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1

Hagemann, Sara. "Decision-making in the European Union's Council of Ministers." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1951/.

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This thesis presents a theory of voting behaviour for the governments represented in the European Union's Council of Ministers and analyses a large original data set covering all legislation adopted by the EU from 1999 to 2004. It argues that the governments' voting behaviour is dominated by party political preferences rather than national preferences over EU integration issues. The already very elaborate EU policies and processes for adopting laws mean that most issues related to decisions on the degree of integration are solved outside the Council. Instead, decision-making in the Council is over actual policy content and the level of regulation. Consequently, the governments negotiate over possible policy outcomes along the traditional left/right political dimension. In addition to presenting the actors in the Council as political parties rather than national representatives, the thesis argues that the governments act strategically rather than sincerely when deciding how best to pursue their policy preferences. The Council members consider their possibilities for influencing new legislation as dictated by their voting power, and voting behaviour is the result of strategic estimations of when support or disagreement needs to be voiced, and how. Empirically, the prediction is a difference between left- and right-wing governments and, within this policy space, between small- and large member states. The theory is tested in a series of multivariate analyses and geometrical scaling methods. A range of alternative hypotheses from the literature is included in each of the empirical tests. The evidence supports the theory: Legislative politics in the Council take place within a one-dimensional policy space, and each of the Council members' ideal policy points are found to be aligned with their preferences over left/right political issues in the domestic sphere. Furthermore, the member states that experienced a change in government during this period similarly changed their voting behaviour in the Council, indicating that EU politics are indeed a party political matter. When taking into account also the governments' voting power, larger Council members in the opposition are generally more likely to oppose the majority than smaller members. However, smaller members frequently use the option of making formal statements following a vote as a mean of voicing disagreement. The findings are robust across different stages of the legislative process as well as most policy areas, although a variance in magnitude appears.
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2

Sjöström, Lennart. "The Quest for a Nordic Church Fellowship Challenged by the Formation of the Nordic Ecumenical Institute/ Council." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Kyrkovetenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-189644.

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In the 20th Century, the Nordic regtion was often regarded as a politically and ecclessiastically homogenous area. Archbishop Söderblom was partly responsible for that conception by creating a Nordic Bishops´ Council and by conducting its business with intent to coordinate actions and declarations by the Nordic Folk Churches. In this paper I incuire into the fate of the Nordic Ecumenical Institute (founded in 1940), and, in doing so, I also look at the notion of Scandinavism and a Nordic region. I explore regions as areas for Christian cooperation. Furthermore the terms Institute and Council will be studied. Manfred Björkquist´s attempts to create in Sigtuna a Nordic Ecumenical Institute will be studied as well as his strategies to deal with the considerable  scepticism in the Nordic region, expressed particularly by the Church of Norway. Did such strategies lead to innate defects that caused the Nordic Ecumenical Council to collapse much later? I intend to demonstrate how political stress and theological controversy created conditions in which the Nordic Ecumenical Institute/ Council could not compensate for the loss of both an academic research role as well as the loss of the role of being a regional structure for the emerging World Council of Churches.
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Sjöström, Lennart Villy. "The Quest for a Nordic Church Fellowship Challenged by the Formation of the Nordic Ecumenical Institute/ Council (MThesis)." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-192283.

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In the 20th Century the Nordic region was often regarded as a politically, socially and ecclesiastically homogenous area. This was partly a conception formed by Archbishop Söderblom´s creating of a Nordic  Bishops´Council to coordinate actions and declarations by the Nordic Folk churches. The general ecumenical development during the 19th and 20th Centuries created a perceived need for a regional ecumenical organisation in the Nordic region to serve the emerging WCC. Mr Manfred Björkquist was the man who proposed the setting up of a Nordic Ecumenical Institute in Sigtuna, Sweden. His proposals were strongly critizised in particular by the Oslo Bishop, Eivind Berggrav. Bishop Berggrav managed to force Björkquist to give up his plans for academic research to be one of the objectives of the Nordic ecumenical Sigtuna Institute. In addition WCC elected to abandon the original planfor a regional membership structure for WCC. One may note a particular pattern for ecumenical impediments repeating itself. In the 19th Century intended church cooperation was made impossible in the Nordic region through political stress and theological controversy. Political stress during the 19th Century occurred when Denmark failed to muster Nordic support for a military take over of Schleswig. In the 20thCentury the 2nd World War created considerable political stress in the region. Theological controversy occurred in the 18th Century over the theology of Grundtvig and in the 20th Century over Episcopacy. Political stress and theological controversy created a non helpful context for the Nordic Ecumenical Institute after its formation in 1940. In that context the Institute had to handle the adverse effects of the loss of Academic research and the loss of a regional membership structure for WCC. The combination of losses in the unhelpful context appear to have been innate defects for an organisation that elected to ignore the dramatic changes and carry on with "business as usual" and in that manner prepare for its own disintegration.
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4

