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Journal articles on the topic 'Norse in Greenland'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 26 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Mikkelsen, Naja, Antoon Kuijpers, and Jette Arneborg. "The Norse in Greenland and late Holocene sea-level change." Polar Record 44, no. 1 (2008): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247407006948.

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ABSTRACTNorse immigrants from Europe settled in southern Greenland in around AD 985 and managed to create a farming community during the Medieval Warm Period. The Norse vanished after approximately 500 years of existence in Greenland leaving no documentary evidence concerning why their culture foundered. The flooding of fertile grassland caused by late Holocene sea-level changes may be one of the factors that affected the Norse community. Holocene sea-level changes in Greenland are closely connected with the isostatic response of the Earth's crust to the behaviour of the Greenlandic ice sheet.

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2

Lynnerup, Niels, and Søren Nørby. "The Greenland Norse: bones, graves, computers, and DNA." Polar Record 40, no. 2 (2004): 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247402002875.

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The remains of the Greenland Norse provide unique biological anthropological material for the investigation of human and environmental interaction. As a population, they were generally secluded from most of the contemporary European medieval society, and land suitable for their way of life was limited in Greenland. The archaeological and historical record is excellent, clearly establishing the 500-year period of colonisation. In other words, the Greenland Norse represent a relatively isolated population, constrained in both space and time.Living in an environment with very little buffering cap

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3

Guðmundsdóttir, Lísabet. "Timber imports to Norse Greenland: lifeline or luxury?" Antiquity 97, no. 392 (2023): 454–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2023.13.

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The native trees of Greenland are unsuitable for larger construction projects or shipbuilding. Instead, the Norse colonists (AD 985–1450) relied on driftwood and imported timber. The provenance and extent of these imports, however, remain understudied. Here, the author uses microscopic anatomical analyses to determine the taxa and provenance of wood from five Norse Greenlandic sites. The results show that while the needs of most households were met by local woodlands and driftwood, elite farms had access to timber imports from Northern Europe and North America. By demonstrating the range of ti

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4

Pringle, Heather. "Death in Norse Greenland." Science 275, no. 5302 (1997): 924–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.275.5302.924.

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5

Kristjánsdóttir, Steinunn. "Medieval Monasticism in Iceland and Norse Greenland." Religions 12, no. 6 (2021): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12060374.

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The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of the monastic houses operated on the northernmost periphery of Roman Catholic Europe during the Middle Ages. The intention is to debunk the long-held theory of Iceland and Norse Greenland’s supposed isolation from the rest of the world, as it is clear that medieval monasticism reached both of these societies, just as it reached their counterparts elsewhere in the North Atlantic. During the Middle Ages, fourteen monastic houses were opened in Iceland and two in Norse Greenland, all following the Benedictine or Augustinian Orders.

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Plomp, Kimberly A., Keith Dobney, Hildur Gestsdóttir, and Mark Collard. "Mixed ancestry of Europeans who settled Iceland and Greenland: 3D geometric-morphometric analyses of cranial base shape." Antiquity 97, no. 395 (2023): 1249–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2023.131.

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Debate surrounds the identity of the Europeans who settled Iceland and Greenland in the early medieval period. Historical sources record settlers travelling from Norway to Iceland and then Greenland, but recent analyses of biological data suggest that some settlers had British and Irish ancestry. Here, the authors test these hypotheses with 3D-shape analyses of human crania from Scandinavia, Britain and Ireland, and one of the Norse colonies in Greenland. Results suggest that some 63 per cent of the ancestry of the Greenlandic individuals can be traced to Britain and Ireland and 37 per cent to

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7

Nielsen, Flemming A. J., and Thorkild Kjærgaard. "Den første grønlandske bog." Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 60 (January 25, 2022): 73–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v60i.130495.

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Flemming A. J. Nielsen And Thorkild Kjærgaard:The First Greenlandic Book Ever since the arrival of Norse peasants in south-west Greenland in the second halfof the tenth century there have been links between the immense island (2.2 millionkm2) in the north-eastern corner of the American hemisphere and the Scandinavianworld. At the end of the twelfth century, the ancestors of today’s Inuit, a whale- andseal-hunting people speaking a language of the Eskimo-Aleut group, migrated fromEllesmere Island across the narrow Smith Sound to northern Greenland. Within twoand a half centuries, the Nors

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8

Vésteinsson, Orri. "Parishes and Communities in Norse Greenland." Journal of the North Atlantic 201 (January 2009): 138–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3721/037.002.s215.

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9

Lynnerup, Niels. "Endperiod Demographics of the Greenland Norse." Journal of the North Atlantic 7, sp7 (2014): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3721/037.002.sp702.

