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Journal articles on the topic 'Nonfiction politics labor industrial relations'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 27 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Lee, Jeong Taik. "Labor politics and industrial relations in South Korea." Journal of East and West Studies 17, no. 2 (1988): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12265088808422787.

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2

Hall, Richard. "The Politics of Industrial Relations in Australia in 2007." Journal of Industrial Relations 50, no. 3 (2008): 371–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608089994.

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Industrial Relations proved to be one of the dominant issues in the 2007 federal election campaign with the Government at first defending, and then moderating, their Work Choices legislation. The Labor Opposition benefited greatly from the successful Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) campaign against Work Choices and established a significant electoral advantage on the issue. Labor introduced its own IR policy alternative under the banner `Forward with Fairness' and then spent a good deal of 2007 trying to sell its policy to business. The final policy adopted by Labor, and set to becom

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3

Marsden, David. "Book Review: Labor-Management Relations: Industrial Relations, Politics, and Government: Trade Unions and Politics." ILR Review 41, no. 4 (1988): 629–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398804100415.

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4

Fishman, Robert M. "The Politics of Industrial Relations: Labor Unions in Spain." South European Society and Politics 17, no. 4 (2012): 599–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2012.686212.

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5

Brody, David. "Labor History, Industrial Relations, and the Crisis of American Labor." ILR Review 43, no. 1 (1989): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398904300103.

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In this look at the disciplinary history of industrial relations and labor history, the author focuses on the long period of disassociation between the two fields and the growing contact between them in the 1980s. He suggests that industrial relations scholars became more receptive to historical modes of thought when events such as the decline in union membership (starting in the mid-1970s) and the sharp recession of 1981–82 proved that industrial relations could not be treated like a static system, describable by invariant laws of labor economics. Similarly, he argues, labor historians, who w

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6

Nakamura, Keisuke. "Book Review: Industrial Relations, Politics Government: Disparaged Success: Labor Politics in Postwar Japan." ILR Review 53, no. 4 (2000): 713–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979390005300410.

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7

Cooper, Rae. "Industrial Relations in 2010: ‘Dead, Buried and Cremated’?" Journal of Industrial Relations 53, no. 3 (2011): 277–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185611401999.

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The process of embedding the Fair Work system was interrupted briefly in 2010 by high political drama. The Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, was successfully challenged by his Deputy, the Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations, Julia Gillard. With its first female leader, the Australian Labor Party attempted to run a campaign echoing the anti-Work Choices theme of 2007. This was stymied by the new leader of the opposition Tony Abbott’s insistence that Work Choices was ‘dead, buried and cremated’. Subsequently, a minority Labor government was formed. This article provides an overview of indu

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8

Plotke, David. "The Wagner Act, Again: Politics and Labor, 1935–37." Studies in American Political Development 3 (1989): 104–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000602.

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Why write about the Wagner Act again? There is no shortage of commentary, yet disagreement persists on basic questions: Why did the measure pass? Did the Wagner Act make any difference. If so, how?Here I argue that the Wagner Act was passed by Progressive liberals inside and outside the government, in alliance with a mass labor movement. The National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) played a major positive role in the emergence of new industrial unions.

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9

Fichter, Michael. "Book Review: Industrial Relations, Politics, and Government: Fighting for Partnership: Labor and Politics in Unified Germany." ILR Review 53, no. 3 (2000): 524–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979390005300310.

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10

Germano, Thomas J. "Book Review: Industrial Relations, Politics, and Government: Labor and Politics in the U. S. Postal Service." ILR Review 49, no. 2 (1996): 360–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399604900217.

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11

Alemán, José. "Labor Market Deregulation and Industrial Conflict in New Democracies: A Cross-National Analysis." Political Studies 56, no. 4 (2008): 830–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00707.x.

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This article studies the effect of recent labor market reforms on industrial relations in new democracies (1994–2003). The literature on labor politics posits two channels through which labor market deregulation may relate to industrial conflict. Wage deregulation may lower wage costs, increasing industrial conflict. Employment deregulation, however, can reduce the ability of workers to act collectively. Using methods uniquely suited for panel data analysis, the study reveals a number of important findings. First, whereas labor quiescence went hand in hand with relatively modest increases in e

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12

Masters, Marick F. "Book Review: Industrial Relations, Politics, and Government: American Labor Unions in the Electoral Arena." ILR Review 56, no. 2 (2003): 356–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979390305600210.

