non-proliferation treaty and Latin America as a nuclear weapon-free zone." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.694646.
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Ahrnens, Anette. "A quest for legitimacy : debating UN Security Council rules on terrorism and non-proliferation /." Lund : Department of Political Science, Lund University, 2007. http://www.lu.se/o.o.i.s?id=12683&postid=26860.
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Nielsen, Jenny. "U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy and Iran (1969-1980) : an analysis of bilateral policy." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2010. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/340994/.
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During their efforts to reformulate and redefine U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy throughout the 1970s, the Nixon, Ford, and Carter administrations, engaged extensively, on a bilateral basis, with the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran’s (AEOI) Director, Dr. Akbar Etemad, in order to pursue an agreement establishing a cooperative relationship in the nuclear energy field. Although the United States attached high strategic importance to maintaining a strong bilateral relationship with Iran, and despite Iranian protestations of discriminatory treatment, the U.S. pursued an increasingly firm position in its negotiations with Iran, by insisting on the inclusion of progressively more restrictive elements to prevent proliferation, in the bilateral nuclear cooperation agreement between the two parties. Although the imposition of stricter conditions frustrated Iran, the US bilateral negotiating position was consistent with its evolving wider nuclear non-proliferation policy. Precisely because of the strong ties and alliance between Iran and the United States at this time, the U.S. --particularly the Carter administration -- wanted to showcase the eventual U.S.-Iranian cooperation agreement as a model for future bilateral nuclear cooperation agreements. The U.S. administrations also aimed to exploit their close relationship with the Shah by using him as an intermediary to advance U.S. proliferation concerns in the region. U.S. foreign policy is complex and multifaceted. As identified by Rosenau and further explored by Wittkopf et al, there are external, societal, governmental, role, and individual sources, contributing to foreign policy. Adapting this approach to a specific aspect of U.S. foreign policy -- that of nuclear non-proliferation policy -- this thesis identifies and examines the various sources contributing to U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy during the Nixon, Ford and Carter administrations. The analysis is refined further by examining the specific bilateral policy case study in the context of the general U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy during this period. This comparative approach allows the thesis to identify the objectives of U.S. bilateral nuclear cooperation policy with Iran in a systematic manner and conclude that the bilateral objectives were consistent with general U.S. nuclear non-proliferation objectives, which evolved throughout the three presidencies. This thesis contributes to the literature on U.S.-Iran bilateral foreign policy on nuclear issues in the 1970s and U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy more broadly. The originality of its contribution resides particularly in its is extensive empirical research using authoritative primary sources, specifically declassified official U.S. government documents sourced from the U.S. National Security Archive, and the relevant presidential libraries. These archival sources are supplemented and supported by existing secondary sources as well as semi-structured interviews of U.S. and Iranian officials.
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Gill, David James. "Wilson and the bomb : the politics and economics of British nuclear diplomacy, 1964-1970." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/ff300f1b-17e9-4c10-8caf-14ba69498c56.
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This thesis explores the British government’s approach to international negotiations concerning nuclear weapons during Harold Wilson’s first two terms of office (1964-1970). It focuses on three distinct but interrelated strands of British nuclear diplomacy: ‘hardware solutions’, the sharing of nuclear weapons between states in the form of a multilateral force; ‘software solutions’, non-physical measures of cooperation, such as consultative and planning arrangements, between alliance members; and a global non-proliferation treaty. In looking at how and why these interrelated policies evolved, this thesis considers party, domestic and international influences on decision-making within the government. It pays particular attention to political and economic events, building on existing diplomatic and strategic accounts of the period.
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Hogler, Joe L. "Participation and compliance in the non-proliferation regime : the role of norms and outreach activity." Thesis, University of Kent, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.544043.
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Kutchesfahani, S. Z. "Politics and the bomb : exploring the role of epistemic communities in nuclear non-proliferation outcomes." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2010. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/767199/.
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The role of epistemic communities in influencing policy formulation is underexplored in International Relations theory in general and in nuclear non-proliferation studies in particular. This thesis explores how epistemic communities – groups of experts knowledgeable in niche issue areas – have affected nuclear non-proliferation policy formulation in two important and under-studied cases: the Brazilian-Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials (ABACC) and the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR) Program. It demonstrates that applying an epistemic community approach provides explanatory power heretofore lacking in explanations of these cases’ origins. The thesis applies the epistemic community framework to non-proliferation, using Haas’ (1992) seminal exploration of epistemic communities in the context of natural scientific and environmental policies. Specifically, it analyses the creation and successful implementation of ABACC and the CTR Program, which, respectively, verified the non-nuclear weapon status of Argentina and Brazil and facilitated the denuclearisation of Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine. These cooperative nuclear non-proliferation agreements are shown to be the result of a process involving substantial input and direction from experts constituting epistemic communities. The thesis explores the differences in the emergence, composition, and influence mechanisms of the epistemic communities behind ABACC and the CTR Program. It reaches the conclusion that understanding the role of an epistemic community in non-proliferation policies leads to the possibility of creating more effective non-proliferation policies in the future.
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Hubbard, Christopher. "From ambivalence to activism: Australia and the negotiation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1517.
