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Journal articles on the topic 'North African poetry (French)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 22 February 2023

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1

Elhariry, Yasser. "Abdelwahab Meddeb, Sufi Poets, and the New Francophone Lyric." Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 131, no. 2 (March 2016): 255–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2016.131.2.255.

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This is the first work of criticism to read Abdelwahab Meddeb as a poet. Selfconsciously indeterminate from philosophical and poetic perspectives, Meddeb's poetry is indebted to European, especially French, high poetic modernism; to the French literary turn to the United States; and to the author's desire to be read in the lineage of the major Sufi poets of classical Arabic literature. Turning his back on the hegemony of postcolonial literary prose with the 1987 chapbook Tombeau d'Ibn Arabi, Meddeb generates a new francophone lyric infused with the Sufi traditions of al-Andalus, North Africa, and the Near and Middle Easts. His new lyric rewrites itself as a Sufi consciousness in search of what lies beyond its knowledge of its current state, and his tonguing of the new francophone lyric leads us to a long overdue analytical paradigm.

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2

Chetrit, Joseph. "Judeo-Arabic Dialects in North Africa as Communal Languages: Lects, Polylects, and Sociolects." Journal of Jewish Languages 2, no. 2 (November 10, 2014): 202–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134638-12340029.

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The study aims to present a comprehensive analysis of the North African Judeo-Arabic dialects in their internal diversity and in their communal use in daily interaction as well as in specialized genres of oral and written discourse. Internal diversity pertains to the various daily and elaborated genres of discourse and types of texts that developed in Jewish communities from the sixteenth century, generating different lects, polylects, and archilects in poetry, in journalism, and in daily interaction; combinations of lects constitute the repertories of three distinct communal sociolects: rabbinic, males,’ and females’ sociolects. Internal diversity also includes the changing linguistic Arabic matrix and the external components it integrated and which hybridized the dialects: Hebrew-Aramaic, Berber, Turkish, and Romance (Castilian, Portuguese, Italian, French). Three oral texts illustrating various Judeo-Arabic lects are presented and discussed.

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3

Ichim-Radu, Mihaela Nicoleta. "Vasile Alecsandri: Unique Aspects of the Biographical Itinerary vs. Recovery of the Writer's Memory." Intertext, no. 1/2 (57/58) (October 2021): 76–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.54481/intertext.2021.1.08.

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Among the writers of his generation, Alecsandri is the most comprehensive one, expressing not only the patriotic aspirations and desires, but also the discoveries from the universe of the private life and trying to make himself noticed in almost all the main literary genres and species. By different circumstances, Alecsandri gets to travel through Moldavia, Wallachia, Bucovina and Transylvania, to the European part of Turkey, to Italy, Austria, Germany, France, Spain, Great Britain, North of Africa, either for personal pleasure, to accompany Elena Negri, who was trying to find a more favourable climate for her fragile health, or for official business. All these travels and each of them separately are part of the development of his creation, leaving marks in his fiction and poetry and “it is printed on the screen of the human experience which defines his public and private personality”. In one of these travels, Alecsandri will discover the folk poetry, discovery which will profoundly mark his destiny as a writer and it will also have immeasurable consequences on the entire development of the Romanian literature from the last century, but also from the years to follow. As a result of the translations into French, German and English of the folk poems or of some of his original poems, Alecsandri becomes one of our first modern writers who became famous also abroad, being accessible to the foreign world.

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4

Aadnani, Rachid. "Beyond Raï: North African Protest Music and Poetry." World Literature Today 80, no. 4 (2006): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40159129.

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5

Lamont, Michèle, Ann Morning, and Margarita Mooney. "Particular universalisms: North African immigrants respond to French racism." Ethnic and Racial Studies 25, no. 3 (January 2002): 390–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870020036701e.

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6

Samers, Michael. "Book Review: French hospitality: racism and North African immigrants." Progress in Human Geography 25, no. 3 (September 2001): 488–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/030913201680191817.

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7

Pédron, Béatrice, Karima Yakouben, Valérie Guérin, Enwar Borsali, Anne Auvrignon, Judith Landman, Corinne Alberti, Guy Leverger, André Baruchel, and Ghislaine Sterkers. "HLA Alleles and Haplotypes in French North African Immigrants." Human Immunology 67, no. 7 (July 2006): 540–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.humimm.2005.10.017.

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8

Bell, P. M. H., and Martin Thomas. "The French North African Crisis: Colonial Breakdown and Anglo-French Relations, 1945-1962." Journal of Military History 66, no. 1 (January 2002): 266. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677411.