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13

Gross, James A. "Book Review: Industrial Relations, Politics, and Government: The State and Labor in Modern America." ILR Review 49, no. 4 (1996): 753–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399604900415.

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14

Williams, Naomi R. "Sustaining Labor Politics in Hard Times: Race, Labor, and Coalition Building in Racine, Wisconsin." Labor 18, no. 2 (2021): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-8849568.

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Abstract This article explores the shifting politics of the Racine, Wisconsin, working-class community from World War II to the 1980s. It looks at the ways Black workers’ activism influenced local politics and how their efforts played out in the 1970s and 1980s. Case studies show how an expansive view of the boundaries of the Racine labor community led to cross-sector labor solidarity and labor-community coalitions that expanded economic citizenship rights for more working people in the city. The broad-based working-class vision pursued by the Racine labor community influenced local elections,

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15

Struthers, David M. "Rebel Imaginaries: Labor, Culture, and Politics in Depression-Era California." Labor 19, no. 3 (2022): 131–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9795278.

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16

Wicaksono, Muhammad Bagus Adi, and Enis Tristiana. "Legal politics of law number 11 Of 2020 concerning job creation in the labor legal aspects." Multidisciplinary Science Journal 7, no. 8 (2025): 2025406. https://doi.org/10.31893/multiscience.2025406.

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It would appear that the negotiating interests of the government and employers are woven into the policy direction of Law Number 11 of 2020 about Job Creation. Consequently, the final legal document satisfies no standards other than problematic and politically motivated ones. Legislatively, Law No. 11 of 2020 Concerning Job Creation is flawed, but there are also a number of problematic items at the level of normative substance. Consider the following: the repeal of Article 59 of the Manpower Law, which dealt with PKWT; the modification of Article 151 that could lead to unilateral layoffs; and

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17

Workman, Andrew A. "Creating the National War Labor Board: Franklin Roosevelt and the Politics of State Building in the Early 1940s." Journal of Policy History 12, no. 2 (2000): 233–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2000.0016.

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In January 1942, President Franklin D. Roosevelt issued an executive order creating a National War Labor Board (NWLB) to arbitrate wartime industrial disputes. Roosevelt's order provided enormous power for the board, which could, on its own motion, intervene in any labor conflict it deemed a threat to “the effective prosecution of the war” and subsequently impose settlements on the parties. In practice, the board replaced free collective bargaining for the duration of the war. Most scholars of the era agree that the NWLB, operating at a time when New Deal labor policy was still in formation an

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18

Voos, Paula B. "Book Review: Industrial Relations, Politics, and Government: Negotiating the Future: A Labor Perspective on American Business." ILR Review 47, no. 2 (1994): 332–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399404700214.

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19

Hayashi, Mahito. "Democracy Against Labor Movement: Japan’s Anti-Labor Developmental State and Aftermaths." Critical Sociology 47, no. 1 (2020): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920520921216.

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This paper investigates the labor-controlling orientation of the Japanese developmental state and its consequences today. Developmental state studies has given us a robust epistemological grid whereby we can make non-Western state formation intelligible. Yet, mainstream authors have tended to treat the working class as a mere appendage to state– business relations, relegating labor politics at the analysis of state– society relations. By using democratic Japan—a prime example of this sort of obfuscation—in combination with Marxian state theory, this paper outlines the difficulties, addresses t

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20

Schnietz, Karen E., and Timothy Nieman. "Politics Matter: The 1997 Derailment of Fast-Track Trade Authority." Business and Politics 1, no. 2 (1999): 233–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bap.1999.1.2.233.

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In 1997, President Clinton became the first President not awarded fast-track trade negotiating authority since this congressional delegation of trade policymaking authority first began in 1934. Fast-track's failure also represents a case of an unsuccessful business political strategy since business supporters of the measure were easily defeated by labor and environmental opponents, despite the many political ‘privileges’ that business possessed. This case study describes why fast-track is important to the future of US and global trade policy and examines the main reasons for its failure. In do

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21

Marti, Sibylle. "The ILO, the Politics of Statistics, and Changing Perceptions of Informal Work, 1970–Present." Labor 21, no. 1 (2024): 98–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-10948960.

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Abstract The article contributes to the history of labor statistics by identifying the social, political, and epistemic conditions that led to the recognition of informal work as a countable form of labor. The article traces the ILO's efforts since the 1970s to capture the initially elusive concept of the informal sector in an internationally recognized statistical definition and to introduce it into national accounts. It also elucidates how the understanding of informal work broke away from its original focus on developing countries and expanded in the 1990s, at a time when the spread of nons

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22

MacDonald, Ian Thomas. "Book Review: NAFTA and the Politics of Labor Transnationalism." Labor Studies Journal 37, no. 4 (2012): 407–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x12455410.

