Journal articles: 'Nordic Council of Ministers'

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Filipek, Michał Jan. "STRUKTURA ORGANIZACYJNA ORAZ GŁÓWNE KIERUNKI DZIAŁALNOŚCI NORDYCKIEJ RADY MINISTRÓW." Zeszyty Prawnicze 9, no. 2 (June 25, 2017): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2009.9.2.05.

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Organizational Structure and Main Activities of the Nordic Council of MinistersSummaryThe aim of the paper is to present basic information concerning structure and political activity of The Nordic Council of Ministers. The Nordic Council of Ministers was established in 1971 after an attempt at Nordic economic co-operation, the so-called Nordek, which had failed the year before. One of the main goals of the Nordic Council of Ministers was to maintain Nordic co-operation and integration. Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden have been members of the Nordic Council of Ministers since 1971. The autonomous territories of Greenland, the Faroe Islands and Åland have also increased their representation and position in the Nordic Council of Ministers (the same representation as the member states).The Nordic Council of Ministers has developed contacts with all of the countries in the Baltic Sea Region. Closer co-operation with the Baltic States takes the form of rich co-operation on many levels. The Nordic Council of Ministers is the forum for Nordic governmental co-operation. Issues are prepared and followed up by the various Committees of Senior Officials which consist of civil servants from the member countries.The purpose of inter-governmental and political co-operation in the Nordic Council of Ministers is to work toward joint Nordic solutions that have positive effects for the citizens of Nordic countries.

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Etzold, Tobias. "The Nordic Council of Ministers: Aspirations for More Political Relevance." Politics and Governance 8, no. 4 (November 3, 2020): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3381.

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Due to changing circumstances and new challenges, the Nordic Council of Ministers underwent an incremental process of change and some modest transformation since the 1990s. However, there has never been a major overhaul of structures and contents owing to considerable inertia. The most recent modernisation process, aiming at more political relevance and flexibility, has been ambitious but whether it has been a success remains unclear thus far. Weaknesses and limits in cooperation in the Nordic Council of Ministers are obvious, i.e., no majority voting or ‘opting-out’ system, a lack in supra-national structures and policies and no common immigration, foreign, security and EU policies. Nonetheless, the organisation has at least some relevance and meaning for the Nordic countries and the potential to promote and facilitate cooperation in policy areas in which common interests exist, such as environment, climate, research and social affairs. Therefore, rather than constituting a common political order of its own, Nordic cooperation, as it is conducted within the Nordic Council of Ministers, is best characterized by differentiated integration, promoting full integration only to a limited extent but respecting integration to different extents and speeds by fostering cooperation and coordination of certain policies where possible and desired.

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Väistö, Ulla. "Address at the Fourth International Conference on Baltic and Nordic studies in Romania: empire-building and region-building in the Baltic, North and Black Sea areas." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 5, no. 2 (December 15, 2013): 197–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v5i2_9.

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The longest standing formal cooperation across the Baltic Sea is the Nordic Cooperation. It is composed of five countries: Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland and Iceland plus the three autonomous territories Faroe Islands, Greenland and Aland. We are approximately 25 million people, as a region among the 10 biggest economies globally, and with 8 official languages. Cooperation between the Nordic countries is one of the most comprehensive regional partnerships found anywhere in the world. It is based on common values and the will to generate dynamic development in a sustainable manner. “United, but not uniform” is the essence of Nordic philosophy. Ours is a region where people can move freely, live under equal conditions and enjoy equal rights. Our inter-parliamentary body Nordic Council was created already in 1952 and our inter-governmental body Nordic Council of Ministers in 1971. The essence of their work is to create synergies that benefit the region’s citizens. Let us mention some very important Nordic milestones: Passport union in 1957, Agreement on fully integrated labour market in 1983, Nordic language convention in 1987, Nordic social convention in 1994 and free access to higher education in 1997. The Presidency of the Nordic Council of Ministers rotates on a one-year basis, drawing up a cooperation programme. The Council has also international cooperation, in particular with geographically close-by partners.

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Moxnes, Erling, Öje Danell, Eldar Gaare, and Jouko Kumpula. "Final report of the NOR project "Management of reindeer pastures under uncertainty" Report title: "A decision-tool for adaptation of reindeer herds to rangeland: the user's manual"." Rangifer 23, no. 4 (April 1, 2003): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/2.23.4.1646.

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The management of reindeer ranges is a complicated task as indicated both by the complexity of the normative analyses required and the mismanagement observed in real and laboratory settings. The present report is a user's manual to a decision-tool that attempts to strike a balance between complex normative analyses and practical decision-making. A simulator is provided to give decision-makers experience with the tool and to build intuition for strategies. Several cases are used to illustrate the use of the decision-tool and to demonstrate how even scarce and imprecise data can yield important insights. The project has been financed by "Nordisk ministerråd" ("Nordic Council of Ministers") under the program "Nordiska miljöstrategin för jord- och skogsbruk 1996-1999" ("Nordic Environmental Strategies for Agriculture and Forestry 1996-1999"). It was initiated and administered by "Nordisk organ for reinforskning" (NOR) ("Nordic Council for Reindeer Research").

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Bailes, Alyson J. K., and Kristmundur Th Ólafsson. "Northern Europe and the Arctic Agenda: Roles of Nordic and Other Sub-Regional Organizations." Yearbook of Polar Law Online 5, no. 1 (2013): 45–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116427-91000118.

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Abstract Aside from the Arctic Council itself, a number of inter-governmental neighbourhood groupings – here defined as ‘sub-regional’ – have mandates covering at least part of the European High North. This paper asks how far the issues on the emerging Arctic agenda are addressed, in practical and/or policy terms, by such multilateral entities as the Nordic Council, Nordic Council of Ministers, Barents Euro-Arctic Council, Northern Dimension of the European Union, and Council of Baltic Sea States. Do these groups play conscious and helpful roles in tackling specific Arctic challenges, supporting a cooperative approach, and/or building joint Arctic policy platforms for their members? If not, do the explanations lie in the nature and limited competences of ‘sub-regional’ governance; in a lack of coordination, divisions and discrepancies between the bodies in question; or in an absence of political will? The need and scope for improvements are finally addressed against the wider political and institutional backdrop of the Arctic.