Han, Yu <1984&gt. "The Council of Ministers of the European Union After the Lisbon Treaty." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6514/1/Han_Yu_Tesi_26th_cycle.pdf.

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The Treaty of Lisbon has brought remarkable changes and innovations to the European Union. As far as the Council of Ministers of the European Union (“the Council” hereinafter) is concerned, there are two significant innovations: double qualified majority voting and new rotating Presidency scheme, which are considered to make the working of the Council more efficiently, stably and consistently. With the modification relating to other key institutions, the Commission and the European Parliament, and with certain procedures being re-codified, the power of the Council varies accordingly, where the inter-institutional balance counts for more research. As the Council is one of the co-legislatures of the Union, the legislative function of it would be probably influenced, positively or negatively, by the internal innovations and the inter-institutional re-balance. Has the legislative function of the Council been reinforced or not? How could the Council better reach its functional goal designed by the Treaties’ drafter? How to evaluate the Council’s evolution after Lisbon Treaty in the light of European integration? This thesis is attempting to find the answers by analyzing two main internal innovations and inter-institutional re-balance thereinafter.
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5

Han, Yu <1984&gt. "The Council of Ministers of the European Union After the Lisbon Treaty." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6514/.

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The Treaty of Lisbon has brought remarkable changes and innovations to the European Union. As far as the Council of Ministers of the European Union (“the Council” hereinafter) is concerned, there are two significant innovations: double qualified majority voting and new rotating Presidency scheme, which are considered to make the working of the Council more efficiently, stably and consistently. With the modification relating to other key institutions, the Commission and the European Parliament, and with certain procedures being re-codified, the power of the Council varies accordingly, where the inter-institutional balance counts for more research. As the Council is one of the co-legislatures of the Union, the legislative function of it would be probably influenced, positively or negatively, by the internal innovations and the inter-institutional re-balance. Has the legislative function of the Council been reinforced or not? How could the Council better reach its functional goal designed by the Treaties’ drafter? How to evaluate the Council’s evolution after Lisbon Treaty in the light of European integration? This thesis is attempting to find the answers by analyzing two main internal innovations and inter-institutional re-balance thereinafter.
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6

Sherrington, Philippa J. "Political authority within the European Community : the operation of the Council of Ministers." Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 1996. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/22522/.

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The Council of Ministers is arguably the most powerful of the EC's institutions, yet its operation still awaits an authoritative analysis. To date, research into the operation of the Council has tended only to deal with aspects of its structure, rather than analysing it as a complete body. Furthermore, there has been little theoretical appreciation of its internal operation, as research has tended to rely on existing methods of analysing EC policy-making. Therefore, a new methodological approach seems to be required which will address this lacuna in EC literature. Whilst the Council of Ministers legislates, it also negotiates. It would seem appropriate then to design a new approach that draws on both policy analysis and negotiation theory. The analytical framework used material drawn from interviews, and both primary and secondary written sources, to evaluate the day-to-day workings of a number of technical councils that constitute the Council of Ministers. Although there is an information deficit on the work of the Council, the flexible design of the framework allowed valuable insights into its operation. The findings gave some indication of the dynamics of the interactions between member states, which provides a better understanding of EC policymaking. The Council of Minister's character is influenced by member states. Their attitudes seem to have a strong effect upon the operational mechanisms of the various technical councils The Council may be an EC institution, but it is also the forum in which member states negotiate, preferring the diplomatic, consensus approach to prescriptive voting methods.
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7

Kronwall, Mary Elizabeth. "Great Britain, the Council of Foreign Ministers, and the Origins of the Cold War, 1947." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1988. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501072/.