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23

Eidlin, Barry. "Election 2016: Labor, Politics, and the Imperative of Organization." Labor Studies Journal 42, no. 3 (2017): 226–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x17726185.

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24

Cleeland Knight, Sarah. "Divested Interests: Globalization and the New Politics of Exchange Rates." Business and Politics 12, no. 2 (2010): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1297.

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The globalization of production and finance is responsible for much of the variation in political contestation over exchange rates since the end of Bretton Woods. On the one hand, globalization increases the salience of the policy decisions that affect exchange rates, as more firms and their workers engage more in international trade and compete more against imports. On the other hand, globalization offers firms a myriad of opportunities to manage their exchange rate risk, through operational and financial hedging. But hedging is available to only certain types of economic actors and in certai

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25

Santos, Raimundo Nonato Ribeiro dos. "A Ciência em tempos de pandemia." Revista Informação em Cultura - RIC 2, no. 2 (2020): 05–06. http://dx.doi.org/10.21708/issn2674-6549.v2i2a10132.2020.

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The COVID-19 pandemic, which was established in the world in that year 2020, is one of those breaking points that mark the history of humanity, as well as the discovery of fire, the invention of the press, the French Revolution, the Industrial Revolution, world wars, among other moments. In common, both allowed a leap in the evolution and survival of humanity, transforming its entire social organization and spheres such as Education, Science, the Environment, Politics and Labor relations.

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26

Masters, Marick F., and John D. Robertson. "Class Compromises in Industrial Democracies." American Political Science Review 82, no. 4 (1988): 1183–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961755.

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The stability of democracies has been of critical interest to students of comparative politics. One question that has received limited empirical analysis is, How do we integrate class conflict into the broader concept of democratic stability? We extend the work of Przeworski and Wallerstein. Our principal thesis is that as the material bases of class exchange diminish, the state intervenes economically to expand the resources conducive to class consent. A tripartite coalition thus emerges, with the state facilitating class compromise between labor and capital through economic policies. We expl

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27

Hamilton, David E., and Colin Gordon. "New Deals: Business, Labor, and Politics in America, 1920-1935." Labour / Le Travail 39 (1997): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25144137.

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28

Bartley, Tim. "Book Review: Industrial Relations, Politics, and Government: Labor and the Environmental Movement: The Quest for Common Ground." ILR Review 58, no. 1 (2004): 146–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979390405800110.

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29

Sheldon, Peter, and Louise Thornthwaite. "Employer and employer association matters in Australia in 2019." Journal of Industrial Relations 62, no. 3 (2020): 403–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185620908908.

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The May federal election appeared particularly important to employers’ views of their industrial relations’ interests. Employers and their associations had long steeled themselves against an unwelcome Labor victory, fearing Labor’s promises of substantial changes to industrial relations’ structures, processes and outcomes as well as taxation. Associations appeared busier than ever, representing employers through politics-related public relations, lobbying and media. With enterprise bargaining withering and most wages stagnant, Labor’s defeat encouraged associations and the re-elected governmen

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30

Buchanan, John, Troy Henderson, James A. Gillespie, and Jo-An Occhipinti. "Recovering from the market citizenship experiment: Recent developments in Australian industrial relations policies." Journal of Industrial Relations 66, no. 5 (2024): 654–84. https://doi.org/10.1177/00221856241301514.

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Recent changes in industrial relations policies represent a break with the Australian experiment with market citizenship at work. At the Federal level, they involve the adaptive reuse of legacies that have, in recent decades, been regarded as secondary to the system (e.g. awards and industrial tribunals) to renovate the foundations of labour law. Innovations in wages policy are helping repair the foundational economy (i.e. sectors providing the infrastructure of everyday life including education, health and social care). These changes are being driven by new social coalitions involving unions

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31

Turner, Lowell. "Globalization and the Logic of Participation: Unions and the Politics of Coalition Building." Journal of Industrial Relations 48, no. 1 (2006): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185606059315.