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Kubka, Andrzej. "Szwecja i problemy spójności współpracy państw w Europie Bałtyckiej w 2018 roku." Gdańskie Studia Międzynarodowe 16, no. 1-2 (November 30, 2018): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7622.

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Abstract Holding the presidency in crucial regional organizations and formats in Baltic Europe in 2018 (Nordic Council of Ministers, Council of the Baltic Sea States, Barents Euro-Arctic Council, formats N5 and NB8) Sweden is in exceptional position to enhance this region’s coherence. The goal of the analysis in the article is to explain in what way Sweden aims to coordinate the regional policy agenda. Official programmatic documents give the ground to assume that Sweden is seeking to achieve a regional coordinator’s role and is actively realizing planes which promote regional coherence in Baltic Europe. At the same time Sweden takes into consideration the European and global contexts of the policies in this region. The main overarching field of engagement in this respect becomes the realization of the UN Agenda 2030. The characteristics, i.e. scope and elaboration, of the political programmes of the Swedish presidency in the mentioned above organizations and formats suggests that Nordic as well as Nordic-Baltic cooperation are considered as the most important ones.

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Maijala, K., A. Neimann-Sorensen, S. Adalsteinsson, N. Kolstad, B. Danell, and B. Gjelstad. "CONSERVATION OF GENE RESOURCES OF FARM ANIMALS IN THE NORDIC COUNTRIES." Animal Genetic Resources Information 7 (April 1990): 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s101423390000300x.

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The Nordic Council of ministers decided in 1979 to finance a working party for coordinating the Nordic Animal-Gene Banks (NAGBs). This party has five members, one from each Nordic country and a part-time secretary. The working party has been in contact with several other researchers and institutions and is represented in the corresponding European working party. These links have provided possibilities for fruitful commication. on the initiative of the working party, the agricultural ministries reported on the national situation in their respective countries (maiiala et al., 1986). overall responsibility is considered as an official task. EacF- Kirnistry of Agriculture, in cooperation with other ministries, is responsible for animal conservation. That includes providing necessary investment funds and covering the operating expenses of gene banks.

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Stephan, Sarah. "Greenland, the Faroes and Åland in Nordic and European Co-operation – Two Approaches towards Accommodating Autonomies." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 24, no. 3 (August 8, 2017): 273–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02403004.

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This article looks at the perplexing encounter between territorial autonomies and international organizations by exploring the legal-institutional frameworks for accommodating Greenland, the Faroe Islands and the Åland Islands within the Nordic Council/Nordic Council of Ministers (Norden) and the European Union (eu). In Norden an attempt has been made to translate the very core of autonomy, namely constitutionally protected legislative power, into a legal-institutional framework for multi-level governance. The small number of autonomies and the scope and scale of Norden allows for a one-size-fits-all solution. The encounter between autonomies and an international organization is not only more challenging in the case of the eu, it is also broader in scale and in scope. Despite the eu’s individually and often densely regulated relationships with octs and sui generis arrangements, dependent territories remain to some extent uncharted territories in the context of the eu.

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Vintere, Anna, and Ilze Balode. "Adult Math Skills and Its Promotion in the Baltic States: Citizens and Employers Assessment." SOCIETY, INTEGRATION, EDUCATION. Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference 4 (May 18, 2015): 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/sie2015vol4.500.

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<em>In order to activate the role of mathematics in the lifelong context, discuss how to improve/ disseminate mathematics competence in society as well as evaluate the role of mathematics in professional / personal development, Transnational comparative study on the mathematics educational needs was carried out in the Baltic States by the financial support of the Nordic Council of Ministers. This article analyses the inhabitants’ and employers' responses to the questions about the basic knowledge of mathematics assessment. In the study used self-assessment method, so the results are based on respondents' views. </em>

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Princeton, Daisy Michelle, Ida Marie Bregård, Marianne Annion, Gine Shooghi, Gitte Rom, Brynja Örlygsdóttir, Hildur Sigurðardóttir, Riita Kuismin, Joonas Korhonen, and Sezer Kisa. "Mental Health Challenges of Young Labor Migrants from the Healthcare Professionals Perspective: Lessons Learned from a Multi-Country Meeting." Sustainability 13, no. 18 (September 21, 2021): 10482. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su131810482.

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The mental health of young labor immigrants (YLI’s) is a public health issue that has become notably more apparent during the COVID-19 pandemic. It is well established in the literature that most YLI’s are young and healthy when they arrive in the host country. However, due to the poor living and working conditions, as well as linguistic and socioeconomic barriers to health care in the host country, their physical and mental health often deteriorates. Between 1 March 2021 and 5 March 2021, a virtual meeting was organized by Oslo Metropolitan University in collaboration with the Nordic Council of Ministers mobility and network program for education in the Nordic and Baltic countries (Nordplus). It consisted of a multidisciplinary team of 26 participants from Nordic and Baltic countries. Topics included working and living conditions of YLI’s, prejudices towards immigrants, and mental health-related interventions for YLI’s in the participating countries. This paper draws attention to some of the mental health challenges and needs of YLI’s and to the suggestions gathered from the Nordplus meeting to combat these challenges from a healthcare professional’s perspective.

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Vanbergen, Pierre. "Activities of UNESCO, OECD, the Council of Europe, the European Communities, and the Nordic Council of Ministers [M ED-13-7]." Western European Education 17, no. 3 (October 1985): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/eue1056-4934170390.

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Granberg, Maja, Nina Kjølsen Jernæs, Vibeke Vandrup Martens, Véronique Karine Simon Nielsen, and Annika Haugen. "Effects of Climate-Related Adaptation and Mitigation Measures on Nordic Cultural Heritage." Heritage 5, no. 3 (August 13, 2022): 2210–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage5030116.