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9

Kastenbaum, Michele, and Geneviève Vermès. "Children of North African Immigrants in the French school system." European Journal of Intercultural studies 6, no. 3 (January 1996): 43–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0952391960060305.

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10

Brown, Stéphanie. "French North African self-representation: Visibility in layers and shades." International Journal of Francophone Studies 20, no. 1 (April 1, 2017): 103–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijfs.20.1-2.103_1.

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11

Barrette, Geneviève, Richard Y. Bourhis, Marie Personnaz, and Bernard Personnaz. "Acculturation orientations of French and North African undergraduates in Paris." International Journal of Intercultural Relations 28, no. 5 (September 2004): 415–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2004.08.003.

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12

Boumlik, Habiba. "Teaching French to North African Soldiers in the French Colonial Army: Pedagogy and Ideology." French Review 92, no. 4 (2019): 143–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tfr.2019.0281.

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13

Martin, Gregory. "German and French perceptions of the French North and West African contingents, 1910-1918." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 56, no. 1 (June 1, 1997): 31–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/mgzs.1997.56.1.31.

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14

Tankovic, Jacques, Dominique Lamarque, Jean-Charles Delchier, Claude-James Soussy, Agnes Labigne, and Peter J. Jenks. "Frequent Association between Alteration of therdxA Gene and Metronidazole Resistance in French and North African Isolates of Helicobacter pylori." Antimicrobial Agents and Chemotherapy 44, no. 3 (March 1, 2000): 608–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/aac.44.3.608-613.2000.

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ABSTRACT Mutations in the rdxA gene have been associated with the acquisition of resistance to metronidazole in Helicobacter pylori. This gene encodes an NADPH nitroreductase whose expression is necessary for intracellular activation of the drug. We wished to examine whether mutations in rdxA were present in resistant H. pylori isolates infecting either French or North African patients. We determined the complete nucleotide sequences of the rdxA genes from seven French and six North African patients infected with paired resistant and sensitive strains. Genotyping by random amplified polymorphic DNA analysis confirmed the close genetic relatedness of the susceptible and resistant isolates from individual biopsies. Eight French and five North African individual resistant strains were also studied. For the French strains, an alteration in rdxA most probably implicated in resistance was found in 10 cases (seven frameshift mutations, two missense mutations, and one deletion of 211 bp). One to three putative missense mutations were identified in four cases, and a missense mutation possibly not implicated in resistance was discovered in the last case. For the North African strains, an alteration inrdxA was found in eight cases (three frameshift mutations, three missense mutations, one deletion of 6 bp, and one insertion of a variant of IS605). Two strains contained putative missense mutations, and no change was observed in rdxA of the last strain. Thus, inactivation of the rdxA gene is frequently, but not always, associated with resistance to metronidazole in French and North African clinical isolates of H. pylori. In addition, a variety of alterations of rdxA are associated with the resistant phenotype.

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15

Cleghorn, Angus. "Bishop’s Stevensian Architecture in Paris and After." Bishop–Lowell Studies 1, no. 1 (December 2021): 6–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bishoplowellstud.1.0006.

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Abstract This essay builds on the scholarship of Barbara Page, Bethany Hicok, Eleanor Cook, Julia E. Daniel, and Jo Gill to further examine Bishop’s use of Stevens’s poetics to recast Parisian architecture. How much of his twenties and thirties styles are found in her work? Bishop’s ever-shifting ambivalences toward French aesthetic traditions characterize her thirties poetry in contrast to the Floridian poetry; both styles are published in North & South published in 1946. Does the new bright realism found in Florida mean the end of Bishop’s French aesthetics, or do the Parisian styles endure?

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16

Quesada, Sarah M. "Latinx Internationalism and the French Atlantic: Sandra María Esteves in Art contre/against apartheid and Miguel Algarín in “Tangiers”." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 9, no. 3 (September 2022): 353–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2022.17.

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AbstractThis article interrogates the South-South internationalism of two renowned US Latinx poets: Miguel Algarín’s abjection in Morocco in his poem “Tangiers” and Sandra María Esteves’s anti-apartheid poetry for the French Art contre/against apartheid project, which included the controversial participation of Jacques Derrida. Although these poems focus on different contexts of African liberation, both react to French coloniality. For Algarín, his Orientalist evocations of underage child prostitution operate under a French hegemony, coming into crisis when a third world alliance fails. In Esteves’s work, her poetic solidarity draws on Frantz Fanon’s experience of French colonization in Algeria but also comes into crisis when Derrida’s foreword for Art contre/against apartheid is challenged as Eurocentric. Although both engagements with African self-determination exhibit residues of a French hegemony undergirding and undercutting what I term is a poetic Latin-African solidarity, their South-South approach enriches postcolonial studies, in which Latin American, and by extension, Latinx identities have been sidelined.