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10

Madsen, Christian Koch. "Marine Shielings in Medieval Norse Greenland." Arctic Anthropology 56, no. 1 (2019): 119–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/aa.56.1.119.

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11

Stull, Scott D. "Colonization in a Marginal Zone: the Norse in Greenland." Crosscurrents (Rutgers University) 4 (September 30, 1990): 1–15. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1066506.

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The reason for the collapse of the Norse colony in Greenland has been debated in the literature, with pirate attacks, plague, and hostile natives among the more prevalent explanations offered. This paper integrates a cultural and ecological approach, and suggests no single cause can be held accountable, except perhaps the entire range of attributes which made Norse society "Norse."

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12

Jackson, Rowan, and Andrew Dugmore. "Interpreting Collapse in Norse Greenland: Why Similar Data Produces Different Conclusions." Heritage 8, no. 8 (2025): 293. https://doi.org/10.3390/heritage8080293.

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This paper examines interpretations of depopulation in Norse Greenland between the 14th and 15th centuries CE. Using in-depth interviews with 13 experts working on the environmental, social and economic dimensions of settlement and depopulation in Norse Greenland, we examine the different interpretations of decline by experts using the same data. Our analysis reveals a geographical and disciplinary pattern of interpretation that reflects the institutional and disciplinary cultures, successive paradigms, and placed ideas about human–environment interaction. We examine the interplay between data

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13

Sadowski, Ryszard F. "The influence of cultural factors on the collapse of the Greenland Norse civilization." Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae 18, no. 5 (2020): 217–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/seb.2020.18.5.19.

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The understanding of the collapse of ancient civilizations is important for the understanding of very complex process happening in our civilization. The Earth is put in danger due to many reasons and some of them do not change throughout history. Because of the global range of human actions, the power reached by contemporary man is much more dangerous than it used to be centuries ago. Therefore, the understanding of the past collapses is crucial for the safety of our global village. The article shows the reasons for the collapse of the Greenland Norse civilization. It seems that the main reaso

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14

Gulløv, Hans Christian. "From Middle Ages to Colonial Times. Archaeological and ethnohistorical studies of the Thule culture in South West Greenland 1300–1800 AD." Meddelelser om Grønland. Man & Society 23 (December 31, 1997): 3–494. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/mog-ms.v23.146781.

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In the following chapters I present the archaeological, the written and the oral sources which form the basis of ethnohistory in South West Greenland. The background to the Thule culture there is then discussed on the basis of the available archaeological source material from Greenland and my choice of source-types is defended. An interpretation of these sources emphasizes the cultural tradition which lies behind the Thule culture in South West Greenland. Chapter II describes the archaeological investigations in Godthab District and discusses the development of the Greenlandic winter dwelling.

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15

Nordvig, Mathias. "Norse Greenland: Viking Peasants in the Arctic." Scandinavian Studies 92, no. 4 (2020): 543–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/scanstud.92.4.0543.

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16

Lynnerup, Niels, and Nina von Wowern. "Bone mineral content in medieval Greenland Norse." International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 7, no. 3 (1997): 235–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-1212(199705)7:3<235::aid-oa344>3.0.co;2-2.

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17

Edwards, Kevin J., Gordon T. Cook, Georg Nyegaard, and J. Edward Schofield. "Towards a First Chronology for the Middle Settlement of Norse Greenland: 14C and Related Studies of Animal Bone and Environmental Material." Radiocarbon 55, no. 1 (2013): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/azu_js_rc.v55i1.16395.

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The so-called Middle Settlement (Mellembygden) of Norse/Viking Greenland has received far less attention than either of its larger Eastern and Western counterparts. The Greenlandic Norse occupation is nominally taken to date between AD 985 and about AD 1450 and it is generally assumed that the Western Settlement was abandoned prior to the Eastern, but where the Middle Settlement fits into the pattern temporally has hitherto been completely unknown. This paper presents the first absolute dating evidence from the Middle Settlement. In addition to providing the results (14C, δ13C, δ15N) of a radi

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18

Edwards, Kevin J., Gordon T. Cook, Georg Nyegaard, and J. Edward Schofield. "Towards a First Chronology for the Middle Settlement of Norse Greenland: 14C and Related Studies of Animal Bone and Environmental Material." Radiocarbon 55, no. 01 (2013): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200047779.