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This Dissertation presents a study of Australia's involvement in the negotiation and early interpretation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), an instrument which remains the most important global nuclear arms control measure in international law. Using data from recently released Australian government documents, the study analyses the process by which Australia was transformed from an ambivalent nuclear sceptic within the Western alliance, into a steadfast global campaigner against the spread of nuclear weapons. It concludes that Australia's urgent search during 1967 and 1968 for coherence in its policy on nuclear weapons acquisition, largely played out within sections of the Australian bureaucracy and political leadership, was not only the catalyst for that transformation, but also an important step in Australia's search for "middle power" status in both a regional and wider sense. The study uses an interdisciplinary theoretical model which asserts the complementary nature of international law and international relations theory in explanations of relations between states. That model proposes that each discipline is capable of enhancing the insights of the other, in order to account - more closely in concert than each does individually - for the rule-following behaviour of nation-states. Beginning in Chapter One with a critique of the NPT and the regime of institutions and understandings which surround it, the study moves, in Chapter Two, to a review of the domestic and international context in which Australia's nuclear weapons policy debate was conducted, while introducing the elements of division within the Australian federal bureaucracy which largely prosecuted that debate. Chapters Three and Four analyse the debate in detail, concluding that its inconclusive result induced Australia's refusal to agree to America's request for immediate accession to the NPT. This, in tum, resulted in Australia exercising, through its recalcitrance, disproportionate influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the treaty. Chapter Five moves analysis to the international arena, and the forum of the United Nations General Assembly, in which Australia finally found the limit of America's willingness to accommodate the concerns of a small but significant Western ally located in a region of strategic importance. Chapter Six examines the process by which Australia's influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the NPT was translated into guidance to other nuclear threshold states through the Western alliance. It also examines the level of influence exerted by Australia through its bilateral discussions with other states over the terms of the treaty. It concludes that Australia, mainly through the former process, could claim a significant role in the formulation of the world's most important multilateral nuclear convention through its insistence on interpretative clarity. Finally, the study draws general conclusions on the significance of Australia's nuclear weapons debate for its aspirations to "middle power" status. It concludes that its indisputable leadership role, after 1972, in global nuclear disarmament efforts of many kinds, is an example of that status. Its most important theoretical conclusion concerns the demonstrated utility of an interdisciplinary model for the study of relations between states.
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Waqar, Syeda Q. "U.S.-India civil nuclear accord (2001-2009): adjusting the incongruity in the nuclear non-proliferation regime." Thesis, University of Surrey, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.658626.
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For over three decades, U.S. proscribed the transfer of advanced nuclear technologies to India - being a non-signatory of the Nuclear Non-proliferation treaty (NPT) ln 1998, in an unparalleled challenge to the nuclear non-proliferation regime, India traversed the nuclear threshold and declared itself a nuclear weapon state, inviting repulsiveness of Washington in the form of sanctions. India's pursuit for advanced technology posed a persistent challenge to the NPTcentric nuclear non- proliferation regime. Despite the technological embargoes imposed by U.S, India's nuclear breakout in 1998 was inevitable and U.S. couldn't deal with it effectively. Article IX ofthe NPT, which details its membership, states very clearly the criteria of membership of the treaty but bypasses completely the issue of the non-members who are nuclear states. This is consequential, of course, from the premise that states that tested after 1967 are not NPT recognized nuclear weapon states, as detailed in the same article. By 2005, there is a complete transformation in U.S nuclear policy and so the Bush administration resumes full civilian nuclear cooperation with India. As India fits that description, a contract between India and a member of NPT becomes problematic and controversial. The 2005 U.S. -India nuclear cooperation agreement provoked sharp reactions and opened up a new Pandora's box. The indo-nuclear deal suggests trade in nuclear energy for peaceful purposes between the United States which is the signatory of the Nuclear Non-proliferation treaty (NPT), and India, which is not. This research examines the evolution of the change in the U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy towards India. It looks at the triad relationship between U.S. Nuclear non-proliferation policy, India's nuclear non-proliferation policy and the Nuclear non-proliferation Regime. The research through this triad relationship investigates whether this Nuclear deal between India and U.S. marks a major change or just a tweak in the nuclear non -proliferation regime to accommodate a de facto nuclear state that is India within the regime. This study utilises regime theory to investigate whether the Indo-US nuclear accord fits in the existing fabric of the nuclear regime, which offers no broader framework for countries that have not signed the NPT and yet are in effect nuclear weapon states. The trajectory of the U.S.-India relationship was checked by huge antagonism with respect to the nuclear non-proliferation regime. This thesis displays an intriguing, presumably remarkable, detailed analysis of how unique points of view with respect to a specific regime can create friction between two states-particularly, if one state is an advocate and a participant and the other is a non-participant. This research further highlights how a non-member state, that declined to accede to an establishing agreement of a regime, was accommodated within the setting of the principles and norms of the regime. This thesis could be valuable to other remarkable cases, particularly where the enthusiasm of the international group lies in the general acceptance of a regime
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Kienzle, Benjamin. "Ideas, Interests and the Limits of Collective Foreign Policy Output: The Case of the European Union Non-Proliferation Policy." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/5246.
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La política exterior y de seguridad de la Unión Europea (UE) varía sustancialmente dependiendo de las circunstancias específicas de cada caso. Esto es particularmente evidente en el ámbito de la no proliferación de armas de destrucción masiva (ADM). Por ejemplo, en el caso de la crisis nuclear iraní la UE se muestra un actor propio con un papel bastante coherente y enérgico, mientras que durante la disputa con Irak del 2003, la UE se porta más bien como una organización internacional profundamente dividida e incapaz de realizar acciones independientes. En la presente tesis se asume que las principales variables independientes que pueden explicar este fenómeno no son los 'intereses nacionales' sino las ideas en forma de creencias normativas y causales que sustentan la construcción de intereses, la elección de los instrumentos y, en última instancia, la política exterior colectiva. Por lo tanto, la cuestión central de esta investigación es: ¿Cómo afectan las ideas a la política exterior colectiva, en particular de la UE en el ámbito de la no proliferación?<br/>En la primera parte de la tesis, se desarrolla el marco teórico para comprender mejor la relación entre las ideas y los diferentes grados de acción colectiva por grupos de estados en materia de 'alta política.' Basado en un modelo concreto sobre el papel de las ideas en la cooperación internacional, se examina cómo funcionan estas ideas en el caso específico de la política exterior y de seguridad europea. En este sentido, se identifican cuatro grupos dominantes de ideas ('complejos de ideas') que influyen en la política europea común: 'Europa nacional,' 'Europa integracionista,' 'Europa cosmopolita' y 'Europa multilateral.' En estos complejos de ideas son particularmente importantes las creencias causales y normativas sobre seguridad, el uso de los medios y relaciones estatales. El argumento fundamental es que un número limitado de complejos de ideas hace probable el consenso en una política relativamente fuerte. Esto es particularmente cierto si se toma en consideración la maleabilidad de las ideas y el alto grado de institucionalización de grupos de estados como la UE. La competencia entre los complejos de ideas, sin embargo, deja un margen considerable para el desacuerdo. Por tanto, los complejos de ideas pueden explicar la fuerte variación de la política de la UE entre los diferentes campos de actividad.