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Scholars assert that the Cold War began at one of several different points. Material recently available at the National Archives yields a view different from those already presented. From these records, and material from the Foreign Relations Series, Parliamentary Debates, and United States Government documents, a new picture emerges. This study focuses on the British occupation of Germany and on the Council of Foreign Ministers' Moscow Conference of 1947. The failure of this conference preceded the adoption of the Marshall Plan and a stronger Western policy toward the Soviet Union. Thus, the Moscow Conference emphasized the disintegrating relations between East and West which resulted in the Cold War.
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8

Antonakakis, Nikolaos, Harald Badinger, and Wolf Heinrich Reuter. "From Rome to Lisbon and Beyond: Member States' Power, Efficiency, and Proportionality in the EU Council of Ministers." WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2014. http://epub.wu.ac.at/4164/1/wp175.pdf.

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This paper provides a comprehensive assessment of the evolution of EU member states' power, the EU's capability to act (efficiency), and the proportionality of the voting system in the Council of Ministers from the treaties of Rome in 1958 till the Treaty of Lisbon in 2009 and beyond, using a wide range of alternative power indices. Moreover, it considers explicitly the relevance of additional legal provisions (such as the 'Luxembourg Compromise', the 'Demographic Clause', and the 'Ioannina Compromise') and the implications of novel, more recently introduced voting rules such as reverse qualified majority voting. (authors' abstract)
Series: Department of Economics Working Paper Series
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9

Ujupan, Alina-Stefania. "Interests, power resources and strategies in the Council of Ministers of the European Union : the 2007-2013 cohesion policy negotiations." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.442552.

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10

Cuny, Lara. "Between the State and the Arts ˸ Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts/Arts Council of Northern Ireland (1943-2016)." Thesis, Paris 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA030041.

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En 1939, le Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts (CEMA) est créé en Grande-Bretagne afin de financer la production artistique. Quatre ans plus tard, sous les pressions du gouvernement de Londres, la même institution est constituée en Irlande du Nord. N’étant pas le fruit d’une volonté politique locale, le CEMA (NI) mettra de longues années à faire accepter le principe d’un soutien public aux arts. Ce travail étudie cette institution, renommée Arts Council of Northern Ireland (ACNI) en 1963, dans toutes ses dimensions : politique, économique, sociale, identitaire, culturelle et, bien sûr, artistique. En effet, si les fonctions et le budget du CEMA sont extrêmement restreints en 1943, le Conseil acquiert de nombreuses responsabilités et s’affirme progressivement, même si sa ligne directrice reste très influencée, voire contrôlée, par le gouvernement unioniste. A partir des année 1970, le conflit opposant républicains et loyalistes l’oblige néanmoins à se replier sur lui-même et à se murer dans une politique souvent critiquée comme élitiste, afin de maintenir une neutralité qu’il juge irréprochable. Par la suite, le processus de paix lui confère un réel rôle en termes de promotion de la réconciliation entre les communautés. La création d’un ministère de la Culture en 1998 augmente son intégration dans une politique culturelle menée par un gouvernement local de coalition. La culture, en tant que révélatrice des identités régionales, demeure cependant un point controversé et clivant, certains universitaires allant jusqu’à dire qu’il s’agit maintenant d’une guerre non plus armée, mais culturelle
In 1939, as war had just broken out, the Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts (CEMA) was created in Great Britain to finance the arts. Four years later, the same organisation was established in Northern Irelad because of the pressure coming from the London government. As it was not born out of regional political conviction, CEMA (NI) struggled for years to get the principle of public support for the arts accepted.The present work studies this organisation, which was renamed Arts Council of Northern Ireland (ACNI) in 1963, under various angles: political, economic, social, cultural and, of course, artistic. It will also question the arm’s length principle and the separation between the realm of politics and that of the arts that the Council was supposed to guarantee. Indeed, even though the role and the budget of CEMA were extremely limited in 1943, the Council progressively acquired numerous responsibilities. This did not go unnoticed by the unionist government, which sought to control CEMA/ACNI and how it distributed grants. With the outbreak of the Troubles in the late 1960s, the Council increasingly isolated itself in order to be recognised as neutral in the conflict. However, this also pushed it to put in place a policy that was perceived as elitist and cut out from the population. In the 1990s, the Peace Process gave ACNI a new role in the promotion of reconciliation between the communities. With the creation of the Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure in 1998, the Council was further integrated into the cultural policy framework of the regional and power-sharing government. Nevertheless, culture remained a sore point and a divisive issue in Northern Ireland, with academics going as far as to say that the conflict has now become a cultural war
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11