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Global liberalization is driving a ‘logic of participation’, for firms and unions alike. Economic pressures drive managers to innovate across a range of possibilities, from outsourcing and union busting to work reorganization and labor-management partnership. Those same pressures, reflected largely through the strategic choices of employers, also force unions to innovate - from concession bargaining and cooperation to coalition building and international solidarity. Because employers are increasingly tempted by strategies that seek to weaken or marginalize unions, sustained participation for u

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32

Garrett, Geoffrey, and Peter Lange. "Performance in a Hostile World: Economic Growth in Capitalist Democracies, 1974–1982." World Politics 38, no. 4 (1986): 517–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010165.

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Many recent studies argue that labor organization and government partisanship were important determinants of the economic performance of the advanced industrial democracies during stagflation. They do not, however, take into account the potential impact on performance of position in the international economy; the relationships reported may therefore be largely spurious. Even when the strong effects of international position, most notably the extent of dependence on imported sources of oil, were controlled for, domestic political structures remained powerful determinants of economic performance

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33

Lyons, John F., and Heather Ann Thompson. "Whose Detroit? Politics, Labor and Race in a Modern American City." Labour / Le Travail 51 (2003): 311. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25149362.

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34

Werum, Regina. "Sectionalism and Racial Politics: Federal Vocational Policies and Programs in the Predesegregation South." Social Science History 21, no. 3 (1997): 399–453. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001779x.

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Extant literature onvocational reformsgives the impression that they, like other educational reforms, resulted from a consensus between northern industrialists and professional educators (e.g., Bowles and Gintis 1976; Cohen 1968; Cremin 1961; Cuban 1982; Fones-Wolf 1983; Kett 1982; Powers 1992; Tyack 1981 [1974]). If national educational reforms reflected national economic interests, we should expect twentieth-century federal vocational legislation to reflect the interests of an increasingly industrialized national economy. By the same token, regionally specific economic interests should find

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35

Carter, Sue. "Book Review: Making Feminist Politics: Transnational Alliances between Women and Labor." Labor Studies Journal 36, no. 4 (2011): 546–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x11426711.

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36

Loriaux, Michael. "The Left's Dirty Job: The Politics of Industrial Restructuring in France and Spain By W. Rand Smith. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1998. 363p. $50.00 cloth, $22.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (2002): 250–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402464337.

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W. Rand Smith compares socialist policies of industrial retrenchment in France and Spain during the 1980s and 1990s. Both governments sought to adapt their national economy to change in the global market, through investment incentives and labor policies, in a way that would avoid sectoral crisis or even collapse. They sought to achieve an “orderly exit” of labor from redundancy-plagued industrial sectors, notably steel and automobiles, through job retraining, help in establishing small businesses, relocation incentives, and improvements in the job market, not to mention such standard support m

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37

(АА) Rust, Braam. "The preparation of the labor relations landscape of South Africa (1994-2008): an environmental perspective for sustainable development." Environmental Economics 8, no. 1 (2017): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ee.08(1).2017.10.

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This paper undertakes a review of the literature that examines the highlights and changes in specific external environmental factors (Ecology, Economy, Politics, Legislation and legal structures, and Society), between1994 and 2008 in South Africa, with the aim to ascertain how these factors affect the day-to-day labour relations in the workplace and add to sustainable development. These factors form the landscape for labour relations. Changes to them have consequences on the quality of labour relations, that is, inter alia, the frequency, and intensity of conflicts, disputes, demands and indus

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38

Johnston, Travis M. "A Crowded Agenda: Labor Reform and Coalition Politics during the Great Society." Studies in American Political Development 29, no. 1 (2015): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x14000133.

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For much of the post-WWII era, conservative forces blocked progressive labor policy from reaching a floor vote. With huge Democratic majorities in Congress, the 1960s represented a rare opportunity for unions to substantively alter industrial relations policy. The decade served as an important moment of policy development for numerous groups in the coalition. Organized labor, however, made few gains during this prolific era. Despite labor's central position within the governing coalition, Democrats repeatedly failed to pass their most important legislative ambition, the repeal of the Taft-Hart

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39

Wolfinger, James. "The Memoirs of Wendell W. Young III: A Life in Philadelphia Labor and Politics." Labor 18, no. 3 (2021): 179–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9061731.

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40

Himes, Henry. "The United Steelworkers of America's Path to Private Security: The Postwar Retiree Crisis, Politics, and Communism, 1946–1949." Labor 19, no. 2 (2022): 42–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9576793.