<br/>La segunda parte de la tesis analiza empíricamente la política europea en el ámbito de la no proliferación de ADM. Se han elegido tres casos de estudio: (a) una comparación entre las políticas de la UE durante la crisis nuclear iraní y la invasión estadounidense de Iraq; (b) los esfuerzos desiguales de la UE contra la proliferación en el sur y este de la vecindad europea, y (c) las políticas de la UE hacia las instituciones internacionales de no proliferación a la luz del concepto de 'multilateralismo eficaz.' El objetivo es demostrar cómo las ideas influyen en la práctica la política exterior desigual de la UE bajo situaciones diferentes. Del análisis de los estudios de caso se pueden extraer tres conclusiones principales: en primer lugar, el consenso en la UE para la acción colectiva sólo es posible si ciertos límites relativos a la percepción de seguridad, la utilización de medios y las relaciones con otros estados no se cruzan; en segundo lugar, la necesidad de un equilibrio entre los complejos de ideas opuestos explican la política frecuentemente moderada de la UE ('equilibrio de ideas'); y, por último, las ideas como 'multilateralismo eficaz' se pueden utilizar de manera limitada como un foco para fomentar la cohesión, coherencia y legitimidad de la UE en los asuntos internacionales.<br>The foreign and security policy outputs of the European Union (EU) vary substantially depending on the issue at stake. This has been particularly clear in the field of non-proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD). For example, in the case of the Iranian nuclear crisis, the EU shows the characteristics of a fairly coherent and forceful actor in its own right, whereas during the 2003 Iraq standoff the EU is merely a deeply divided international organization incapable of independent action. The dissertation argues that the principal independent variables that can explain this phenomenon are not 'national interests' but ideas in the form of normative and causal beliefs, which underpin the construction of interests, the choice of instruments and, ultimately, collective foreign policy outputs. Hence, the central research question is: How do ideas affect collective foreign policy output, in particular by the EU in the field of non-proliferation?<br/>In the first part, the dissertation develops a theoretical framework to understand better the relation between ideas and the different degrees of collective action by groups of states in matters of 'high politics.' Based on a concrete model outlining the role of ideas in international cooperation, it continues examining theoretically how ideas work in the specific case of the European foreign and security policy. In this regard, it identifies four dominant sets of ideas ('idea complexes') that influence common European policy output: 'national Europe,' 'integrationist Europe,' 'cosmopolitan Europe' and 'multilateral Europe.' In these idea complexes, causal and normative beliefs about security, the use of means and state relations are particularly important. The key argument is that the limited number of relatively malleable foreign policy idea complexes makes consensus for relatively forceful policy output likely, in particular taking into consideration the high degree of institutionalization of groups of states such as the EU. The competition between idea complexes leaves, however, substantial room for disagreement. Therefore, idea complexes can explain the EU's strong output variation between different fields of activity.<br/>The second part of the dissertation analyzes empirically the EU's policy in the field of non-proliferation of WMD. Three specific case studies have been chosen: (a) a comparison between the EU policies during the Iranian nuclear crisis and the US led invasion of Iraq; (b) the EU's uneven non-proliferation efforts in the Southern and Eastern neighbourhood; and (c) EU policies towards international non-proliferation institutions in light of the concept of 'effective multilateralism.' The aim is to demonstrate how ideas influence in practice the uneven EU foreign policy output in different situations. Three major conclusions can be drawn from the analysis of the case studies: First, consensus in the EU on collective action is only possible, if certain limits regarding security perception, use of means and relations with other states are not crossed; secondly, the need for striking a balance between competing idea complexes explains the frequently moderate policy output by the EU ('ideational balancing'); and, finally, ideas such as 'effective multilateralism' can be used to a limited extent as focal points to foster cohesion, coherence and legitimacy of the EU in international affairs.
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Marshall, Kaitlin E. "Keeping Iran from the Bomb: The Obama Administration and the Puzzle of the Iranian Nuclear Program." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/387.
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In November 2013, the Islamic Republic of Iran reached an interim agreement with six world powers, including the United States. After the agreement was implemented in January 2014, Iran froze uranium enrichment in exchange for limited sanctions relief from the United States. This was the first diplomatic exchange between the United States and Iran in over thirty years. Keeping Iran from the Bomb analyzes how each country’s respective domestic politics and stereotypes of the other have, until recently, impeded diplomacy between the two nations. This study examines American-Iranian relations during the hostage crisis, the Bush administration, and the Obama administration to do the following: analyze what has prevented diplomacy in the past, explain the circumstances that made the interim agreement possible, and show what factors threaten this diplomatic progress. The primary argument of this thesis is that the leaders of both the United States and Iran are encouraged, and often rewarded, by various entities to demonize the other nation. If the leaders of the United States and Iran can convince their domestic constituents that continued cooperation with the other country will be beneficial, diplomacy can move forward.
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Neame, Rebecca Beachen. "Strengthening the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime in the 21st Century: Multilateral Approaches to the Nuclear Fuel Cycle." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4274.
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In recent years, the multilateral approach to the nuclear fuel cycle has been promoted as a potential mechanism for strengthening the nuclear non-proliferation regime. The multilateral approach has the potential to gain international favour over what has become traditional practice – the indigenous development and control of nuclear facilities. This thesis explores the way in which four states have responded to the revived attention on multilateral approaches to the nuclear fuel cycle, within the framework of the norm life cycle. The varying levels of support reflect broader international opinion on this issue, as many developing states remain concerned that they may be required to forgo not only the “inalienable right” to peaceful nuclear energy, but also the prospective economic and technological benefits of indigenous development in order to participate. However, as the risk of further proliferation and nuclear terrorism comes to the fore of international agendas, facilitating multilateral control of the most sensitive aspects of peaceful nuclear energy may be the key to strengthening the non-proliferation regime in the 21st century.
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Nel, Coligny. "United States policy and nuclear non-proliferation: a preliminary comparison of the Bush and Obama administrations' approaches." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4129.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The United States of America (USA) has a new president in the White House - a
president whose rhetoric appears to distance himself from the policies of the previous
administration. This also appears to hold true for his approach with regard to nuclear nonproliferation.