Chun, Sang Wook. "Survey of ministers' attitudes toward the union of Jesus Korea Sungkyul Church and Korea Evangelical Holiness Church /." Free full text is available to ORU patrons only; click to view:, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/oru/fullcit?p3112959.

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Applied research project (D. Min.)--School of Theology and Missions, Oral Roberts University, 2003.
Includes abstract and vita. Translated from Korean. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 141-150).
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12

Deighton, A. "Britain, the German problem and the origins of the Cold War in Europe : A study of the Council of Foreign Ministers 1945-1947." Thesis, University of Reading, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.377989.

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13

Ibrahimu, Ngabo M. P. "The importance of an effective institutional framework for the realisation of regional economic integration objectives: A case study of the East African Community (EAC)." University of the Western Cape, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7789.

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Magister Legum - LLM
The East African Commu1nity (EAC) was re-established on 30 November 1999 by the Republics of Kenya and Uganda and the United Republic of Tanzania1 signing the Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community (the Treaty). The Treaty came into force on 7 July 2000.2 The Republics of Burundi and Rwanda acceded to the Treaty on 18 June 2007 and became full members of the EAC with effect from 1 July 2007.3 The EAC was formed with the major aim of widening and deepening co-operation among the Partner States in political, economic, social and cultural fields4 that would lead to equitable economic development in the region.
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14

Lilja, Ericsson Therese. "Den svävande identiteten : En kvalitativ studie av identitetskonstruktionen i samband med debatten om det polska och turkiska medlemskapet i Europeiska unionen." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-31621.

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This thesis aims to analyze the similarities and differences in how identity is constructed by the European Commission, the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament regarding the Polish membership and the potential Turkish membership of the European Union. The construction of identity is analyzed through a social constructivist perspective where identity is constructed by distinguishing ”us” from ”them”. The research metod used is a qualitative text analysis. The arguments of identity are taken from the Commission’s and the Council’s documents, as well as from the debates of the European Parliament. The arguments of identity refer to the official accession criterias of the European Union, as well as to inofficial criterias formulated by the members of the European Parliament. Arguments used are for example that Polish and Turkish standards are not the same as the European standard, that the European norms need to be integrated into the Polish and Turkish constitutions and that Poland and Turkey are too poor to become members of the European Union. The result also shows that the construction of a European identity built on a common culture has had the greatest impact in the European Parliament and the European Commission.
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Al-Huwaity, Swailem A. (Swailem Audah). "The Development of Public Administration as a Field of Study in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331892/.

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The purpose of this study was to investigate the evolution and development of the field of public administration in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Factors which brought about programs of public administration and which have been influential in the development of these programs were analyzed. Although the historical roots of Saudi public administration are traced to the recapture of Riyadh by the late King Abdulaziz Al-Saud in 1902, modern public administration in the Kingdom actually began in 1953 with a royal decree which established the Council of Ministers. Factors that led to the establishment of the Institute of Public Administration and the birth of public administration programs at major Saudi universities include the country's rapid socioeconomic growth, rapid administrative expansion, and policies of administrative reform, higher education development, and the ambitious Five-Year Plans. Despite the fact that attention to the field of public administration in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia dates back to the establishment of the College of Commerce at King Saud University in 1959, the real start of teaching public administration in Saudi universities is considered recent. The field of public administration is paralleled with the establishment of the Departments of Public Administration in King Abdulaziz University in 1971, followed by similar steps at King Saud University in 1978. This study revealed that the Saudi Institute of Public Administration and institutions of higher education offering programs of public administration have played a highly influential role in the development of public administration in the Kingdom. However, current research in the field and practice of public administration at the university level is narrowly focused on faculty promotion. The research conducted for this study did not clarify the degree to which efforts are being made to bring theory closer to actual practice. However, a greater need for coordination between university-based public administration programs and governmental agencies seems strongly indicated.
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16

Mårtensson, Moa. "Political Representation in the European Union : A Multi-Channel Approach." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-267106.