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This article is based on the project undertaken by NIKU for, and financed by, the Nordic Council of Ministers in 2021, with supplementary literature and the expertise of the authors added to the report findings. The main aim of the project was to find out how climate-related adaptation and mitigation measures impact the Nordic cultural heritage. In this article we present examples of the different adaptation and mitigation measures that impact the cultural heritage. This article has a Nordic focus, which is transferable to other countries. The methodology involves an analysis of qualitative data collected in 2021 through text review, interviews, and workshops. The results can be divided into three relevant themes where there are major challenges: interdisciplinary work, need for more knowledge and use of culture-nature based solutions, and new energy supply systems. We conclude with recommendations on what we believe should be prioritized in the continued work of reducing the risk of damage to cultural heritage in the future. The recommendations cover local and international conditions, they cross sectors and political guidelines, and they reflect the need for newly developed knowledge, interdisciplinarity, and the need for a change of attitude—a paradigm shift in planning procedures.

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Djukanovic, Dragan, and Marko Dasic. "Modeling regional cooperation in the Balkans after 1999: European experiences and their application." Medjunarodni problemi 73, no. 4 (2021): 617–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2104617d.

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In this paper, the authors comparatively analyze the development of regional cooperation in Europe after the Second World War and in the Western Balkans since 1999. They compare and contrast regional cooperation in the Western Balkans (with a particular focus on the period after 2006, when the Stability Pact for Southeastern Europe was transformed into the Regional Cooperation Council, and after 2014, when the Berlin Process was launched) with similar forms of cooperation in Europe, such as the Nordic Council of Ministers, the Visegrad Group, and the Benelux. Therefore, the authors approach a comparative analysis of the composition of these regional forums and their areas of cooperation with the Regional Cooperation Council, the Southeast European Cooperation Process, and the Berlin Process. In this regard, the authors state that there are more than obvious similarities between regional cooperation in the Western Balkans, primarily with the Visegrad Group, and to a significant extent with the Benelux. Regional cooperation on the Balkan Peninsula and between the Nordic countries is similar to a lesser extent, owing to the absence of the formation of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Western Balkans, which was overlooked in 2013. The authors conclude that there are numerous obstacles to establishin g more intensive and deeper regional cooperation in the Western Balkans, the most significant of which are the lack of a multilaterally accepted regional identity, the different interests of regional leaders regarding its "originality", the conflicted views of dominant opinions, and the predominant influences of various Western actors.

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Axworthy, Thomas S., and Ryan Dean. "Changing the Arctic Paradigm from Cold War to Cooperation: How Canada’s Indigenous Leaders Shaped the Arctic Council." Yearbook of Polar Law Online 5, no. 1 (2013): 7–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116427-91000117.

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Abstract Between 1987 and 1997, through an impressive coalition of Nordic governments, the Government of Canada, scientists, environmentalists, foundations and Indigenous groups, the world witnessed the creation of a new body, the Arctic Council, a breakthrough in co-operative Arctic governance. Impressive for the relative speed of its creation, the Council – made up of eight states, six Permanent Participants and several observers – has continued to evolve at a steady pace, and recently became the primary forum for negotiating an Arctic search and rescue treaty. Many contributed to the creation of the Arctic Council, but insofar as a Canadian contribution, one of the leading drivers of the effort was a skilled group of Indigenous leaders. Aboriginal leaders like Mary Simon, supported by foundations, became the advocates of an Arctic Council that gave unprecedented status to Indigenous representatives to sit at the same table as foreign ministers through the innovation of a Permanent Participant category. This victory for the Indigenous community in the creation of the Arctic Council was an early indication of the growing presence and sophistication of the world’s Indigenous populations. Their current importance, as highlighted by the U.N. Declaration of Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007, has as a precedent the invention of the Permanent Participant membership category of the Arctic Council a decade earlier.

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Stepanov, Ilya A., Elizaveta V. Smolovik, and Anna A. Kazakovtseva. "The International Dimension of Norwegian Arctic Policy and the Accumulated Capital of Russian-Norwegian Cooperation." Arctic and North, no. 49 (December 22, 2022): 125–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/issn2221-2698.2022.49.125.

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This article presents an analysis of Norway’s cooperation with Arctic and non-Arctic states in the Arctic over the past decade. The paper focuses on the priorities of the country’s new Arctic strategy adopted in 2020 in the areas of environmental protection, social and economic development, and improving the quality of life of indigenous peoples and residents of the northern regions. The paper aims at systematization of Norway’s experience of participation in various projects both under the aegis of international organizations in the region (the Arctic Council, the Barents-Euro-Arctic Council, the Nordic Council of Ministers, etc.) and in bilateral format with the Arctic countries. A special emphasis is placed on the analysis of Norwegian-Russian cooperation in the Arctic in the fields of environmental protection, fisheries, energy, joint operations to prevent and eliminate the consequences of oil spills and other environmental disasters, and social and cultural interaction. In addition, cooperation of Norway and Russia in multilateral formats in various sectors is examined. The current crisis in Russia-Western relations and its impact on the implementation of joint Russian-Norwegian projects and initiatives and the development of cooperation in the Arctic are analyzed.

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Voronkov, L. S., and A. A. Smirnova. "The Arctic council as an international organization of a new type." Journal of International Analytics, no. 3 (September 28, 2017): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2017-0-3-7-16.

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The article emphasizes that the Arctic Council (AC) is a high level forum of cooperation, based on taking decisions by consensus that are carried out by member states on a voluntary basis and in accordance with their national interests. The AC does not meet the criteria of a classical international intergovernmental organization – IGO and may not be referred to as an international non-governmental organization – INGO due to its members. The high performance of the AC activity in the absence of a complex organizational structure, any executive body and a court is rooted in respect for national sovereignty of its member states. This informal international organization of new type became the core, around which a significant group of states, IGOs and INGOs, that received observer status at the AC, is created. Within the framework of its activity innovative tools of financing of ongoing programs have been developed. Participation of other member states of the AC in the anti-Russian sanctions does not become an obstacle for continuation of the close cooperation of all Arctic states in addressing the major problems of common concern in the Arctic. During the sanctions they established the Arctic economic council, signed the agreements on cooperation between coastal guards of all Arctic states, on scientific cooperation in the Arctic and on preventing unregulated fishing in the central part of the Arctic ocean. Negotiations on possible new agreements are going on between them. The model of informal international cooperation, demonstrated by the Arctic Council, is being successfully implemented also in the activities of the Nordic Council of Ministers, the Council of Barents/Euro-arctic Region, BRICS and other international organizations. This gave the authors the reason to conclude that this type of international organizations will be further developed in contemporary international relations.