The overarching research aim of this study is to explore whether the Obama
administration’s policy with regard to nuclear non-proliferation will differ significantly
from that of the Bush administration. The broader subject of nuclear non-proliferation
will be subdivided into three themes, namely: disarmament, proliferation by non-nuclear
states and nuclear terrorism. In order to sketch the international context within which the
USA’s policy must be viewed, an overview of the nuclear non-proliferation regime is
provided. This will be followed by an exploration of disarmament, proliferation by nonnuclear
states (with Iran and North Korea as case studies) and nuclear terrorism. In each
case, a comparison between the Bush administration and the Obama administration’s
policies will be done. Finally, an analysis will be done of the main similarities and
differences between the two administrations’ approaches, with a focus on the use of hard,
soft and smart power.
The study concludes that the primary difference between the Bush and Obama
administration’s approaches is that Bush pursued only one policy option (hard power) at
a time, while Obama intends to use many different policy options (smart power) at the
same time, with a focus on increasing the use of soft power. This sort of pragmatism
may just be what the USA needs right now in order to address the problem of nuclear
proliferation.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Verenigte State van Amerika (VSA) het ‘n nuwe president in die Withuis – ‘n
president wie se uitsprake hom van die beleide van die vorige administrasie blyk te
distansieer. Dit wil ook voorkom asof dit van toepassing is op sy benadering tot
kernwapen versperring.
Die oorhoofse navorsingsdoelwit van hierdie studie is om te ondersoek of die Obama
administrasie se beleid ten opsigte van kernwapen versperring aansienlik van die van die
Bush administrasie gaan verskil. Die breër onderwerp van kernwapen versperring kan in
drie temas opgedeel word, naamlik: ontwapening, proliferasie deur nie-kernwapenstate,
en kernwapen terrorisme. Ten einde die internasionale konteks te skets waarin die VSA
se beleid moet geskied, begin die studie met ‘n oorsig van die kernwapen versperring
regime. Dit word gevolg deur ‘n ondersoek van onderskeidelik ontwapening, proliferasie
deur nie-kernwapenstate (met Iran en Noord-Korea as gevallestudies) en kernwapen
terrorisme. By elkeen van die drie temas word ‘n vergelyking tussen die Bush
administrasie en die Obama adminstrasie se beleide getref. Laastens word ‘n analise van
die hoof verskille en ooreenkomste tussen die twee administrasies se benaderings
onderneem, met die klem op die gebruik van harde, sagte en slim mag.
Die bevinding van die studie is dat die hoof verskille tussen die Bush en Obama
administrasies se benaderings behels dat Bush slegs een beleidsopsie (harde mag) op ‘n
slag nagevolg het, terwyl Obama beoog om terselfdertyd van verskillende beleidsopsies
(slim mag) gebruik te maak, met veral ‘n fokus op ‘n toename in die gebruik van sagte
mag. Die soort pragmatisme mag dalk net wees wat die VSA tans nodig het om die
probleem van kernwapen proliferasie aan te spreek.
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Rambani, Komal. "A genome wide screen in C. elegans identifies cell non-autonomous regulators of oncogenic Ras mediated over-proliferation." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1461288131.
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Lawson, Brodie Alexander James. "Cell migration and proliferation on homogeneous and non-homogeneous domains : modelling on the scale of individuals and populations." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2013. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/61066/1/Brodie_Lawson_Thesis.pdf.
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Cell migration is a behaviour critical to many key biological effects, including wound healing, cancerous cell invasion and morphogenesis, the development of an organism from an embryo.
However, given that each of these situations is distinctly different and cells are extremely complicated biological objects, interest lies in more basic experiments which seek to remove conflating factors and present a less complex environment within which cell migration can be experimentally examined. These include in vitro studies like the scratch assay or circle migration assay, and ex vivo studies like the colonisation of the hindgut by neural crest cells. The reduced complexity of these experiments also makes them much more enticing as problems to mathematically model, like done here.
The primary goal of the mathematical models used in this thesis is to shed light on which cellular behaviours work to generate the travelling waves of invasion observed in these experiments, and to explore how variations in these behaviours can potentially predict differences in this invasive pattern which are experimentally observed when cell types or chemical environment are changed. Relevant literature has already identified the difficulty of distinguishing between these behaviours when using traditional mathematical biology techniques operating on a macroscopic scale, and so here a sophisticated individual-cell-level model, an extension of the Cellular Potts Model (CPM), is been constructed and used to model a scratch assay experiment.
This model includes a novel mechanism for dealing with cell proliferations that allowed for the differing properties of quiescent and proliferative cells to be implemented into their behaviour. This model is considered both for its predictive power and used to make comparisons with the travelling waves which result in more traditional macroscopic simulations.
These comparisons demonstrate a surprising amount of agreement between the two modelling frameworks, and suggest further novel modifications to the CPM that would allow it to better model cell migration. Considerations of the model’s behaviour are used to argue that the dominant effect governing cell migration (random motility or signal-driven taxis) likely depends on the sort of invasion demonstrated by cells, as easily seen by microscopic photography.
Additionally, a scratch assay simulated on a non-homogeneous domain consisting of a ’fast’ and ’slow’ region is also used to further differentiate between these different potential cell motility behaviours. A heterogeneous domain is a novel situation which has not been considered mathematically in this context, nor has it been constructed experimentally to the best of the candidate’s knowledge. Thus this problem serves as a thought experiment used to test the conclusions arising from the simulations on homogeneous domains, and to suggest what might be observed should this non-homogeneous assay situation be experimentally realised.
Non-intuitive cell invasion patterns are predicted for diffusely-invading cells which respond to a cell-consumed signal or nutrient, contrasted with rather expected behaviour in the case of random-motility-driven invasion. The potential experimental observation of these behaviours is demonstrated by the individual-cell-level model used in this thesis, which does agree with the PDE model in predicting these unexpected invasion patterns. In the interest of examining such a case of a non-homogeneous domain experimentally, some brief suggestion is made as to how this could be achieved.