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The European Union (EU) is the most far-reaching attempt yet undertaken to institutionalize democratic policy-making beyond the nation-state. To what extent, and in what ways, do various channels of representation contribute towards the realization of this aim? This dissertation takes stock of current research on the EU’s system of representation, and seeks to expand its agenda so that this central question can be properly addressed. In contrast to prior empirical work in the field, the dissertation employs research designs that incorporate several forms of representation into a unified evaluative framework. This multi-channel approach to political representation paves the way for a systematic comparison of how different forms of representation (electoral, territorial and corporate) perform in the EU context. It also makes possible an empirical assessment of a key proposition in current representation theory: that elections, in large and heterogeneous political systems, are outperformed by other forms of representation. The three articles in the dissertation draw on existing cross-country data, interviews with policy-makers and a new dataset collected by the author. They scrutinize representation in three principal channels: electoral representation in the European Parliament, government representation in the preparatory bodies of the Council of Ministers, and representation through organized interests that seek to influence EU policy. The first article examines the balance of power that has emerged between these three channels of representation in the EU’s legislative process, and how the current balance is likely to affect the Union’s legitimacy. The second article investigates how different channels of representation perform in terms of providing linkage between Brussels-based representatives and their domestic principals. The third article examines the extent to which different channels of representation contribute to the coordination of EU policy-making domestically, at the European level, and across the two levels of government. Finally, this dissertation makes a methodological contribution by applying social network analysis (SNA) to classic problems of representation within and across different channels of representation. This approach is novel to the field. Researchers should be able to exploit SNA and relational data fruitfully in the future, in the study of representational relationships in the EU and numerous other contexts.
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Waltré, Axel. "Öppenhetshets eller diplomatisk sekretess? : En analys av öppenheten i Europeiska unionens rådsarbetsgruppers lagstiftningsförhandlingar." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-364868.

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18

Anouti-Azizé, Suzanne. "L'évolution du rôle d'une organisation transcontinentale fondée sur la solidarité religieuse : l'OCI." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PSLED008.

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L’Organisation de la Coopération Islamique (OCI) créée en 1969 suite à l’incendie de la mosquée Al-Aqsa, représente la voix du monde musulman. C’est la deuxième organisation intergouvernementale après l’ONU regroupant cinquante-sept Etats membres aux quatre coins du monde.Un Programme d’Action Décennal (PAD) a été adopté lors du 3ème Sommet islamique extraordinaire réuni en 2005. Le PAD vise une nouvelle vision pour le monde musulman : « la solidarité dans l’action ».Cette thèse étudie l’évolution du rôle de l’OCI pour relever les défis politiques, économiques, sociaux et culturels qui surgissent sur la scène internationale et affectent la communauté musulmane. Elle met l’accent sur les points réalisés du PAD et les entraves de l’OCI à établir l’unité de l’Oummah islamique
The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) has been established in 1969, following the fire of the Al-Aqsa mosque. This organization represents the voice of the Islamic world and it is considered according to its membership, the second intergovernmental organization after the UNO. OIC includes fifty seven member states coming from all over the World.A Ten-year Program of Action (TYPOA) has been adopted in 2005 during the third extraordinary Islamic Summit, aiming at establishing a new vision for the Islamic World called: « Solidarity into action ».This thesis discusses the evolution of the role of the OIC relating international challenges of political, economic, social and cultural nature that the Islamic communities have to face. The thesis points out the matters that have been achieved through the TYPOA and the obstacles that the OIC faced regarding the necessity to unify the Islamic Ummah
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Caron, Matthieu. "L'autonomie organisationnelle du gouvernement : recherche sur le droit gouvernemental de la Vème République." Thesis, Lille 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LIL20030/document.