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The so-called Middle Settlement (Mellembygden) of Norse/Viking Greenland has received far less attention than either of its larger Eastern and Western counterparts. The Greenlandic Norse occupation is nominally taken to date between AD 985 and about AD 1450 and it is generally assumed that the Western Settlement was abandoned prior to the Eastern, but where the Middle Settlement fits into the pattern temporally has hitherto been completely unknown. This paper presents the first absolute dating evidence from the Middle Settlement. In addition to providing the results (14C, δ13C, δ15N) of a radi

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19

Arneborg, Jette, Jan Heinemeier, Niels Lynnerup, Henrik L. Nielsen, Niels Rud, and Árný E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir. "Change of Diet of the Greenland Vikings Determined from Stable Carbon Isotope Analysis and 14C Dating of Their Bones." Radiocarbon 41, no. 2 (1999): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200019512.

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Bone samples from the Greenland Viking colony provide us with a unique opportunity to test and use 14C dating of remains of humans who depended upon food of mixed marine and terrestrial origin. We investigated the skeletons of 27 Greenland Norse people excavated from churchyard burials from the late 10th to the middle 15th century. The stable carbon isotopic composition (δ13C) of the bone collagen reveals that the diet of the Greenland Norse changed dramatically from predominantly terrestrial food at the time of Eric the Red around AD 1000 to predominantly marine food toward the end of the set

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20

Star, Bastiaan, James H. Barrett, Agata T. Gondek, and Sanne Boessenkool. "Ancient DNA reveals the chronology of walrus ivory trade from Norse Greenland." Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 285, no. 1884 (2018): 20180978. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2018.0978.

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The importance of the Atlantic walrus ivory trade for the colonization, peak, and collapse of the medieval Norse colonies on Greenland has been extensively debated. Nevertheless, no studies have directly traced medieval European ivory back to distinct Arctic populations of walrus. Analysing the entire mitogenomes of 37 archaeological specimens from Europe, Svalbard, and Greenland, we here discover that Atlantic walrus comprises two monophyletic mitochondrial (MT) clades, which diverged between 23 400 and 251 120 years ago. Our improved genomic resolution allows us to reinterpret the geographic

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21

Seaver, Kirsten A. "Desirable teeth: the medieval trade in Arctic and African ivory." Journal of Global History 4, no. 2 (2009): 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022809003155.

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AbstractThis article examines the Danish archaeologist Else Roesdahl’s hypothesis that, by the early fourteenth century, an abundance in Europe of elephant ivory from Africa caused a price drop that edged out walrus ivory, with a devastating economic impact on Norse Greenland that directly contributed to the colony’s collapse. While it seems clear that artisanal use of walrus ivory fell from the late fourteenth century onward, and that Greenland exports of walrus ivory decreased in the fourteenth century, evidence for a pre-1500 price drop for African elephant ivory in the European market is l

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22

Kopár, Lilla. "The use of Artistic Media in Norse Greenland." Journal of the North Atlantic 201 (January 2009): 102–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3721/037.002.s211.

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23

Jackson, Rowan, Jette Arneborg, Andrew Dugmore, et al. "Disequilibrium, Adaptation, and the Norse Settlement of Greenland." Human Ecology 46, no. 5 (2018): 665–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10745-018-0020-0.

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24

Panagiotakopulu, Eva, and Ashley L. Buchan. "Present and Norse Greenlandic hayfields – Insect assemblages and human impact in southern Greenland." Holocene 25, no. 6 (2015): 921–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959683615574585.

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25

Buckland, P. C., T. Amorosi, L. K. Barlow, et al. "Bioarchaeological and climatological evidence for the fate of Norse farmers in medieval Greenland." Antiquity 70, no. 267 (1996): 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00082910.

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Greenland, far north land of the Atlantic, has often been beyond the limit of European farming settlement. One of its Norse settlements, colonized just before AD 1000, is — astonishingly — not even at the southern tip, but a way up the west coast, the ‘Western Settlement’. Environmental studies show why its occupation came to an end within five centuries, leaving Greenland once more a place of Arctic-adapted hunters.

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26

Rice, Kat. "They Were Here." General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 8 (April 19, 2023): 149–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v8i.4189.

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The Norse were a culture of expansion that colonized much of the North Atlantic from Norway to Greenland, and briefly North America before their quest for expansion was pushed to the brink. The question thus becomes, did the Norse encounter Indigenous peoples in North America? If yes, what was the nature of their encounters? Archaeologists Peter Schledermann and Karen M. McCullough presented three theories of contact between the Norse and Indigenous peoples: direct contact, indirect contact, and no Norse presence. Though historians and archaeologists previously questioned if there was any cont

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27

Millet, Laurent, Charly Massa, Vincent Bichet, Victor Frossard, Simon Belle, and Emilie Gauthier. "Anthropogenic versus climatic control in a high-resolution 1500-year chironomid stratigraphy from a southwestern Greenland lake." Quaternary Research 81, no. 2 (2014): 193–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.yqres.2014.01.004.