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Mirzaei, Yengejeh Saeid. "Law-Making by the Security Council in Areas of Counter-Terrorism and Non-Proliferation of Weapons of Mass-Destruction." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35536.
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The purpose of this thesis is to determine whether the Security Council has opened a new avenue for law-making at the international level by adopting resolutions under Chapter VII of the UN Charter which create new norms of international law or modify international norms already in force (the normative resolutions). The normative resolutions analyzed in this study pertain to the areas of counterterrorism and the non-proliferation of weapons of mass-destruction. The new approach of the Security Council has been examined in light of the Third World Approaches in International law (TWAIL), as well as from the viewpoint of mainstream lawyers. Furthermore, 15 years of State practice relating to the implementation of these normative resolutions has been studied with a view to determining whether subsequent State practice confirms the exercise of a law-making function by the Security Council.
Despite some incremental success in promoting international standards in the fight against terrorism, this thesis illustrates that the Security Council has not succeeded in introducing a new viable form of law-making. The Security Council’s authority to exercise such a function is now under serious doubt and its legitimacy questioned, as its normative resolutions were improperly initiated and adopted under the influence of a Permanent Member of the Security Council. Furthermore, the Security Council’s intervention in areas that are already highly regulated runs the risk of contributing to the fragmentation of international law—a phenomenon that undermines the coherence of international law. Currently, the Council’s normative resolutions are facing serious challenges at the implementation stage and several proceedings before national and regional courts have either directly challenged the normative resolutions, or questioned their enforceability. The Security Council is under continued pressure to further revise its practice or potentially face additional challenges before national, regional, and even international courts which may annul or quash relevant implementing measures. Thus, in light of relevant State practice, it is almost inconceivable that the Security Council would repeat its use of normative resolutions as a means of law-making in the future.
Nevertheless, the increasing powers of the United Nations Security Council also stimulates an increasing demand to hold the United Nations accountable for the possible wrongful acts of its principal organ, particularly when its decisions harm individuals. It is argued that in the absence of a compulsory judicial mechanism at the international level, non-compliance with the Council’s decisions is the only viable way to challenge the Security Council wrongful acts. Yet, non-complying State or group of States should clearly identify their actions as countermeasures vis-a-vis ultra vires acts of Security Council and seek support from other like-minded States to avoid being declared recalcitrant, which may be followed by Security Council sanctions.
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Burdo, James. "Monte Carlo Characterization of PWR Spent Fuel Assemblies to Determine the Detectability of Pin Diversion." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1267546076.
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Jaffke, Patrick John. "Corrections to and Applications of the Antineutrino Spectrum Generated by Nuclear Reactors." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/80031.
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In this work, the antineutrino spectrum as specifically generated by nuclear reactors is studied. The topics covered include corrections and higher-order effects in reactor antineutrino experiments, one of which is covered in Ref. [1] and another contributes to Ref. [2]. In addition, a practical application, antineutrino safeguards for nuclear reactors, as summarized in Ref. [3,4] and Ref. [5], is explored to determine its viability and limits. The work will focus heavily on theory, simulation, and statistical analyses to explain the corrections, their origins, and their sizes, as well as the applications of the antineutrino signal from nuclear reactors.
Chapter [1] serves as an introduction to neutrinos. Their origin is briefly covered, along with neutrino properties and some experimental highlights. The next chapter, Chapter [2], will specifically cover antineutrinos as generated in nuclear reactors. In this chapter, the production and detection methods of reactor neutrinos are introduced as well as a discussion of the theories behind determining the antineutrino spectrum. The mathematical formulation of neutrino oscillation will also be introduced and explained.
The first half of this work focuses on two corrections to the reactor antineutrino spectrum. These corrections are generated from two specific sources and are thus named the spent nuclear fuel contribution and the non-linear correction for their respective sources. Chapter [3] contains a discussion of the spent fuel contribution. This correction arises from spent nuclear fuel near the reactor site and involves a detailed application of spent fuel to current reactor antineutrino experiments. Chapter [4] will focus on the non-linear correction, which is caused by neutron-captures within the nuclear reactor environment. Its quantification and impact on future antineutrino experiments are discussed.
The research projects presented in the second half, Chapter [5], focus on neutrino applications, specifically reactor monitoring. Chapter [5] is a comprehensive examination of the use of antineutrinos as a reactor safeguards mechanism. This chapter will include the theory behind safeguards, the statistical derivation of power and plutonium measurements, the details of reactor simulations, and the future outlook for non-proliferation through antineutrino monitoring.<br>Ph. D.
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Lahti, Makreeta. "Security cooperation as a way to stop the spread of nuclear weapons? : Nuclear nonproliferation policies of the United States towards the Federal Republic of Germany and Israel, 1945-1968." Phd thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/3145/.
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In my dissertation on 'Security Cooperation as a Way to Stop the Spread of Nu-clear Weapons? Nuclear Nonproliferation Policies of the United States towards the Federal Republic of Germany and Israel, 1945-1968', I study the use of security assistance as nonproliferation policy. I use insights of the Structural Realist and the Rational Institutionalist theories of International Relations to explain, respectively, important foreign policy goals and the basic orientation of policies, on the one hand, and the practical workings and effects of security cooperation on states’ behavior, on the other hand. Moreover, I consider the relations of the United States (US) with the two states in light of bargaining theory to explain the level of US ability to press other states to its preferred courses of action. The study is thus a combination of theory proposing and testing and historic description and explanation. It is also policy-relevant as I seek general lessons regarding the use of security cooperation as nonproliferation policy.