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Henriksen, N. "Eastern North Greenland 1994, the 1:500 000 mapping project." Rapport Grønlands Geologiske Undersøgelse 165 (January 1, 1995): 53–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.34194/rapggu.v165.8278.

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The second field season of the Geological Survey of Greenland's (GGU) mapping project in eastern North Greenland (1993–95) was carried out according to plan and with full accomplishment of all geoscientific goals. The programme aims at producing a general overview of the onshore geology of the Jokelbugten to Kronprins Christian Land region (78–81 °N) in eastern North Greenland (Fig. 1) to be compiled as sheet no. 9 in GGU's 1:500 000 geological map sheet series; this is the last remaining incomplete map sheet at this scale in North and North-East Greenland. The field work was initiated in 1993 with limited reconnaissance work (Henriksen, 1994a), and in 1994 the first of two more intensive field campaigns was carried out. In addition to establishing a general overview of the regional geology the work aims at obtaining an evaluation of the economic geological potential of the region, in respect of both minerals and hydrocarbons. Two glaciological programmes were fully integrated with the project: one was carried out by the Alfred Wegener Institute (AWi), Bremerhaven, Germany, while the other was partly based on a special grant from the Nordic Council of Ministers.

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Solhjell, Randi. "Practices in Multiagency Collaboration against Violent Extremism at the City Level: Nordic Approaches." Proceedings 77, no. 1 (April 27, 2021): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/proceedings2021077013.

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In the Nordic countries, prevention of radicalization and violent extremism is based on an existing crime prevention collaboration. The core tenet of crime prevention approaches is that early radicalization prevention is best organized as a joint effort, where individual cases are assessed holistically and relevant information shared. This presentation is based on Nordic comparative research that provides a critical analysis of policies, perceptions, and practices regarding multiagency approaches. At the city level, we systematically explore how core components of a Nordic governance model contribute to and might be preconditions for effective multiagency collaboration and secure societies. Variations in these city-level approaches lead to an important question: do these various multiagency approaches to countering violent extremisms and radicalization constitute a unified model? The project provides an informed platform for spreading Nordic experiences and models of governance to other countries in the area of radicalization prevention and countering violent extremism. The multiagency collaboration in Nordic cities tends to be composed of a smaller number of professionals, e.g., three to eight, representing social and health services, a coordinator, and the police. Their positions vary; some represent leadership in the municipality, others are positioned at more mid-level management, and others are frontline professionals handling clients on a daily basis. The origin of these collaborative efforts is based on the School, Social and health services, and Police framework (SSP) in Denmark, Norway, and the Ankkuri group in Finland. We assert that future efforts can also be more need-based, comprising municipal/local initiatives with an element of the guiding national policies, and include the legal frameworks to guide professionals on ethical issues like confidentiality. This presentation is part of a larger project entitled “Nordic Multiagency Approaches to Handling Extremism: Policies, Perceptions, and Practices”, led by professor and center director Tore Bjørgo (University of Oslo) and is funded by NordForsk (Nordic Council of Minister), 2018–2021.

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Henningsen, A. A., M. Gissler, S. Rasmussen, S. Opdahl, U. B. Wennerholm, A. L. Spangsmose, A. Tiitinen, et al. "Imprinting disorders in children born after ART: a Nordic study from the CoNARTaS group." Human Reproduction 35, no. 5 (May 1, 2020): 1178–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/humrep/deaa039.

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Abstract STUDY QUESTION Is the risk of imprinting disorders increased in children conceived after ART? SUMMARY ANSWER We found an adjusted odds ratio (AOR) of 2.84 [95% CI: 1.34–6.01] for Beckwith–Wiedemann syndrome in ART children, while the risk of Prader–Willi syndrome, Silver–Russell syndrome or Angelman syndrome was not increased in children conceived after ART. WHAT IS KNOWN ALREADY Earlier studies, most of them small, have suggested an association between ART and imprinting disorders. STUDY DESIGN, SIZE, DURATION This was a binational register-based cohort study. All children conceived by ART in Denmark (n = 45 393, born between 1994 and 2014) and in Finland (n = 29 244, born between 1990 and 2014) were identified. The full background populations born during the same time periods in the two countries were included as controls. Odds ratios of imprinting disorders in ART children compared with naturally conceived (NC) children were calculated. The median follow-up time was 8 years and 9 months for ART children and 11 years and 9 months for NC children. PARTICIPANTS/MATERIALS, SETTING, METHODS From the national health registries in Denmark and Finland, we identified all children diagnosed with Prader–Willi syndrome (n = 143), Silver–Russell syndrome (n = 69), Beckwith–Wiedemann syndrome (n = 105) and Angelman syndrome (n = 72) born between 1994/1990 and 2014, respectively. MAIN RESULTS AND THE ROLE OF CHANCE We identified a total of 388 children diagnosed with imprinting disorders; 16 of these were conceived after ART. The overall AOR for the four imprinting disorders in ART children compared with NC children was 1.35 [95% CI: 0.80–2.29], but since eight ART children were diagnosed with Beckwith–Wiedemann syndrome, the AOR for this specific imprinting disorder was 2.84 [95% CI: 1.34–6.01]. The absolute risk of Beckwith–Wiedemann syndrome in children conceived after ART was still low: 10.7 out of 100 000 newborns. The risks of Prader–Willi syndrome, Silver–Russell syndrome and Angelman syndrome were not increased in children conceived after ART. LIMITATIONS, REASONS FOR CAUTION Imprinting disorders are rare events and our results are based on few ART children with imprinting disorders. The aetiology is complex and only partly clarified, and the clinical diagnoses are challenged by a broad phenotypic spectrum. WIDER IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS In the existing studies, results on the risk of imprinting disorders in children conceived after ART are ambiguous. This study adds that the risk of imprinting disorders in ART children is very small and perhaps restricted to Beckwith–Wiedemann syndrome. STUDY FUNDING/COMPETING INTEREST(S) This work was supported by the Nordic Trial Alliance: a pilot project jointly funded by the Nordic Council of Ministers and NordForsk (grant number: 71450), the Nordic Federation of Obstetrics and Gynecology (grant numbers: NF13041, NF15058, NF16026 and NF17043) and the Interreg Öresund-Kattegat-Skagerak European Regional Development Fund (ReproUnion project). The authors have no conflicts of interest related to this work. TRIAL REGISTRATION NUMBER N/A

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Vince, A. G. "From Viking to Crusader: Scandinavia and Europe 800–1200. Edited by Else Roesdahl and David M. Wilson. 270mm. Pp. 429, 617 illus., maps, figs. Copenhagen: Nordic Council of Ministers in collaboration with the Council of Europe, 1992. ISBN 87-7303-5580 (pb.). No price stated." Antiquaries Journal 73 (September 1993): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500072012.