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La doctrine constitutionnelle française a reconnu, à la suite des traités de Jules Poudra et d’Eugène Pierre, que le droit parlementaire représentait une réalité juridique positive qui méritait d’être conceptualisée et d’accéder au rang de discipline universitaire. Paradoxalement, aucune étude approfondie du Gouvernement n’a jamais été menée pour déterminer s’il existait un droit gouvernemental.En procédant au récolement et à l’analyse des règles relatives à l’ordonnancement intérieur du Gouvernement de la Ve République, cette thèse entend précisément démontrer que le Gouvernement régit de manière autonome sa propre organisation et son fonctionnement internes au même titre que le Parlement. D’une part, elle permet de soutenir que le Gouvernement dispose d’une autonomie de portée variable (résiduelle, partagée ou pleine) lorsqu’il élabore le droit régissant son organisation politique. D’autre part, elle établit qu’il jouit d’une pleine autonomie pour réglementer l’organisation de son administration gouvernementale (cabinets ministériels, administrations chargées de la coordination interministérielle et administrations centrales).Cette thèse ne prétend pas pour autant constituer une théorie générale du droit gouvernemental. Elle se veut une première recherche de droit constitutionnel destinée à susciter un débat doctrinal au sujet de l’existence juridique du droit gouvernemental et de son utilité pour la démocratie
French constitutional doctrine, following the treaties of Jules Poudra and Eugène Pierre, acknowledged that Parliamentary Law represented a positive reality which deserved to be conceptualised and take its full place as a university discipline. It is paradoxical that no in-depth study has ever been carried out on Government to determine if Governmental law really existsBy collecting, gathering and analysing the rules concerning the internal organisation of the Government of the Fifth Republic, this thesis wishes to prove that the Government regulates its own organisation and internal operations in an autonomous manner in much the same way as the Parliament. On the one hand this thesis defends the fact that the Government has a variable scope of autonomy (Residual, shared or complete) when drawing up laws governing its own organisation policy. On the other hand, it points out that the Government exercises full autonomy to regulate the organisation of its administration (Ministries, Offices in charge of coordinating the different Ministries and the Central Administration).The intention of this thesis is not to put forward a general theory on Governmental Law. It is an initial research into constitutional law with a purpose of stimulating doctrinal debate on the existence of Governmental Law and its utility for Democracy
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Gebauerová, Eva. "Severská rada a strategie pro Arktický region." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-350229.

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For its natural resources and significant strategic position, the Arctic region is becoming the subject of research projects more and more often than before not only for the countries reaching this area but also for the neighbouring ones these days - including the projects of the European Union, too. As a result of the reasons already mentioned above, this region has also been in the centre of attention of the countries participating in the Nordic Council since 1996 - these are the following: Norway, Finland, Sweden, Denmark and Iceland. The Nordic Council is an institutional form of long-standing collaboration of the Nordic countries, which mainly for the geopolitical reasons has never included the foreign policies. Due to the disintegration of the bipolar organization in the 1990s, the possibilities to coordinate these policies for these states have in this respect appeared much more frequently. From the geopolitical point of view, the Nordic Council forms quite an inconsistent group of states. Norway and Iceland are members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, while Finland and Sweden have been incorporated into European structures in 1995. Denmark is then the only country that is part of both organizations. The author of this thesis will focus on the influence of the various modes of geopolitical...
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Vlček, Václav. "Kdo vládne? Účast ministrů na zasedáních Rady ministrů." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-267755.

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The thesis deals with the participation of ministers in the Council of the European Union. The first goal is to explore the participation as such, i.e. how often the ministers attend the Council meetings and what differences there are among the member states and the Council configurations. Secondly, the thesis seeks to reveal factors at the institutional (European), national and governmental level which have an impact on the participation. From the theoretical point of view, the thesis is framed by the rational choice approach. In terms of methodology, a quantitative analysis based on extensive dataset for the period 2009 - 2015 and logistic regression have been employed. The thesis concludes that the ministers attend the Council meetings quite often - the average for the period was 64%. Regarding the individual factors, it is argued that the ministers representing the presidency country attend the sessions more often. Similarly, the participation is higher if there are many points on the agenda or if the minister represents a pro-European government. On the contrary, the probability of the participation is lower if the ministers face upcoming legislative elections at home. The analysis also shows that the public attitude towards the EU is irrelevant in this case. The results are, finally,...
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22

Ibrahimu, Ngabo M. P. "The importance of an effective institutional framework for the realisation of regional economic integration objectives: a case study of the East African Community (EAC)." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3461.