I show that the US sought to keep the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) from acquiring nuclear weapons in order to avoid crises with Moscow and threats to the cohesion of NATO. But the US also saw it as necessary to credibly guarantee the security of the FRG and treat it well in order to ensure that it would remain satisfied as an ally and without own nuclear weapons. Through various institutionalized security cooperation schemes, the US succeeded in this – though the FRG did acquire an option to produce nuclear weapons. The US opposed Israel’s nuclear weapon ambitions in turn because of an expectation that Arab states’ reactions could otherwise result in greater tension and risks of escalation and a worse balance-of-power in the area. But as also a US-Israel alliance could have led to stronger Arab-Soviet ties and thus a worse balance-of-power, and as it was not in US in-terest to be tied to Israel’s side in all regional issues, the US was not prepared to guarantee Israel’s security in a formal, credible way like it did in West Germany’s case. The US failed to persuade Israel to forgo producing nuclear weapons but gradually, an opaque nu-clear status combined with US arms sales that helped Israel to maintain a conventional military advantage over Arabs emerged as a solution to Israel’s security strategy. Because of perceptions that Israel and the FRG had also other options than cooperation with the US, and because the US ability to punish them for unwanted action was limited, these states were able to offer resistance when the US pressed its nonproliferation stance on them.<br>In meiner Doktorarbeit ‘Security Cooperation as a Way to Stop the Spread of Nuclear Weapons? Nuclear Nonproliferation Policies of the United States towards the Federal Republic of Germany and Israel, 1945-1968’ forsche ich die Anwendung von Sicherheitshilfe als Nukleare Nichtverbreitungspolitik. Ich benutze Erkenntnisse der strukturell-realistischen und rational-institutionalistischen Theorien der Internationalen Beziehungen um respektive einerseits wichtige aussenpolitische Ziele und die grundlegende Orientierung der Politik, und andererseits Praxis und die Wirkungen der Sicherheitskooperation auf das Verhalten der Staaten zu erläutern. Überdies studiere ich die Beziehungen der Vereinigten Staaten der America (USA) zu der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (BRD) und Israel aus der Perspektive der Verhandlungstheorie, um zu erklären, wie weit die USA fähig waren, die beiden anderen Staaten zu drängen, nach seinen Prefärenzen zu verhalten. Die Studie ist also eine Kombination von Theorie-Vorschlägen und Theorie-Testen und von historischer Beschreibung und Erläuterung. Die Studie ist auch relevant für Politik: ich suche allgemeine Lehren über die Benutzung von Sicherheitskooperation als Nichtverbreitungspolitik.
Ich zeige, dass um Krisen mit Moskau und Drohungen gegen die Kohäsion der NATO zu meiden, die USA zu verhindern versucht haben, dass die BRD eigene Kernwaffen schaffen würde. Aber die USA haben gleichzeitig eingesehen, dass es nötig war, die Sicherheit der BRD glaubhaftig zu garantieren und die BRD gut zu behandeln, um zu gewährleisten, dass sie zufrieden als eine Allierte und ohne eigene Kernwaffen bleiben würde. Dieses is der USA durch verschiedene institutionalisierte Anordnungen für Sicher-heitskooperation gelungen – obwohl die BRD sich eine Option angeschafft hat, Kernwaffen zu produzieren. Die USA waren gegen Israel’s Kernwaffenambitionen wegen der Erwartung, dass die Reaktionen der Arabstaaten sonst zu verstärkten Spannungen und Risiken der Eskalation und zu einem verschlechterten Machtgleichgewicht in der Region führen könnten. Aber weil auch eine US-Israel Allianz zu einem stärkeren Arab-Soviet Band und deswegen zu einen verschlechterten Machtgleichgewicht hätte führen können, und da es nicht im Interesse der USA war, in allen regionalen Fragen auf der Seite Israel’s gebunden zu bleiben, waren die USA nicht bereit, wie im Fall von der BRD, die Sicherheit Israel’s auf einer formalen, glaubhaften Weise zu garantieren. Die USA sind daran gescheitert, Israel davon zu überzeugen, auf Kernwaffenproduktion zu verzichten, aber graduell ist ein opaker Kernwaffenstatus, verbunden mit amerikanischen Waffen-verkaufen, die dem Israel geholfen haben, eine konventionelle militärische Überlegenheit über die Araber zu behalten, als eine Lösung zu Israel’s Sicherheitsstrategie entstanden. Wegen der Erkenntnisse, dass Israel und die BRD auch andere Optionen als die Kooperation mit der USA hatten, und weil die Fähigkeit der USA beschränkt war, die zwei Staaten wegen nichterwünschten Aktionen zu bestrafen, waren diese fähig, sich zu widersetzen, als die USA versucht haben, sie zu ihrer Einstellung der Nichtverbreitung zu drängen.
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Kwak, Taeshin (Taeshin S. ). "Nuclear non-proliferation regime effectiveness : an integrated methodology for analyzing highly enriched uranium production scenarios at gas centrifuge enrichment plants." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/58084.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Nuclear Science and Engineering, 2010.<br>Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (p. 399-417).<br>The dramatic change in the international security environment after the collapse of the bipolar system has had a negative impact on the effectiveness of the existing nuclear non-proliferation regime. Furthermore, the success of the Pakistani Gas Centrifuge Enrichment Technology (GCET)- based nuclear weapons program has imposed a great challenge on the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) regime. In this context, this study tried to answer two questions: (a) what is the probability of proliferators successfully producing Highly Enriched Uranium (HEU) at Gas Centrifuge Enrichment Plants (GCEPs) and (b) how effective is the current NPT regime in dealing with this issue. In order to tackle these two questions, an integrated methodology is used that reflects all factors affecting the nuclear proliferation on the front-end of the nuclear fuel cycle. A quantitative assessment of the proliferation risks of producing HEU for multiple scenarios is presented using success tree models, uncertainty analysis, sensitivity analysis, importance measures, and expert opinion. This assessment identifies the factors that can reduce the proliferators' success of producing HEU, which will be helpful in prioritizing the use of the IAEA's limited resources.<br>(cont.) The study found that legal capabilities of the NPT regime are more problematic than technological capabilities in preventing proliferators from producing HEU at GCEPs, since the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is the only NPT regime component that has compliance-enforcing resources. This study recommends three approaches as follows: First, the NPT regime should take a multi-faceted approach that incorporates all NPT regime components into each step of nuclear weapons program development. Second, the NPT regime should impose nuclear elements control via Multilateral Export Control Regimes (MECRs). Third, the NPT regime should develop an approach that challenges HEU production from both technological- and legal points of view. Since law governs technological capability, a multidimensional approach that includes this relationship would be more effective than an approach that focuses on either aspect individually.<br>by Taeshin Kwak.<br>Ph.D.