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AbstractWe performed a high-resolution study of chironomid assemblages in a sediment core retrieved from Lake Igaliku in southern Greenland. The well-dated core is located within the former Norse Eastern Settlement and covered the last 1500 yr. The comparison of chironomid stratigraphy (PCA axis scores) with instrumental temperature data, land use history and organic matter in the sediment over the last 140 yr suggested that the primary changes in chironomid fauna in 1988 ± 2 yr were driven by the shift to modern agriculture in the catchment. This unprecedented change in chironomid fauna was m

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28

Skaaning Høegsberg, Mogens. "Continuity and Change: The Dwellings of the Greenland Norse." Journal of the North Atlantic 201 (January 2009): 82–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3721/037.002.s210.

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29

Nelson, D. Erle, Jan Heinemeier, Jeppe Møhl, and Jette Arneborg. "Isotopic Analyses of The Domestic Animals of Norse Greenland." Journal of the North Atlantic 301 (October 2012): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3721/037.004.s307.

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30

Lynnerup, N. "The Norse settlers in Greenland: The physical anthropological perspective." Acta Borealia 8, no. 1 (1991): 93–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08003839108580402.

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31

Dugmore, A. J., T. H. McGovern, O. Vesteinsson, J. Arneborg, R. Streeter, and C. Keller. "Cultural adaptation, compounding vulnerabilities and conjunctures in Norse Greenland." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 109, no. 10 (2012): 3658–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1115292109.

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32

Hunt, B. G. "Natural climatic variability and the Norse settlements in Greenland." Climatic Change 97, no. 3-4 (2009): 389–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10584-009-9575-5.

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33

Sayers, William. "The Old Norse Toponym Grænland and its Tie to the Trade in Walrus Ivory." Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 84, no. 4 (2024): 567–84. https://doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340333.

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Abstract The implausible medieval toponym Grænland ‘Greenland’ is traced to the walrus hunting station in the Disko Bay region of northwestern Greenland and to the dominant island proto-industry, tusk extraction and trade in ivory. Language substitution and related processes take a notional *tannland ‘tusk land’ (perhaps tabooed) through *granland ‘whisker land’ (a second dominant cranial feature of the animal) to grænland, variously ‘fresh, new land’, ‘land of hope’, and, lastly, ‘green land’. Norse trade as far as to central Asia in ivory and other luxury goods such as North American hardwoo

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34

Nelson, D. Erle, Jan Heinemeier, Niels Lynnerup, Árný E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir, and Jette Arneborg. "An Isotopic Analysis of the Diet of the Greenland Norse." Journal of the North Atlantic 301 (October 2012): 93–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.3721/037.004.s308.

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35

Guðmundsdóttir, Lísabet. "Wood procurement in Norse Greenland (11th to 15th c. AD)." Journal of Archaeological Science 134 (October 2021): 105469. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2021.105469.

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36

Schofield, J. Edward, Kevin J. Edwards, Egill Erlendsson, and Paul M. Ledger. "Palynology supports ‘Old Norse’ introductions to the flora of Greenland." Journal of Biogeography 40, no. 6 (2012): 1119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jbi.12067.

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37

Albrethsen, Svend Erik. "Saetersin the Norse eastern settlement of østerbygden in southwest Greenland." Acta Borealia 8, no. 1 (1991): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08003839108580396.

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38

Mainland, I., and P. Halstead. "The Economics of Sheep and Goat Husbandry in Norse Greenland." Arctic Anthropology 42, no. 1 (2005): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arc.2011.0060.

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39

Lasher, G. Everett, and Yarrow Axford. "Medieval warmth confirmed at the Norse Eastern Settlement in Greenland." Geology 47, no. 3 (2019): 267–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1130/g45833.1.

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40

Commisso, R. G., та D. E. Nelson. "Patterns of plant δ15N values on a Greenland Norse farm". Journal of Archaeological Science 34, № 3 (2007): 440–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2006.06.012.

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41

Guillemot, T., V. Bichet, A. Simonneau, et al. "Impact of Holocene climate variability on lacustrine records and human settlements in South Greenland." Climate of the Past Discussions 11, no. 6 (2015): 5401–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/cpd-11-5401-2015.