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17

Gill-Khan, Chloé A. "French Republican secularism and Islam in North African diasporic cultural production." Performing Islam 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 181–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/pi.2.2.181_1.

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18

Aslanov, Cyril. "Remnants of Maghrebi Judeo-Arabic among French-born Jews of North-African Descent." Journal of Jewish Languages 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134638-12340068.

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This article is an attempt to apply some operative methodologies in the research on Jewish languages to the specific blend of French used by French Jews born in France to parents with a North-African background. After a classification of the linguistic material gathered during years of fieldwork in France and Israel according to word origin (Algeria; Morocco; Tunisia; general Maghrebi), it goes on to compare the status of the Arabic word in the Jewish mouth with that of the same words in the colloquial speech of young Muslims born in France to immigrant parents. The analysis of the Arabic elements integrated within the colloquial French speech of Jews and Muslims in today’s France goes further, taking into account the last echoes of the speech specific to Catholic pieds-noirs.

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19

Quénel, Philippe, Jade Vadel, Céline Garbin, Séverine Durand, Olivier Favez, Alexandre Albinet, Christina Raghoumandan, Stéphanie Guyomard, Laurent Yves Alleman, and Fabien Mercier. "PM10 Chemical Profile during North African Dust Episodes over French West Indies." Atmosphere 12, no. 2 (February 19, 2021): 277. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/atmos12020277.

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The French West Indies are periodically affected by North African dust episodes (NADE) resulting in PM10 concentrations exceeding air quality standards. The aim of the present study was to decipher the PM10 chemical profile during NADE over Guadeloupe. PM10 samples were collected daily at a rural site and an urban site during five episodes between April and October in 2017. During these events, the median PM10 mass concentrations were, on average, 2 to 5 times higher than in the post-episode baseline period. Sampled filters were analyzed for their quantification of chemical constituents including carbonaceous fractions (elemental and organic carbon, EC/OC), anions/cations and levoglucosan, 51 elements, and 57 selected organic species. An orthogonal partial least squares discriminant analysis (OPLS-DA) was conducted to identify the specific chemical profile of PM10 during NADE: 16 elements were identified as the most discriminant between the NADE and the control samples with mass concentration levels twice as high during a NADE. Among them, only two (Mn and V) are classified as emerging pollutant while no limit values exist for the other ones. The extensive characterization of the NADE PM10 chemical profile we performed is a key step to assess the chemical exposure of French West Indies populations during such events.

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20

Lahlou, Hicham, and Hajar Abdul Rahim. "Conceptual metaphors in North African French-speaking news discourse about COVID-19." Indonesian Journal of Applied Linguistics 11, no. 3 (January 31, 2022): 589–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/ijal.v11i3.35949.

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Conceptual metaphors have received much attention in research on discourse about infectious diseases in recent years. Most studies found that conceptual metaphors of war dominate media discourse about disease. Similarly, a great deal of research has been undertaken on the new coronavirus, i.e., COVID-19, especially in the English news discourse as opposed to other languages. The present study, in contrast, analyses the conceptual metaphors used in COVID-19 discourse in French-language newspapers. The study explored the linguistic metaphors used in COVID-19 discourse in these newspapers and conceptual metaphors that underlie and motivate them, using a conceptual metaphor theory framework (CMT). Therefore, two North African French-language newspapers, namely Libération, published in Morocco, and La Presse de Tunisie, published in Tunisia, formed the corpus of the current study. The results showed that the most frequent framing of COVID-19 was in terms of WAR, followed by DISASTER and KILLER, respectively.

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21

Carpenter-Latiri, Dora. "The sacrificial sheep in three French-North African films: Displacements and reappropriations." Journal of African Cinemas 8, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jac.8.1.57_1.

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22

Lesage, Suzanne, Pablo Ibanez, Ebba Lohmann, Pierre Pollak, François Tison, Myriem Tazir, Anne-Louise Leutenegger, et al. "G2019S LRRK2 mutation in French and North African families with Parkinson's disease." Annals of Neurology 58, no. 5 (2005): 784–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ana.20636.

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23

Rominger, Chris. "NURSING TRANSGRESSIONS, EXPLORING DIFFERENCE: NORTH AFRICANS IN FRENCH MEDICAL SPACES DURING WORLD WAR I." International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, no. 4 (November 2018): 691–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818000880.