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Trigonis, Ioannis. "Imaging tumour proliferation with [F-18]fluorothymidine PET in patients with non-small cell lung cancer in response to radiotherapy." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/imaging-tumour-proliferation-with-f18fluorothymidine-pet-in-patients-with-nonsmall-cell-lung-cancer-in-response-to-radiotherapy(8d342eac-55fb-4fc0-95e6-ebe11ffd319f).html.
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Improved radiotherapy (RT) outcomes may be facilitated through monitoring of physiological processes implicated in radio-resistance such as proliferation. To this end, we studied 16 patients with non-small cell lung cancer with dynamic 3'-deoxy-3'-fluorothymidine (FLT) PET-CT before and after a week of radical RT. In absence of changes in primary tumour volume manually delineated on CT, RT induced a significant, moderately variable decrease in maximum and mean standard uptake values (SUVmax and SUVmean) of the order of 25%. Metastatic nodes showed a larger relative decrease in uptake approximating 40% associated with volumetric regression and only partially accountable by partial volume effect. Implementation of different segmentation approaches including manual delineation by a second operator and PET-based semi-automatic algorithms [two fixed thresholds, 2/3-cluster Fuzzy C-means (FCM-2, FCM-3) and 2/3-cluster fuzzy locally adaptive Bayesian algorithm (FLAB-2, FLAB-3)] yielded substantially different volumes and SUVs but consistent SUV responses. Reproducibility comparison favoured manual delineation, while thresholding delivered poor volumetric robustness and no apparent SUV reproducibility advantage over SUVmax or SUVpeak. FCM-2/FLAB-2 demonstrated intermediate reproducibility. In contrast to anatomical volumes, metabolic volumes exhibited significant increases with treatment, which for FLAB-2 correlated with changes of intratumoural uptake heterogeneity quantified by the coefficient of variation. Normal tissue analysis revealed an anterior-posterior gradient of lung uptake and an association of baseline marrow SUV with type/timing of neo-adjuvant chemotherapy. RT induced a dramatic (≈-76%), sharply demarcated marrow SUV decline in response to a minimum of 5Gy and a small (≈-20%), consistent decline in normal lung SUV. Kinetic analysis revealed a significant increase in the tumour delivery constant K1 (+32%) and a decrease in Ki/K1, larger (-36%) and more variable than the Ki (-26%) and SUV responses. Furthermore, despite baseline independence, we found a strong negative correlation between Ki/K1 and K1 at the response level. Kinetic analysis of the most uptake-avid tumour cluster extracted with FCM-3 yielded similar results with attenuated changes in delivery and retention. Overall, we found that RT induces early measurable changes in lung tumour FLT uptake. Spatial analysis indicated a variable dissociation of anatomical and metabolic volumes, while temporal analysis showed a variable antagonistic effect on delivery and phosphorylation, indicating that SUV analysis may misrepresent the magnitude and variability of RT anti-proliferative effect.
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Blanchet, Adrien. "Recherche du neutrino stérile auprès du réacteur de l’ILL : expérience Stereo." Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SACLS269/document.
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La thèse de doctorat porte sur la physique des neutrinos de réacteurs. L'étude de plus en plus précise des spectres d'antineutrinos des réacteurs a mis à jour une déviation entre la prédiction et les mesures qui pourrait indiquer l'existence d'un nouveau neutrino, non couplé avec l'interaction faible (un neutrino stérile) et de masse autour de 1 ₑV/c². L'expérience STEREO vise à tester l'hypothèse du neutrino stérile auprès du réacteur ILL de Grenoble. Le principe de STEREO repose sur 6 cellules de détection identiques disposées entre 9 et 11.5 m de distance du cœur du réacteur de recherche de l'ILL. Le détecteur a commencé la prise de données en novembre 2016, et les premiers résultats ont été publiés dès 2018. Le travail effectué pendant la thèse a consisté dans un premier temps à caractériser la réponse en énergie du détecteur. Pendant la première phase de prise de données, des défaillances matérielles se sont manifestées entrainant le découplage optique d'une cellule et une augmentation progressive des fuites de lumière entre cellules. Ces deux aspects ont contraint l'analyse de données à développer un algorithme de reconstruction des dépôts d'énergie qui corrige les fuites lumières au premier ordre. Un important travail sur la mesure des paramètres de cette méthode a été entrepris afin d'assurer que l'échelle en énergie soit bien reproduite dans la simulation GEANT4. L'estimation des incertitudes systématiques sur l'échelle en énergie a été effectuée en se servant des bruits de fond cosmogéniques. Le second aspect majeur abordé pendant la thèse est l'analyse statistique et la génération des contours d'exclusion de l'hypothèse du neutrino stérile. La déduction statistique a été conduite en s'inspirant de la méthode de Feldman et Cousins (1999) sur la génération d'intervalles de confiance fréquentistes. Un formalise en X² a spécialement été développé pour mener une analyse d'oscillations indépendante des prédictions de flux et de forme des spectres antineutrinos. Les erreurs statistiques et systématiques ont été propagées à l'aide de matrices de covariance et les lois de X² ont été calculées en générant des pseudo-expériences. L'ensemble des travaux menés pendant cette thèse de doctorat a contribué à la publication de trois papiers présentant les résultats de l'expérience STEREO<br>The doctoral thesis focuses on the physics of reactor neutrinos. The increasingly precise study of antineutrinos spectra from reactors has revealed a deviation between the prediction and the measurements, which could indicate the existence of a new neutrino. This new neutrino state would not couple with the weak interaction (a sterile neutrino) and its mass would be around 1 ₑV/c². The STEREO experiment aims at testing the sterile neutrino hypothesis at the ILL reactor in Grenoble-France. The principle of the STEREO experiment is based on 6 identical detector cells aligned between 9 and 11.5 m distance from the core of the ILL research reactor. The detector started taking data in November 2016, and the first results were published in 2018. The work carried out during the thesis initially consisted in characterizing the detector's energy response. During the first phase of data taking, hardware failures occurred leading to the optical decoupling of a cell and a gradual increase in light cross-talk between cells. These two aspects have compelled data analysis to develop a dedicated energy deposit reconstruction algorithm that corrects first-order light leaks using a matrix formalism. Significant work on the measurement of the parameters of this method was undertaken to ensure that the energy scale was well reproduced in the GEANT4 simulation. The estimation of systematic uncertainties on the energy scale was performed using cosmogenic background events. The second major aspect addressed during the thesis is the statistical analysis and generation of exclusion contours of the sterile neutrino hypothesis. The statistical inference was built using the Feldman and Cousins (1999) method by generating frequentist confidence intervals. A formalization in X² has been specially developed to conduct the oscillation analysis independently of any flux or shape prediction of the antineutrino spectra. Statistical and systematic errors were propagated using covariance matrices and X² laws were constructed by generating pseudo-experiments. All the work carried out during this doctoral thesis contributed to the publication of three papers presenting the results of the STEREO experiment
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Paik, Seunghoon. "Taming the evil : US non-proliferation coercive diplomacy and the counter-strategies of Iran and North Korea after the Cold War." Thesis, Durham University, 2017. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/12270/.