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23

Berek, Maciej. "Rada Ministrów jako organ posiadający prawo inicjatywy ustawodawczej." Doctoral thesis, 2016. https://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/1563.

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Podstawowym zagadnieniem badawczym podjętym w rozprawie jest rola, jaką prawo inicjatywy ustawodawczej pełni dla Rady Ministrów jako organu władzy wykonawczej oraz sposób, w jaki Rada z tej kompetencji korzysta. Ustrojowa pozycja Rady Ministrów czyni z niej organ odpowiedzialny za rządzenie, czy też zarządzaniem państwem we wszystkich – co do zasady – obszarach. Sprawowanie władzy wykonawczej nie oznacza jednak wyłącznie wtórnego wykonywania zadań już określonych przez państwo. Rada Ministrów jest także ośrodkiem wyznaczającym kierunki rozwiązywania spraw publicznych, kierowania rozwojem państwa według ukształtowanej wizji tego rozwoju. Prawo inicjatywy ustawodawczej stanowi dla Rady Ministrów jedno z podstawowych narzędzi umożliwiających realizację celów stawianych sobie przez Radę Ministrów i jej polityczne zaplecze. Możliwość skorzystania z prawa inicjatywy ustawodawczej jest warunkiem właściwego wykonywania przez Radę Ministrów jej funkcji jako organu władzy wykonawczej. Zmienność uwarunkowań ekonomicznych, gospodarczych oraz społecznych, fakt, że to Rada Ministrów jest podmiotem dwu i wielostronnych kontaktów zewnętrznych, powoduje, że to właśnie ten organ dysponuje najbardziej aktualną wiedzą na temat niezbędnych zmian w systemie prawnym. Czyni to z Rady Ministrów organ najbardziej właściwy do przedstawienia wszystkich niezbędnych dla prawidłowego funkcjonowania państwa projektów ustaw. Projekty ustaw przedkładane przez Radę Ministrów stanowią większość z projektów ustaw wpływających do Sejmu, istotniejszy jest jednak drugi aspekt, którym jest skuteczność rządowych projektów ustaw. Wniesienie przez Radę Ministrów projektu ustawy następuje, co do zasady, w sytuacji, w której Rada zasadnie przewiduje uchwalenie przedłożonego projektu przez parlament. Jest to cecha wyróżniająca Radę Ministrów spośród innych uprawnionych podmiotów. Szeroko ujęty zakres możliwych uproszczeń w standardowej, wieloetapowej procedurze rządowej, o których zastosowaniu decyduje premier, stanowi swoistą przeciwwagę dla takiego właśnie kształtu tej procedury. Omawiane w pracy kompetencje premiera czynią go faktycznym gospodarzem rządowego procesu legislacyjnego. Zakres dopuszczalnych uproszczeń procedury pozwala premierowi nawet na podjęcie decyzji o rozpatrzeniu przez Radę Ministrów projektu ustawy, który został sporządzony bezpośrednio przed posiedzeniem Rady i nie został poddany żadnym uprzednim formalnym etapom. Prezes Rady Ministrów może skutecznie wpływać na treść przyjmowanego przez Radę Ministrów projektu ustawy, nawet w sytuacji istnienia w gronie członków Rady wewnętrznych sporów lub wstępnego braku zgody niektórych z nich dla treści projektu ustawy.
The subject of the doctoral dissertation is a meaning of the right to introduce legislation for the Council of Ministers (hereafter also referred to as the Government)as an executive body. According to the Constitution the Council of Ministers shall conduct all the internal affairs and foreign policy of the Republic of Poland. Moreover the Constitution designates the Government as a body which shall conduct all the affairs of State not reserved to the other State organs or local government. In accordance with the other provision of the Constitution the Government shall ensure the implementation of statutes. Main argument in the dissertation is that the right to submit the bill is an essential right for the Government for proper implementation its tasks as an executive body. Economic, financial, social, international and others conditions in which each country has to function are so complicated, specialized and dynamic that the Council of Ministers is the only one body able to react properly for changing conditions. This reaction may mean and quite often means necessity of adopting laws therefore prepared by the Government. The Council of Ministers shall act collectively. The sittings of the Council are preside over by the Prime Minister, whose constitutional position is stronger than before the date of entry into force of the Constitution. Moreover the Prime Minister has been traded as an independent organ of the State with a separate competency. In the doctoral thesis the author examines the correlation between the role of the Prime Ministers and the rules of sitting of the Council which should guarantee each member of the Council his or her right to participate in the process of making any governmental decision. The description of the multistage decision-making process within the governmental administration is the starting point for the analysis of the efficiency of binding procedures and for some proposal to amend the law.
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24

Rosa, Ginevra Bastos Ribeiro da. "Variação terminológica nos documentos da Direcção de Organização de Sessões do Secretariado do Conselho de Ministros (Angola)." Master's thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/30537.