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AbstractThis article explores the social impact of North African soldiers’ experiences in French military hospitals during World War I. In particular, it examines improvised “Muslim hospitals” that were opened in order to isolate North Africans from French civilian society. Colonial and military officials believed that North Africans, presumed to be warlike, pathogenic, and promiscuous, could corrupt and be corrupted by the French public. Yet while existing literature tends to highlight the dehumanization of North Africans at the hands of military and medical authorities, this article, drawing from personal correspondence, photographs, and military and medical records, reveals a more ambiguous daily reality. I argue that the individual needs and desires of wounded North Africans and of French nurses, as well as material limitations and contingencies, created spaces for an unprecedented series of humanizing personal encounters. In military-medical “colonies within the metropole,” these soldiers found themselves caught between a newfound sense of affinity with the French public and a starker sense of the boundaries of colonial practice.

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24

Bentahar, Ziad. "Remembering North Africa in French popular music at the turn of the twenty-first century." Crossings: Journal of Migration & Culture 12, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 429–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cjmc_00043_1.

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At the turn of the twenty-first century, memory was a recurrent theme in French songs about North Africa. This painted the region as a place of the colonial past, diminishing its current relevance to France by occulting immigrant perspectives. In the early 2000s, ‘Adieu mon pays’, Enrico Macias’s 1962 song about a departure from Algeria upon its independence, continued to be the exemplar of the song about North Africa. However, songs from the 1990s by North African artists show different views on remembering the region. The dynamics of French and Arabic in songs by Rachid Taha and Khaled indicate that an underlying malaise with remembering North Africa can manifest in a disconnection between two perspectives rooted in two different languages, and Faudel’s 2006 song ‘Mon pays’ shows the limits of memory as a mode of engagement with the lands of origin for second-generation immigrants. Although we may not extrapolate historical claims from the surge of North African memories as a theme in French music in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, the context of the time can help us interpret lyrics about the region in song from this period.

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25

Kamoun, Mahdi, Mouna Mnif, Nadia Charfi, Basma Naceur, Fatma Mnif, Nabila Rekik, and Mohamed Abid. "Impact of socio-cultural factors, dietary habits, and lifestyle patterns on the health status of North African migrants in France." Journal of Social Health and Diabetes 01, no. 02 (December 2013): 060–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4103/2321-0656.115296.

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AbstractThe available studies in France showed a paradox among North African migrant men in France and some other developed countries, i.e., that migration could have a protective effect against some nutrition-related noncommunicable diseases compared to French. The origin of this paradox is not well documented. Particular attention was given to the influence of socio-cultural and environmental factors on health status of North African migrants. Conservation of healthy diet habits, lower prevalence of smoking, lower alcohol consumption, and adoption of a more active lifestyle may confer protective effects on morbidity and mortality of North African men compared to local-born French. It should be noted however that beneficial effects of migration in men would be expected to decrease with the length of stay in the host country because of acculturation to the host country lifestyle. More comprehensive and larger-scale studies will be required to provide a better insight into migration-health relationships.

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26

Arkin, Kimberly A. "Historicity, Peoplehood, and Politics: Holocaust Talk in Twenty-First-Century France." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 4 (October 2018): 968–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041751800035x.

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AbstractDrawing on ethnographic data from the mid-2000s as well as accounts from French Jewish newspapers and magazines from the 1980s onward, this paper traces the emergence of new French Jewish institutional narratives linking North African Jews to the “European” Holocaust. I argue that these new narratives emerged as a response to the social and political impasses produced by intra-Jewish disagreements over whether and how North African Jews could talk about the Holocaust, which divided French Jews and threatened the relationship between Jewishness and French national identity. These new pedagogical narratives relied on a very different historicity, or way of reckoning time and causality, than those used in more divisive everyday French Jewish Holocaust narratives. By reworking the ways that French Jews reckoned time and causality, they offered an expansive and homogenously “European” Jewishness. This argument works against a growing postcolonial sociological and anthropological literature on religious minorities in France and Europe by emphasizing the contingency, difficulty, and even ambivalence around constructing “Jewishness” as transparently either “European” or “French.” It also highlights the role played by historicity—not just history—in producing what counts as group “identity.”

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27

Honig, Alice Sterling, and Kyung‐Ja Park. "Family Factors Associated with Language Competence Among Toddlers in French, North African, and African Families in France." Early Child Development and Care 50, no. 1 (January 1989): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0300443890500104.

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28

DE LANGE, ERIK. "THE CONGRESS SYSTEM AND THE FRENCH INVASION OF ALGIERS, 1827–1830." Historical Journal 64, no. 4 (February 11, 2021): 940–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x2000062x.