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Abstract In 1949 the United Steelworkers of America (USWA) successfully bargained for a pension and social insurance system, opening the door for social insurance and pension bargaining across organized labor throughout the post–World War II era. Indeed, the explosion of security bargaining after World War II facilitated the growth of America's unique but flawed public-private welfare system. Many historians have viewed labor's postwar turn to collective bargaining in a negative light and have argued that due to the weakening of labor's political power in the immediate postwar era, labor aband

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41

Wells, Richard. "Class Politics and the Filmmaker's Craft in Mike Leigh's Peterloo." Labor 19, no. 3 (2022): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9794984.

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Abstract This essay offers a close examination of director Mike Leigh's Peterloo, which recounts the struggle for parliamentary reform in Great Britain between the battle of Waterloo and the Peterloo massacre of 1819. Peterloo succeeds, the essay contends, because of Leigh's approach to the craft of filmmaking. If we take Peterloo on its own terms, that is, with an understanding of the unique form of creative labor that went into it, we get a better sense of what we can learn from it, about class politics, about power, about the complicated and difficult formation of democratic movements such

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42

McDonnell, Lawrence T., and David Milton. "The Politics of U.S. Labor from the Great Depression to the New Deal." Labour / Le Travail 15 (1985): 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25140588.

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43

Burwood, Stephen, and Ronald L. Filipelli. "American Labor and Postwar Italy, 1943-1953: A Study in Cold War Politics." Labour / Le Travail 26 (1990): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143451.

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44

Winant, Gabriel. "Labor in the Age of Finance: Pensions, Politics, and Corporations from Deindustrialization to Dodd-Frank." Labor 20, no. 1 (2023): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-10237990.

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45

Cadot, Olivier, and Douglas Webber. "Banana Splits: Policy Process, Particularistic Interests, Political Capture, and Money in Transatlantic Trade Politics." Business and Politics 4, no. 1 (2002): 5–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1029.

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The most intractable and protracted transatlantic trade conflict of the last decade was over bananas, which grow neither on the European nor on the North American continent. Our explanation of the conflict emphasizes the determining role of the domestic politics of the EU and the United States. It was driven not only by the extreme divergence of preferences of Brussels' and Washington's domestic constituencies, rooted in the competitive position of competing banana industries, but also, and critically, by the institutional configuration of (agricultural) trade policymaking on either side of th

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46

Reynolds, David. "Coalition Politics: Insurgent Union Political Action Builds Ties Between Labor and the Community." Labor Studies Journal 24, no. 3 (1999): 54–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x9902400304.

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47

Sil, Rudra. "The battle over flexibilization in post-communist transitions: Labor politics in Poland and the Czech Republic, 1989–2010." Journal of Industrial Relations 59, no. 4 (2017): 420–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185617705684.

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48

Pittman, Alex. "The Reserve Army of Affectivity: Unemployed Labor in William Greaves's Psychodramatic Cinéma Vérité." Camera Obscura: Feminism, Culture, and Media Studies 37, no. 1 (2022): 31–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/02705346-9561409.

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Abstract This article offers a political reading of In the Company of Men (dir. William Greaves, US, 1969), an industrial human relations and training film that Newsweek magazine commissioned the renowned black American filmmaker William Greaves to make. Tasked by his sponsors with repairing communication between white factory foremen and black men who were labeled the hard-core unemployed, Greaves combines the documentary style of cinéma vérité with psychodrama, a group therapy method that uses theatrical techniques of role-play and reenactment to both reveal and treat social conflict. Situat

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49

Pernicka, Susanne. "Gewerkschaftshandeln verstehen? Europäische und US-amerikanische Gewerkschaften im Vergleich." Industrielle Beziehungen. Zeitschrift für Arbeit, Organisation und Management 29, no. 3+4 (2023): 268–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/indbez.v29i3.06.

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Sanford M. Jacoby: Labor in the Age of Finance. Pensions, Politics, and Corporations from Deindustrialization to Dodd-Frank. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2021. 368 Seiten, 34 Euro. Thomas Prosser: European Labour Movements in Crisis: From decision to Indifference. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2019. 208 Seiten, 34 Euro.

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50

Elzway, Salem, and Jason Resnikoff. "Whence Automation? The History (and Possible Futures) of a Concept." Labor 21, no. 1 (2024): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-10948907.

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Abstract Rather than a dispassionate term of engineering, automation is what scholars of STS (Science, Technology, and Society) call a “sociotechnical imaginary.” It offers a seductive and ready-to-hand teleological narrative about history, work, and technological change that obscures the politics behind seemingly incontestable and objective realities. Far from an accounting of the apolitical development of productive forces, the history of automation—as discourse, as process, and as technoscience—is inseparable from the development of the “technopolitics” of work, or the intersection between

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