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A Variação terminológica nos documentos da Direcção de Organização de Sessões do Secretariado do Conselho de Ministros (República de Angola) apresenta-se como o tema da Dissertação do Mestrado em Terminologia e Gestão de Informação de Especialidade. Neste trabalho, pretende-se analisar a variação terminológica que ocorre nos textos de especialidade recolhidos na Direcção de Organização de Sessões do Secretariado do Conselho de Ministros. O incumprimento das técnicas de Legística na redacção de textos de especialidades da Direcção de Organização de Sessões, tem originado ambiguidades na comunicação entre especialistas do mesmo domínio. Surge a iniciativa de identificar os termos usados em contexto profissional, analisar o problema e propor medidas para a harmonização dos termos com vista a garantir a qualidade na terminologia em uso por parte desta Instituição. Neste trabalho, procurou-se ter em atenção as unidades terminológicas utilizadas em determinados textos de especialidades. Para isso, optámos por uma abordagem semasiológica e, não descartando a possibilidade, quando necessário, de recorrer a análise dos conceitos. Espera-se, com este trabalho, poder contribuir para a estabilização dos termos em situações comunicacionais distintas entre especialistas, assim como sugerir um modelo de base de dados com o propósito de organizar a terminologia e facilitar a transferência de informação entre os funcionários do Secretariado do Conselho de Ministros e outras entidades estatais.
The terminological variation in the documents for the Organization of Sessions of the Secretariat of the Council of Ministers (Republic of Angola) is presented as the theme of a Master's Dissertation in Terminology and Management of Specialized Information. In this paper one intended to analyse the terminological variation that occurs in the specialized texts collected in the Directorate of Organization of Sessions of the Secretariat of the Council of Ministers. Failure to comply with the techniques of legistic in the drafting of special texts of the Directorate for Organization of Sessions has caused opacities in the communication between specialists of the same field. The initiative to identify the terms used in a professional context, in order to analyse the problem and to propose measures to harmonize the terms so that one can guarantee the quality in the terminology in use by the institution which emerges. In this work, one tried to take into account the terminological units used in certain texts of specialties. For this, it was opted for a semasiological approach and, not discarding the possibility, when necessary, to resort to the analysis of concepts. It is expected that this work will contribute to the stabilization of terms in different communication situations between specialists, as well as to suggest a database model for the purpose of organizing the terminology and facilitating the transfer of information among the staff of the Council of the Secretariat of Ministers and other state entities.
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25

Prausová, Veronika. "Alfred Fuchs." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-350866.

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The aim of the diploma thesis "Alfred Fuchs (1892 - 1941)" is to describe the life and work of Alfred Fuchs. This excellent journalist, writer and translator has been unjustly neglected for a long time even though all he belonged to the important personalities of the Czech culture and political scene. He devoted a great deal of his work to the Christian theology, morality, diplomacy, culture, policy and current social issues. Regarded as an outstanding member of the Czech Jewish movement he was also a promoter of the idea of assimilation presented at his lecturers. As a journalist contributing to dozens of newspapers, he also wrote more than twenty books in his life. For example, Česká kultura, Rozvoj, Lidové listy, Lidové noviny or Přítomnost. Well-known for his entrefilets published as DRAF in the newspaper Tribuna, he was also in charge of editing Pondělník Českého slova and Prager Abendblatt. In 1921, Alfred Fuchs made a big step in his life and converted to catholicism. Considered to be an acclaimed expert on religious issues he became an important mediator between the Church and society. Since 1921 he had worked at the Press Department of the Presidium of the Council of Ministers, until 1939, when he was persecuted for racial reasons. Due to his Jewish origin he was martyred at the...
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