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Filipek, Michał. "Międzynarodowoprawny status archipelagu Wysp Alandzkich : kwestia demilitaryzacji i neutralizacji Alandów." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (November 29, 2011): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2011.1.6.

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This article deals with the question of demilitarization and neutralization of the ?land Islands in respect to international law regulating this issue. In this paper it was not intented to go into details of all historical phases and changes of the ?land's status, but rather to concentrate on international treaties regulating this question, which are still in force. ?land is an autonomous, demilitarized and neutralized region of Finland with a largely Swedish-speaking population. The ?land Islands form an archipelago in the Baltic Sea. They are situated in the entrance to the Gulf of Bothnia. Its legislative autonomy and a strong protection for its population's Swedish language and culture are enshrined in the Finnish constitution. The ?land Islands are located in a very strategically important place. There are three problems under international law connected with the ?land Islands: that is to say, demilitarization, neutralization and autonomy of ?land. After the Crimean war it was decided that Russia should not fortify the ?land Islands. The strategic position was one of the factors that influenced the decision of the Paris Peace Conference in 1856 to demilitarize the ?land Islands. After the Crimean War (1854-56) an appendix to the 1856 Treaty of Paris forbade Russia from establishing fortifications, maintaining or building up a military presence and naval forces on the islands. In 1917 Finland gained independence from Russia and ?land became for a number of years a source of controversy or even conflict between Finland and Sweden as a result of the ?landers' demand for ?land's reunification with Sweden. In 1921 the League of Nations resolved the ?land question. ?land remained a part of Finland but gained autonomy along with the historically rooted principles of neutrality and demilitarization. In October 1921 the Convention relating to the non-fortification and Neutralization of the ?land Islands was signed by Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, Latvia, Poland, Sweden and the United Kingdom. The Western powers did not regard Bolshevik Russia as a sovereign state after the revolution of 1917 and Russia (the Soviet Union) was not a party to this convention. The treaties that regulatedthe demilitarization and neutralization were: 1) the 1856 Convention on the Demilitarisation of the ?land Islands (annexed to the 1856 Paris Peace Treaty), 2) the 1921 Convention on the Demilitarization and Neutralization of the ?land Islands, 3) bilateral treaty of 1940 between Finland and Russia (the Soviet Union) on the demilitarization of the ?land Islands and 4) the 1947 Paris Peace Treaty. There is no cause to doubt the continuance in force of the demilitarization and neutralization of ?land. The treaties and agreements of 1921,1940 and 1947 are still in force. ?land's demilitarization and neutralization remain beyond question, despite the changes in the political context. The ?land Islands are both demilitarized and neutralized, the main purpose is to keep it completely outside the armed actions of armed conflicts. ?land's status received renewed attention in the 1990s in view of the changes taking place in Europe. The 1994 treaty on Finland's accession to the EU recognizes in its Protocol No. 2, that the ?land Islands enjoy a special status under international law. Furthermore, another legal regulation dealing with this question is the Additional Protocol I to the 1949 Geneva Convention on the protection of war victims (Article 60) obligates States Parties to respect demilitarized zones during international armed conflicts. ?land's demilitarized and neutralized status has a strong foundation and position in the international law. Some experts and writers have described this status as a example of a "permanent settlement" or "objective regime" in international law. According to another experts (H. Rotkirch), the special status of the ?land Islands is of such long standing " that it has without doubt become part of customary international law and is thus binding on the international community as a whole". Since 1970, ?land has had its own representation in the Nordic Council and participates in the work of the Nordic Council of Ministers. Since 1989, ?land is a member of the Council of Europe. One might also mention the fact that, ?land stands outside the EU tax union and has retained the limitations on ownership of land and operation of business.

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Lempinen, Hanna. "ARCTIC HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT: REGIONAL PROCESSES AND GLOBAL LINKAGES. Joan Nymand Larsen and Gail Fondahl (editors). 2015. Copenhagen: Nordic Council of Ministers. 500 p, illustrated, softcover. ISBN 978-92-893-3881-3. 500 DKK (print), free of charge (online)." Polar Record 51, no. 5 (May 11, 2015): 567–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247415000315.

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Human Rights Law in Africa, Editors. "THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL/COUNCIL OF MINISTERS." Human Rights Law in Africa Online 1, no. 1 (2004): 291–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160604x00251.

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FORSTER, M. "Council of environment ministers." Environmental Policy and Law 14, no. 2-3 (May 1985): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0378-777x(85)80077-9.

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Hoffmann, Stanley, Fiona Hayes-Renshaw, and Helen Wallace. "The Council of Ministers." Foreign Affairs 76, no. 3 (1997): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048071.

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Human Rights Law in Africa, Editors. "DOCUMENTS OF THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL/COUNCIL OF MINISTERS." Human Rights Law in Africa Online 1, no. 1 (2004): 295–376. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160604x00260.

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Gvozdev, Vasily A. "ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF THE CHUVASH ASSR COUNCIL OF MINISTERS’ APPARATUS IN THE 1980s." Vestnik Chuvashskogo universiteta, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/1810-1909-2021-2-27-35.