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In the 40 years since the end of World War II, the most critical strategic problem for the US was containment of the Soviet Union. During the Cold War, scholars and experts focused on building deterrence theories on how to confront communist aggression. In comparison, the theory of diplomatic coercion, which tries to use threats or a limited amount of force to influence the behaviour of another by making it choose to comply, was popular neither among decision-makers nor scholars. Since a favourable international environment for applying coercive diplomacy began after the Cold War finished in the 1990s, coercive diplomacy and the coercion literature have proved to be less rich and less cumulative than that of other political theories. However, regardless of this weak enthusiasm for it, the concept of coercion was adopted as state foreign policy and diplomatic coercion was executed as a strategy. The US administrations after the fall of the Soviet Union have implemented coercive diplomacy to influence their adversaries. The non-proliferation policy of the US was no exception. Regardless of the differences in the doctrines and policies of each administration, Clinton, Bush and Obama had a consistent policy on nuclear non-proliferation. Having become the hegemonic state of unipolar system with the ability to conduct a war in any place in the world, the execution of coercion was the most convenient policy strategy for the US among the other alternatives. From a basis of dominant military strength and economic power, the Clinton, Bush and Obama administrations attempted to dismantle the nuclear programmes of Iran and North Korea by every conceivable means, utilizing hard power, soft power and smart power. The coercive, non-coercive and persuasive inducements of coercive diplomacy were applied to stop these nuclear programmes. None of the administrations allowed the full fledge nuclear programmes of Iran and North Korea. Instead, they labelled Iran and North Korea rogue states or ‘axis of evil’ during the span of the three presidents. Admittedly, the Obama administration showed differences in terms of rhetoric, but the ‘strategic patience’ which it applied to Iran and North Korea during its first term was not much different from the policy of its predecessors. Moreover, Obama applied the most severe economic sanctions, which even prohibited the Iranian oil trade. However, the coercive diplomacy of the US administrations did not have tangible success in disarming these states of their nuclear programmes; instead, they increased their nuclear capabilities. Although a nuclear deal has recently been reached in the Iranian case, it will take a process lasting 15 years to complete the settlement. It seems that US coercive diplomacy is most likely to be maintained during this period. This study focuses on the non-proliferation coercive diplomacy of the US against the ‘axis of evil’ of Iran and North Korea and their counterstrategies in order to examine the dispute process as a whole and to provide more efficient policy proposals regarding the subject.
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Ito, Shinya. "Expression of MAGE-D4, a novel MAGE family antigen, is correlated with tumor-cell proliferation of non-small cell lung cancer." Kyoto University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/143846.
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Jacquot, Catherine. "Recherche d'une activite anti-oncogenique (genes cles p53/p21 et nouveaux genes) dans un modele cellulaire de cancer bronchopulmonaire non a petites cellules (nsclc-n6) prealablement induit en differenciation terminale atypique." Nantes, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001NANT05VS.
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Stacy, Andrew Jared. "Regulation of ΔNp63α by TIP60 promotes cellular proliferation". Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1596151919161674.
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Gaffiot, Jonathan. "Étude des neutrinos de réacteur : mise en place et caractérisation du détecteur Nucifer." Phd thesis, Université Paris Sud - Paris XI, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00770675.
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Les progrès réalisés dans la maîtrise de la physique et de la détection des neutrinos ouvrent aujourd'hui la porte à la physique appliquée des antineutrinos. Dans cette optique, cette particule a en effet la particularité fondamentale de porter l'information de son lieu d'émission sans perturbation. Comme les neutrinos sont liés aux processus faibles tels que la désintégration nucléaire beta les applications se trouvent dans la surveillance des matières radioactives et des réacteurs nucléaires. Dans ce contexte, le projet Nucifer vise à construire et opérer un détecteur miniature d'antineutrinos de réacteur nucléaire, à installer au maximum à quelques dizaines de mètres d'un réacteur de puissance pour suivre sa puissance thermique et évaluer la quantité de plutonium produite. De plus, une réanalyse récente des mesures précédentes réalisées à proximité de réacteurs ces 40 dernières années montrent un écart significatif entre les taux de détection neutrinos attendus et mesurés. Parmi les hypothèses variées qui permettent d'expliquer cette anomalie se trouve une nouvelle oscillation entre neutrinos, impliquant nécessairement l'existence d'un quatrième neutrino, stérile. Pour mettre en évidence les antineutrinos et mesurer leur énergie, la détection beta inverse dans environ 850 kg de liquide scintillant dopé au gadolinium est utilisée. Toute la difficulté expérimentale provient des bruits de fond, qui peuvent être très importants lorsque le détecteur est installé ) proximité du réacteur ou de la surface. Le détecteur est maintenant intégré sur le réacteur nucléaire de recherche Osiris du CEA, situé à Saclay, et a commencé la prise de données en avril 2012. Malheureusement, une faible longueur d'atténuation du liquide et un niveau de bruit de fond gamma inattendu nous empêchent de distinguer les neutrinos. Nous attendons maintenant le remplacement du liquide et la construction d'un nouveau mur de plomb pour continuer l'étude du suivi du réacteur et pour tester l'hypothèse de neutrino stérile.