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AbstractThe Congress system that arose in Europe after the Napoleonic Wars facilitated European imperial expansionism throughout the nineteenth century. Yet, the ties between that system and expansionism have rarely been unwound and studied in detail. Taking the French invasion of Algiers in 1830 as a case in point, this article shows how the Congress system's shared discourses of security and threat perceptions as well as its common practices of concerted diplomacy fostered European imperialism in North Africa. The article emphasizes obscured continuities and understudied multilateral diplomatic efforts. It uncovers the ways in which the post-1815 system decisively shaped the aims, justifications, and execution of the French war against Algiers. European, North African, and Ottoman actors each furthered or contested the idea that the invasion was part of an international legacy dating back to the Congress of Vienna, related to the concerted repression of North African ‘Barbary piracy’. In bringing these connections to light, it becomes apparent that the post-1815 international system cannot be understood in isolation from nineteenth-century imperialism.

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29

Lazreg, Sihem, Nicolas Mesplié, Delphine Praud, Cécile Delcourt, Heykel Kamoun, Mohamed Chahbi, Sandy Leoni-Mesplié, et al. "Comparison of corneal thickness and biomechanical properties between North African and French patients." Journal of Cataract & Refractive Surgery 39, no. 3 (March 2013): 425–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jcrs.2012.09.015.

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30

Christelow, Allan. "The Transformation of Images in French Publications for North African Troops, 1939–46." Maghreb Review 39, no. 2 (2014): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tmr.2014.0019.

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31

Mark, Andrew. "Gnawa Confusion: The Fusion of Algeria’s Favorite French Band." Ethnologies 33, no. 2 (April 4, 2013): 205–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1015031ar.

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Gnawa Diffusion was a successful musical group of first- and second-generation North African immigrants that achieved significant fame in North Africa, the Middle East and Europe during the last two decades. Based in France, though from Algeria, their politicized egalitarian message reached the world. Their musical skills, instrumentation, tastes and appeal to youth sounds, sentiments and meanings gave their globalized music a prominent place on the global stage. In their work Gnawa Diffusion addressed a panoply of political issues and sought to represent and reach their audience. Their greatest popularity came at the height and conclusion of the Algerian civil war. By parsing the meanings of the band’s name, this paper engages the events and cultures that informed Gnawa Diffusion, exploring the history of the Gnawa, the history of Algeria, and the relationships between France, North Africa and contemporary “French” music. Issues of cultural authenticity and representation are tightly layered within the band’s purposes and process of artistic production. Because Gnawa Diffusion was envisioned, organized and led by Amazigh Kateb Yassin, and because the band and media recognized him as the spokesperson and principal author for Gnawa Diffusion, Amazigh’s life story and words accompany this paper’s arguments and analysis. Through a selective sketch of the various musical consequences of the North African slave trade, the spread of Islam, the colonization of North Africa and the immigration of Algerians to France, we can begin to comprehend how these histories combined and harmonized through Gnawa Diffusion to form the new musical forms of a generation of people who seek to overcome their often divisive cultural heritage. In this case, the intent of the music challenges common notions of authenticity and thereby affirms it.

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32

Sandberg, Brian. "“Moors Must Not Be Taken for Black”: Race, Conflict, and Cultural Translation in the Early Modern French Mediterranean." Mediterranean Studies 29, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 182–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/mediterraneanstu.29.2.0182.

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Abstract French actors mediated North African cultures and shaped French perceptions of others in the Mediterranean world during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Francophone intermediaries experienced predominantly Muslim cultures as consuls, diplomats, military officers, naval captains, merchants, travelers, and prisoners in North Africa and across the Mediterranean during this period. This article reconsiders issues of race and conflict in the early modern Mediterranean by globalizing Francophone sources on the figure of the “Moor” and the conceptual space of the “Barbary Coast” in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. After introducing French cultural intermediaries in the Mediterranean, the article analyzes their depictions of North Africans through conflict narratives, geographic works, and ethnographic descriptions. New evidence of racial distinctions in the early modern French Mediterranean suggests that conflict reshaped French understandings of Muslims and produced racialized conceptions of “Moors.” This finding supports recent historical interpretations of race as a category of differentiation already articulated and operative in the early modern world.

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33

Van der Mescht, H. "Die agtergrond en ontstaansgeskiedenis van Hubert du Plessis se Duitse en Franse liedere." Literator 24, no. 2 (August 1, 2003): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v24i2.294.