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The article examines the changes that occurred in the organizational structure of the apparatus of the Chuvash ASSR Council of Ministers in the 1980s. The Council of Ministers, as the supreme executive and administrative body of the state power of the republic, played a significant role in all spheres of public life, and the quality of decisions made and their subsequent implementation in this difficult time for the country largely depended on its apparatus. The source base of the study was primarily previously unpublished resolutions of the Republican government, which approved the changed staffing structure of the Chuvash ASSR Council of Ministers’ apparatus. The central role in the apparatus of the republican government was occupied by the General Affairs Department, which included branch departments and other structural subdivisions. According to the results of the study, it was concluded that during most of the 1980s, changes in the organizational structure of the apparatus of the Chuvash ASSR Council of Ministers were minor, they were limited to the transfer of individual functions from one branch department of the General Affairs Department to another with the corresponding renaming of departments. However, in the years of perestroika, under the conditions of growing political and economic reforms, the apparatus of the Chuvash ASSR Council of Ministers underwent a significant transformation, which was reflected in the adoption at the turn of the 1980s–1990s of new normative legal acts – the Regulations on the Apparatus of the Chuvash ASSR Council of Ministers, the staffing structure of the Council of Ministers’ Apparatus and job descriptions for employees of the Council of Ministers’ apparatus. In so doing, the leadership of the country and the republic demonstrated their readiness for significant changes, albeit within the framework of a centrally planned socialist system.

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Van Den Berg, Ger P. "Reglament of the Soviet Council of Ministers." Review of Socialist Law 11, no. 1 (1985): 75–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187529885x00052.

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Vandeweyer, Luc. "De emancipatie van de ministerraad onder druk van de Tweede Wereldoorlog." Res Publica 38, no. 1 (March 31, 1996): 159–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v38i1.18656.

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Since the creation of the Belgian state in 1830, the kings, head of state, always tried to expand their political influence. Part of this strategy was the treatment of the ministers as individuals, not as a council. The process of democratisation and the development of political parties pushed back this royal influence. In the meantime, as a result of the fact that coalitions were necessary to establish a government, the Council of Ministers was developping more and more as an institution. That was necessary to gain some governmental stability. Thispermanent Council was not stated in the constitution of 1830. King Leopold III did the same during the thirties as his predecessors and tried to block this evolution. The Second World War established the circumstances to expand his power. The Council ofM inisters choosed for the western democracies. Leopold III did not. Nevertheless the dynasty was not treathened but Leopold, who was not able to adapt, had to forsake the throne. After the war, the Council of Ministers was acknowledged as one of the most important institutions of the Belgian political system.

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Borski, Maciej. "DRAFT LAWS BY THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS – SELECTED ISSUES." Roczniki Administracji i Prawa 2, no. XVIII (December 30, 2018): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.1769.

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The legislatives procedures and norms for law-making are the important elements of good governance. This results with an attempt to examine them from the perspective of Polish Council of Ministers. Such body – as a basic legislator in our political and legal system – keeps putting efforts in improving the legislative procedures. The goals phrased in a governmental programme „Better Regulations 2015” (the Council of Ministers’ resolution of 22.01.2013, no. 13/2013) may be pointed out as a good illustration of aforementioned efforts and approach. However, there is still a lot to be done in such area. For these reasons the paper focuses not solely on the range and the degree of the Council of Ministers’ involvement in legislative level, but also on some remarks de lege ferenda that may lead to increasing the transparency of the procedures and improving the quality of law.

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Kitler, Waldemar. "Organizational preparation of central public administration bodies to manage the implementation of defense tasks. Part II. Organization of administrative offices of the supreme government administration bodies for the coordination of defense tasks." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 198, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 780–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.5860.

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The second part of the report on the research on the organizational preparation of administrative offices supporting the supreme government administration bodies in the implementation of defense tasks is devoted to the characteristics and assessment of the organization of organizational units of administrative offices supporting the Council of Ministers, the prime minister, and the ministers managing government administration departments. The extensive nature of tasks in this matter and, consequently, the responsibility for their implementation resting on the Council of Ministers, the prime minister and ministers, is the basis for assessing the current state of organization of the administrative governments serving these bodies. Already in the Constitution and in ordinary acts, the role of the Council of Ministers and the prime minister were appreciated, with less attention being paid to ministers and heads of government administration departments. After 2010, the legal conditions for ensuring a uniform organizational and substantively competent structure of administrative offices in terms of defense, and more broadly also national security, were even worse. Only after 2016, and especially starting from 2019, hopeful organizational changes took place in this matter. And all this in view of the apparent lack of appropriate regulations in the field of defense law. The research leads to the conclusion that a holistic approach to national security issues, including national defense, is necessary to recognize the criteria of necessary legal and organizational changes to achieve planning, organizational, coordination, and control capabilities of the supreme government administration bodies in the field of defense.

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Dubowski, Rafał. "Właściwość Sejmu do rozpatrzenia petycji w sprawie podjęcia uchwały dotyczącej szczepień przeciwko COVID-19." Zeszyty Prawnicze Biura Analiz Sejmowych 3, no. 71 (2021): 247–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/zpbas.2021.58.

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Sponsors of the petition called upon “the Town Council of Z. to consider the petition and to urgently adopt a resolution” with the content indicated therein. The Town Council considered itself not competent to consider the petition and forwarded it to the Sejm. When assessing the competence of the Sejm to consider the petition, it was pointed out that its formal addressee, i.e. the Town Council of Z., should be distinguished from the entity competent to consider the petition. Moreover, it was pointed out that the petition demanded the expression of the position on the policy directions of the Council of Ministers on vaccination against COVID-19, and the members of the Council of Ministers bear political responsibility before the Sejm. Therefore, it was considered that the subject of this petition falls within the tasks and competences of the Sejm.

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TODOROVIĆ LAZIĆ, JELENA. "DECISION-MAKING IN THE EU COUNCIL OF MINISTERS AFTER BREXIT." Kultura polisa, no. 46 (October 18, 2021): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.51738/kpolisa2021.18.3r.1.06.

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The EU Council of Ministers is different from other EU institutions because it is both an intergovernmental and supranational authority. This hybrid nature has motivated many authors to focus their research on it. The Council is an intergovernmental institution if we look at who is part of it (representatives of the Member States) while the elements of supranationality are most visible in the deci-sion-making area. The central decision-making institutions, the Council of Ministers can take decisions by qualified majority to be applied even to those countries that have not voted for decision. This decision-making procedure is what makes the Council recognizable, and at the same time this is an area that will be significantly affected by the UK's departure from the Union. Therefore, the subject of this paper is the analysis of decision-making in the Council after Brexit. The aim is to present future changes in this area, bearing in mind the current Lisbon model of qualified decision-making by a double majority. In addition, the paper provides projections on what coalitions in the Council might look like after the departure of one of the larg-est and most influential states.