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Abstract. Due to its sensitivity to climate changes, south Greenland is a particularly suitable area to study past global climate changes and their influence on locale Human settlements. A paleohydrological investigation was therefore carried out on two river-fed lakes: Lake Qallimiut and Little Kangerluluup, both located close to the Labrador Sea in the historic farming center of Greenland. Two sediment cores (QAL-2011 and LKG-2011), spanning the last four millennia, were retrieved and showed similar thin laminae, described by high magnetic susceptibility and density, high titanium and TOC /

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42

Edwards, Kevin J., J. Edward Schofield, and Dmitri Mauquoy. "High resolution paleoenvironmental and chronological investigations of Norselandnámat Tasiusaq, Eastern Settlement, Greenland." Quaternary Research 69, no. 1 (2008): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.yqres.2007.10.010.

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High-resolution paleoenvironmental data from a peat profile with a small pollen source area are used to reconstruct the impacts oflandnámon vegetation and soils at a Norse farm complex (∅2 at Tasiusaq) comprising two farms in the Eastern Settlement of Greenland. Analyses include the AMS14C dating of plant macrofossil samples and the use of Bayesian radiocarbon calibration to construct improved age–depth models for Norse cultural horizons. The onset of a regionallandnámmay be indicated by the clearance ofBetula pubescenswoodland immediately prior to local settlement. The latter is dated to AD 9

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43

Arneborg, Jette, Niels Lynnerup, Jan Heinemeier, Jeppe Møhl, Niels Rud, and Árný E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir. "Norse Greenland Dietary Economy ca. AD 980-ca. AD 1450: Introduction." Journal of the North Atlantic 301 (October 2012): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3721/037.004.s303.

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44

Ross, Julie M., and Cynthia Zutter. "Comparing Norse Animal Husbandry Practices: Paleoethnobotanical Analyses from Iceland and Greenland." Arctic Anthropology 44, no. 1 (2007): 62–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arc.2011.0089.

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45

Nordvig, Mathias. "Arnved Nedkvitne.Norse Greenland: Viking Peasants in the Arctic." Scandinavian Studies 92, no. 4 (2020): 543–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/sca.92.4.0543.

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46

Barr, William. "Harpoon guns, the lost Greenland settlement, and penal colonies: George Manby's Arctic obsessions." Polar Record 37, no. 203 (2001): 291–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400017046.

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AbstractGeorge William Manby (1766–1854) was an English inventor best known for his idea of firing a line from shore to a wrecked ship so that the crew might be saved by means of a breeches-buoy. Around 1819 he turned his attention to new typesof whaling harpoons, bothahand harpoon andagun harpoon. In 1821 he went on a voyage to the Greenland whaling grounds on board Baffin, Captain William Scoresby Jr, with the aim of trying out his inventions, but the experiments were foiled by the reluctance of the crew to cooperate. As a result of that voyage, Manby espoused three ideas that he pursued obs

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47

Wilken, Dennis, Tina Wunderlich, Peter Feldens, Joris Coolen, John Preston, and Natascha Mehler. "Investigating the Norse Harbour of Igaliku (Southern Greenland) Using an Integrated System of Side-Scan Sonar and High-Resolution Reflection Seismics." Remote Sensing 11, no. 16 (2019): 1889. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rs11161889.

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This study presents the results of a marine geophysical survey performed in the Igaliku fjord in southern Greenland in order to understand the harbour setting of the former Norse settlement Garðar (modern Igaliku). The aims of the survey were (a) to reconstruct the former coastline during the first centuries of the Norse settlement period (c. 11/12th centuries) and (b) to search for archaeological remains on the seabed connected to maritime traffic and trade. In order to approach these goals, we used an integrated marine survey system consisting of a side-scan sonar and a reflection seismic sy

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48

Ledger, Paul M., Kevin J. Edwards, and J. Edward Schofield. "A multiple profile approach to the palynological reconstruction of Norse landscapes in Greenland's Eastern Settlement." Quaternary Research 82, no. 1 (2014): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.yqres.2014.04.003.

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AbstractPalynological research is increasingly revealing the landscape impacts of Norse colonisation in southern Greenland. Typically, although not exclusively, these studies are from depositional environments with highly localised pollen source areas close to fjord-side centres of medieval power. In contrast, this paper presents data from Vatnahverfi, an inland district of the Eastern Settlement, and explores the emergence of a cultural landscape through three pollen sequences at variable distances from Norse farms. Two are from mires with small pollen source areas close to (<100 m) and di

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49

Barlow, L. K., J. P. Sadler, A. E. J. Ogilvie, et al. "Interdisciplinary investigations of the end of the Norse Western Settlement in Greenland." Holocene 7, no. 4 (1997): 489–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095968369700700411.

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50

Vebæk, C. L. "Hunting on land and at sea and fishing in Medieval Norse Greenland." Acta Borealia 8, no. 1 (1991): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08003839108580395.

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