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The background and genesis of Hubert du Plessis’s German and French songs On 7 June 2002 the South African composer Hubert du Plessis turned 80. Among his 77 art songs there are (apart from songs in Afrikaans, Dutch and English) eleven on German texts and one on a French text. The aim of this article is to investigate the genesis of these German and French songs. Du Plessis was influenced by his second cousin, the Afrikaans poet Barend J. Toerien, who lived in the same residence as Du Plessis at the University of Stellenbosch where they studied in the early 1940s. Toerien introduced Du Plessis to the work of Rilke, of whose poetry Du Plessis later set to music “Herbst”. Du Plessis’s ten Morgenstern songs were inspired by a chance gift of a Morgenstern volume from Susanne Stark-Schwietering, a student in Grahamstown where Du Plessis taught at Rhodes University College (1944-1951). During his studies in London (1951-1954) Du Plessis also received a volume of Morgenstern poetry from Howard Ferguson in 1951. The choice of French verses from Solomon’s Song of Songs was influenced by the advice of Hilda de Wet (Stellenbosch, 1966). It is notable that Du Plessis’s main composition teachers, William Bell, Friedrich Hartmann and Alan Bush, had practically no influence on the choice of the texts of his German and French songs.

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34

Austen, Ralph A. "THE MEDIUM OF “TRADITION”: AMADOU HAMPÂTÉ BÂ’S CONFRONTATIONS WITH LANGUAGES, LITERACY, AND COLONIALISM." Islamic Africa 1, no. 2 (June 3, 2010): 217–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21540993-90000017.

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In his efforts to communicate his research on African “tradition”—more specifically oral texts—Hampâté Bâ was faced with a choice of languages and alphabets. Much of his work appeared only in French, the language of his main formal education and administrative training. In collaboration with several French colonial scholar-administrators (Henri Gaden, Colonel R. Figaret, and Gilbert Vieillard) Hampâté Bâ eventually developed a system for writing his native Fulfulde in Roman characters. However for his own Fulfulde religious poetry (“mes seules oeuvres de ‘creation’”), Hampâté Bâ used Ajami (Arabic letters representing non-Arabic languages), a writing system that he also promoted as a medium of wider Fulbe literacy.

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35

Duquet, Michel. "The Timeless African and the Versatile Indian in Seventeenth-Century Travelogues." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 14, no. 1 (February 4, 2005): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/010318ar.

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Abstract The seventeenth century saw the early stages of significant trading on the west coast of Africa as well as the establishment of permanent settlements in North America by Dutch, French and English explorers, merchants, colonists and missionaries in a period marked by the imperial contest that had been set in motion on the heels of the discovery of America in 1492. The travelers who wrote about their voyages overseas described at length the natives they encountered on the two continents. The images of the North American Indian and of the African that emerged from these travel accounts were essentially the same whether they be of Dutch, French or English origin. The main characteristic in the descriptions of African native populations was its permanent condemnation while representations of the Indian were imbued with sentiments ranging from compassion, censure and admiration. The root causes for this dichotomy were the inhospitable and deadly (to Europeans) tropical environment of Africa’s West Coast and the growing knowledge of local societies that Europeans acquired in North America. The analysis of the contrasting images of natives on both sides of the Atlantic and the context within which they were produced are the focus of the paper.

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Harris, Dustin Alan. "A “Capital of Hope and Disappointments”." French Politics, Culture & Society 40, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 48–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2022.400103.

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This article traces the history of specialized social housing for North African families living in shantytowns in Marseille from the early 1950s to the mid-1970s. During the Algerian War, social housing assistance formed part of a welfare network that exclusively sought to “integrate” Algerian migrants into French society. Through shantytown clearance and rehousing initiatives, government officials and social service providers encouraged shantytown-dwelling Algerian families to adopt the customs of France’s majority White population. Following the Algerian War, France moved away from delivering Algerian-focused welfare and instead developed an expanded immigrant welfare network. Despite this shift, some officials and social service providers remained fixated on the presence and ethno-racial differences of Algerians and other North Africans in Marseille’s shantytowns. Into the mid-1970s, this fixation shaped local social assistance and produced discord between the promise and implementation of specialized social housing that hindered shantytown-dwelling North African families’ incorporation into French society.

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Cooper, Nicola. "Biribi: Disciplining and punishing in the French empire." French Cultural Studies 29, no. 4 (October 28, 2018): 321–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155818794406.

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This article discusses the infamous Bataillons d’Afrique to which French former criminals were sent to complete their duty of military service. The ‘Bat d’Af’ were created to prevent the young male bourgeoisie from having to mix with these ‘undesirables’ and ‘reprobates’, and they were stationed well away from the mainland in France’s North African colonies. This article discusses themes such as discipline, punishment, torture, homosexuality, interracial power relations, and delinquent ‘cultures’ in this imperial context.