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Išerić, Harun. "Zapažanja o Prijedlogu Zakona o provođenju odluka sudova / Obeservations on the Proposal of tje Law on Implementation of Decisions of Courts." Pregled: časopis za društvena pitanja / Periodical for social issues 62, no. 3 (February 10, 2022): 133–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.48052/19865244.2021.3.133.

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The text critically analyses the provisions of the Proposal of the Law on Implementation of the Decisions of Courts in the Federation of BiH concerning their compliance with the Constitution of BiH, precision, Article III/3 /b and the Decision on the Representative/Agent of the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina before the European Court of Human Rights and the Office of the Representative/Agent of the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina before the European Court of Human Rights, as well as the expediency of passing such a law.

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Kupchyshyn, Oleksandr. "25 Years of Membership in the Council of Europe: How It All Started." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 200–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-10.

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Abstract. The article deals with Ukraine’s admission to the Council of Europe, a great achievement of the independent Ukrainian state. As a representative of Ukraine to the Council of Europe at that time, the author of the present article coordinated the efforts of our country aimed at joining the organisation. The official membership application dated 14 July 1992 became the first formal manifestation of Ukraine’s European aspirations, presently set forth in all fundamental documents. The article goes on to provide an outline of the impediments to Ukraine’s accession, explains the specificity of the erstwhile public sentiments, and mentions the problematic aspects of the feedback of Ukrainian society to the conditions for membership in the Council of Europe. Be that as it may, on 19 October 1995, in a unanimous landmark decision, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe invited Ukraine to become the 37th member of the organisation. Keywords: Council of Europe, Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, Ukraine in the Council of Europe, international organisations.

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Haugerud (Editor), Rolf Egil. "Conference report (including non-peer reviewed articles) from the 10th Nordic Conference on Reindeer Research, 13-15 March 1998, Kautokeino, Norway." Rangifer 19, no. 4 (April 1, 1999): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/2.19.4.1583.

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<p>Nordic Council for Reindeer Research (NOR) arranged the 10th Nordic Reinndeer Research Conference in Kautokeino 13-15 March 1998. The main theme was Reindeer Husbandry in the Nordic countries.</p>

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37

Grøn, Caroline Howard, and Heidi Houlberg Salomonsen. "Who's at the table? An analysis of ministers’ participation in EU Council of Ministers meetings." Journal of European Public Policy 22, no. 8 (January 26, 2015): 1071–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2014.983145.

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Bikeykin, E. N., and P. S. Uchvatov. "Composition of the Council of Ministers of ASSR at a time of reform of 1985–1991: changes and main features (on the example of Mordovia)." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 27, no. 3 (November 26, 2021): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2021-27-3-17-29.

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In the article the senior management of the regional executive and administrative authority as an example of the supreme body of State governance of an autonomous republic the Council of Ministers of the Mordovian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic is considered. The changes in the Council of Ministers in the last years of the existence of the USSR is analyzed. The reforms initiated by the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee M.S. Gorbachev affected practically all sectors of society, including the functioning of public administration. Meanwhile, the system of power in Mordovia had some peculiarities, largely associated with the conservatism and external cohesion of the regional elites, which have had to respond to processes in the country at the same time. In the chronological period selected in the article, there were two compositions of the Council of Ministers, which were formed on March 15, 1985 at the first session of the MASSR Supreme Council of the 11th convocation and on April 10, 1990 at the first session of the MASSR Supreme Council of the 12th convocation. The authors provide information about age, social origin, nationality, educational level, tenure for members of the MASSR Government. In preparing the article, materials from the funds of the Central State Archives of the Republic of Mordovia, the regional press, published memoirs of participants in the events, as well as biographical information about the Soviet, Party and economic leaders from open sources were used.

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39

Smeets, Sandrino. "Consensus and Isolation in the EU Council of Ministers." Journal of European Integration 38, no. 1 (June 23, 2015): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2015.1055739.

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40

Matthews, Duncan, and David G. Mayes. "The 1992 UK Presidency of the council of Ministers." National Institute Economic Review 141, no. 1 (August 1992): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795019214100106.

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41

Skjenneberg (ed.), Sven. "4th Nordic Workshop on Reindeer Research, 28-30 September 1987, Kongsvold, Norway 4. Nordiske Reinforskermøte 28-30 september 1987, Kongsvold, Norge." Rangifer 8, no. 2 (June 1, 1988): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/2.8.2.737.

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42

Kulikov, Sergey, and Pavel Tribunskii. "Nicholas II, the Council of Ministers and the Polish question in the summer of 1916 (according to new documents from the archive of A.N. Yakhontov)." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 12-2 (December 1, 2020): 30–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202012statyi33.

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The article based on an analysis of new sources from the archives of the assistant to the head of the Office of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire A.N. Yakhontova examines in details for the first time in scientific historiography the history of the preparation of the Manifesto on the granting of autonomy to Poland, dating back to the summer of 1916. The authors come to the conclusion that during this period the influence on the solution of the Polish question was exerted by Nicholas II and the Council of Ministers, as exponents of the political will of the bureaucratic elite, and not by the mythical “camarilla”.

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Sara, Ole K. "Utviklingstrekk - samarbeide over landegrensene." Rangifer 19, no. 4 (April 1, 1999): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/2.19.4.1588.

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Introductory lecture in Norwegian about cooperation across Nordic borders with primary focus on the Nordic Council for Reindeer Research (NOR) by the former Director of the Norwegian Reindeer Husbandry Administration.

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44

Sidorov, Sergey, and Vasily Tarakanov. "Prehistory of Volgograd State University. 1971–1980." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (June 2020): 128–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.2.9.

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Introduction. The authors analyze the process of establishing a state university in Volgograd, the last university set up in the RSFSR during the existence of the USSR. Materials. This study is based on the basis of archival materials first introduced into scientific use (State Archive of the Russian Federation (SARF), Russian State Archive of Recent History (RSARH), Center of Recent History Documentation of Volgograd Region (CRHDVO)). Analysis and Results. The initial idea of the representatives of governing bodies in Volgograd region to organize a university on the basis of Volgograd Polytechnic Institute did not find support from the leadership of the country in 1971. In 1972 it was decided to start organizing a new type of higher education institution for Volgograd, that is a classic university. This idea found support in Moscow, which was manifested in the resolutions of the Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee in 1973 and the USSR Council of Ministers and the RSFSR Council of Ministers in 1974. The necessity for creating appropriate educational and teaching resources and facilities, the manpower problem and insufficient funds led to postponing initially proposed dates for the University opening from 1974 to 1978, and then to 1980. The first admission of students in 1980 was in the building of a comprehensive school specially built for this purpose near the future University complex, the first building of which would be put into service only in 1983. The issue of the development of the young University was under the constant control of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR for many years. Only in March 1986 it was decided to discontinue supervision over the resolution of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR no. 561 of October 21, 1974.

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Convery, Frank J., Luke Redmond, Luise Dunne, and Lise B. Ryan. "Evaluación de la Directiva de Comercio de emisiones de la Unión Euro." Economía Agraria y Recursos Naturales 3, no. 6 (October 22, 2011): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7201/earn.2003.06.04.

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<div data-canvas-width="358.09044256505587">The Emissions Trading scheme now (January 2003) in prospect in the European Union is likely to be the first trans-national greenhouse gas emissions trading scheme in the world. With the participation of the European Economic Area [EEA] countries and with the forthcoming EU enlargement, 30 countries could be involved in this scheme by 2012. Under European Union law, the European Commission is responsible for making proposals, which are then decided upon by the Council of Ministers —on a «qualified majority» basis in this case— representing the 15 Member State governments, and the European Parliament. In the case of this Directive, the Commission prepared its initial proposals, which have then been scrutinised by the European Parliament and the Council of Ministers.</div><div data-canvas-width="415.5790013011153">The objective of this work is to provide an assessment of the EU Emissions Trading Directive as agreed by the Council of Ministers. The agreement was reached looking at both, the characteristics and potential of this scheme. For some of the issues, there is theory and evidence to support the case made. For others, the absence of evidence means that intuition is called upon.</div>

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Kristinsson, Ari Páll, and Amanda Hilmarsson-Dunn. "Unequal language rights in the Nordic language community." Language Problems and Language Planning 36, no. 3 (December 7, 2012): 222–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.36.3.02kri.

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The aim of this paper is to show the implications of using the notion of ‘common culture’ as a basis for a communication policy across language boundaries. There are eight different national languages in the Nordic area, from Greenland in the west to Finland in the east, from Sápmi — the traditional territories of the Sami people in Northern Scandinavia — in the north to Denmark in the south. Additionally, a dozen traditional minority languages and some two hundred immigrant languages are spoken in the area. Despite this linguistic diversity, a ‘Declaration on a Nordic Language Policy,’ signed in 2006 by ministers of education in the Nordic countries, recommends using one of the three ‘Scandinavian’ languages (Danish, Norwegian, or Swedish) for communication across language boundaries throughout the Nordic area, rather than using translation and interpretation, or speaking in English — which is common practice despite official policies. Moreover, recent empirical research indicates that there is good reason to seriously doubt that using a Scandinavian language is a practical communication solution for the Nordic peoples. For example, Greenlanders have poor skills in understanding Swedish. Similarly, Finnish-speaking Finns have poor skills in understanding Danish. Official Nordic language policy is based on an ideology of a common culture rather than linguistic practice. Thus, it appears that communication problems are seen as less important than the prevailing ideas of perceived common Nordic (linguistic) culture.

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Skulason, Ari, and Markku Jääskelainen. "Regional co-operation within the Nordic Council of Trade Unions and across the Baltic Sea." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 6, no. 1 (February 2000): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890000600108.

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This article reviews the evolution of trade union co-operation within the Nordic Council of Trade Unions (NFS). The NFS was founded in 1972 with the aim of strengthening the already close ties between the Nordic national trade union movements in a context where several Nordic countries were making approaches to the EC and Nordic unions had been playing an active role in creating the ETUC. In recent years the work of the NFS has become more oriented, first, towards European issues and, second, towards co-operation with unions in the Baltic countries. The major changes on the geopolitical map of Europe have thus had a profound impact on the co-operation between Nordic unions, in many respects giving impetus to development of more structured and extended patterns of transnational union engagement.

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Rousseau, André H. "Canadian Council of Forest Ministers: Champions of sustainable forest management." Forestry Chronicle 79, no. 4 (August 1, 2003): 748–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5558/tfc79748-4.

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The Canadian Council of Forest Ministers (CCFM), established in 1985, is composed of the federal, provincial and territorial Ministers responsible for forests. Its role has evolved into one that stimulates the development of policies and initiatives for strengthening the forest sector, including the forest resource and its use. One of the most important functions of the CCFM is that it sets the overall direction for the stewardship and sustainable management of Canada's forests by addressing issues and stimulating joint initiatives. Under its guidance, four successive National Forest Strategies and three Forest Accords have been developed. Another major achievement has been the development of the CCFM Criteria and Indicators Framework: Defining Sustainable Forest Management A Canadian Approach to Criteria and Indicators. Today, the CCFM works under five strategic themes: sustainable forestry; international issues; forest communities; science and technology; and information and knowledge. The ongoing, positive cooperation between the two levels of government helps maintain healthy and productive forests and their sustained contribution to Canadians' economic, environmental and social well-being over the long term. Key words: stewardship, governments, collaboration, national framework for action, criteria and indicators, integrated information

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Hagemann, Sara. "Applying Ideal Point Estimation Methods to the Council of Ministers." European Union Politics 8, no. 2 (June 2007): 279–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116507076433.

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HAYES-RENSHAW, FIONA, WIM VAN AKEN, and HELEN WALLACE. "When and Why the EU Council of Ministers Votes Explicitly*." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 44, no. 1 (March 2006): 161–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2006.00618.x.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Nordic Council of Ministers'

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