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Thomas, Martin. "France Accused: French North Africa before the United Nations, 1952–1962." Contemporary European History 10, no. 1 (March 2001): 91–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301001059.

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In the decade after 1952 France faced sustained United Nations criticism of its colonial policies in north Africa. As membership of the UN General Assembly expanded, support for the non-aligned states of the Afro-Asian bloc increased. North African nationalist parties established their permanent offices in New York to press their case for independence. Tracing UN consideration of French North Africa from the first major General Assembly discussion of Tunisia in 1952 to the end of the Algerian war in 1962, this article considers the tactics employed on both sides of the colonial/anti-colonial divide to manipulate the UN Charter's ambiguities over the rights of colonial powers and the jurisdiction of the General Assembly in colonial disputes.

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LYDON, GHISLAINE. "SAHARAN OCEANS AND BRIDGES, BARRIERS AND DIVIDES IN AFRICA'S HISTORIOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE." Journal of African History 56, no. 1 (January 30, 2015): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185371400070x.

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AbstractBased on a broad assessment of the scholarship on North-Western Africa, this article examines Saharan historiography with a particular view towards understanding how and why historians have long represented the continent as being composed of two ‘Africas’. Starting with the earliest Arabic writings, and, much later, French colonial renderings, it traces the epistemological creation of a racial and geographic divide. Then, the article considers the field of African studies in North African universities and ends with a review of recent multidisciplinary research that embraces a trans-Saharan approach.

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Webb, James L. A. "The Horse and Slave Trade Between the Western Sahara and Senegambia." Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (July 1993): 221–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700033338.

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Following the late fifteenth- and sixteenth-century cavalry revolution in Senegambia, the horse and slave trade became a major sector of the desert-edge political economy. Black African states imported horses from North Africa and the western Sahara in exchange for slaves. Over time, under conditions of increasing aridity, the zone of desert horse-breeding was pushed south, and through crossbreeding with the small disease-resistant indigenous horses of the savanna, new breeds were created. Although the savanna remained an epidemiologically hostile environment for the larger and more desirable horses bred in North Africa, in the high desert and along the desert fringe, Black African states continued to import horses in exchange for slaves into the period of French colonial rule.The evidence assembled on the horse trade into northern Senegambia raises the difficult issue of the relative quantitative importance of the Atlantic and Saharan/North African slave trades and calls into question the assumption that the Atlantic slave trade was the larger of the two. Most available evidence concerns the Wolof kingdoms of Waalo and Kajoor. It suggests that the volume of slaves exported north into the desert from Waalo in the late seventeenth century was probably at least ten times as great as the volume of slaves exported into the Atlantic slave trade. For both Waalo and Kajoor, this ratio declined during the first half of the eighteenth century as slave exports into the Atlantic markets increased. The second half of the eighteenth century saw an increase in predatory raiding from the desert which produced an additional flow of north-bound slaves. For Waalo and Kajoor – and probably for the other Black African states of northern Senegambia – the flow of slaves north to Saharan and North African markets probably remained the larger of the two export volumes over the eighteenth century. This northward flow of slaves continued strong after the abolition of the Atlantic slave trade and was only shut down with the imposition of French colonial authority.

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Beaman, Jean. "As French as Anyone Else: Islam and the North African Second Generation in France." International Migration Review 50, no. 1 (March 2016): 41–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imre.12184.

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Graebner, Seth. "Autobiography and Independence: Selfhood and Creativity in North African Postcolonial Writing in French (review)." French Forum 32, no. 1 (2008): 284–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/frf.2008.0014.

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Anny Wynchank. "Consequences of French Colonization for North African Jews: The Division of a Cohesive Minority." French Colonial History 2, no. 1 (2002): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/fch.2011.0017.

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Williams, J. S. "Post-Beur Cinema: North African Emigre and Maghrebi-French Filmmaking in France since 2000." French Studies 68, no. 3 (July 1, 2014): 442. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knu128.

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Bouziane, Abdelmajid, and Fatima Ezzahra Metkal. "Differences in Research Abstracts written in Arabic, French, and English." English Studies at NBU 6, no. 2 (December 21, 2020): 233–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33919/esnbu.20.2.4.

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The proliferation of publications, mainly the digital ones, makes it necessary to write well-structured abstracts which help readers gauge the relevance of articles and thus attract a wider readership. This article investigates whether abstracts written in three languages, namely Arabic, French and English, follow the same patterns within or across languages. It compares 112 abstracts in the areas of (applied) linguistics. The English abstracts include 36 research article (RA) abstracts from an Arab journal mostly written by non-natives and 10 by native speakers from British universities. Those produced in French are 36 divided into two sets, 23 from North African journals and the remaining 13 from French journals. The Arabic abstracts consist of 30 abstracts, 15 from North African journals mainly from Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco and the other 15 from the Middle East with a focus on Qatari and Saudi texts. Results emanating from the frequency of moves show that the abstracts written in English by natives and non-natives and those produced in Arabic by Middle Eastern writers show conformity with the existing conventions of abstract writing in English. However, those from North Africa, be they Arabic or French, do not share any specific patterns which can be attributed to the language in which they are written. Further research is needed to check whether abstract writing is part of the academic writing curriculum in these two latter languages.

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Britton, Celia. "How to be Primitive: Tropiques, Surrealism and Ethnography." Paragraph 32, no. 2 (July 2009): 168–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0264833409000510.

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The review Tropiques, founded in Martinique by Aimé Césaire and colleagues in 1941, was heavily influenced by French surrealism, both for its emphasis on political liberation and its investment in primitivism and the revalorization of non-European cultures. But Tropiques's attitude to primitivism was far more ambivalent and contradictory than is usually assumed. While the editors and contributors sometimes do indeed claim to have, as Martinican intellectuals, a close identificatory connection to primitivist sensibility (and are encouraged in this by French surrealists), elsewhere their attitude to such supposed examples of primitivism as African-American poetry and Caribbean folklore is extremely distanced and rather patronizing. Moreover, their claims to an ‘authentic’ relation to primitive culture, especially where this is defined as African, are complicated by the fact that they have to rely on European ethnographic sources in order to make these claims; and the writing in Tropiques shows them grappling with this contradiction.

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Tetreault, Chantal. "Reflecting respect." Pragmatics. Quarterly Publication of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA) 19, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/prag.19.1.04tet.

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This article explores how ideologies derived from North African culture are transformed in local expressions of identity among Muslim French adolescents. Naturally-occurring interactional data were collected among adolescents of primarily Algerian descent living in a cité (a low-income housing project) outside Paris. The study shows that the local identity practices of Muslim French teens articulate with transcultural ideologies of identity, but in contradictory rather than wholly consistent ways. Specifically, teens in the study circulate seemingly static cultural ideologies pertaining to generation, gender, and sexuality, but also routinely challenge these ideologies in interactions with their peers. Through the innovative interactional genre of “parental name calling,” adolescents articulate their ambivalent relationship to the North African-derived cultural value they call le respect (‘respect’). In the process, they negotiate their own beliefs and practices regarding generation, gender, and sexuality in accommodation and opposition to their parents’ values.

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Nielsen, Aileen. "The Algerian wife or “l’amour n’a pas d’age”." MIGRATION LETTERS 6, no. 2 (October 28, 2009): 185–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v6i2.77.

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Young male immigrants from North Africa come to France as much to defy a sense of globally structured exclusion as to escape the effects of other geopolitical stresses. While most anthropological work on Islam and North African youth in France documents a return to conservative Islam, this letter discusses another response to this same experience by illegal North African immigrants living in France. The response described here is one of humour, romance, and a continued desire to join the West rather than a rejection or challenge to French society. This letter provides ethnographic data on the phenomenon described above and so gives a view from the street of how romance may be one of the most important preoccupations of the clandestine male.

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Horton, George Moses, and Jonathan Senchyne. "Individual Influence." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 132, no. 5 (October 2017): 1244–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2017.132.5.1244.

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George Moses Horton (1797?-1883?) is one of three African Americans known to have published poetry while enslaved in colonial north America or the United States. The recently discovered holograph manuscript of “Individual Influence” is the only available evidence that Horton also wrote short essays. Written in 1855 or 1856 and published here for the first time, “Individual Influence” provides a new perspective on Horton's writing process, his strategic affiliations in Chapel Hill, and his changing ideas about the relative efficacy of political and divine influence. More generally, the essay expands the available archive of writing by enslaved African Americans.

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Mal Mazou, Oumarou. "Fulani Oral Literature and (Un)translatability: The Case of Northern Cameroon Mbooku Poems." Territoires, histoires, mémoires 28, no. 1-2 (October 23, 2017): 109–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1041652ar.

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This paper sets out to examine the translatability of Fulani oral poetry from Northern Cameroon, especially the mbooku genre, in a literary perspective. The corpus is gathered from selected oral poems that were transcribed and translated into German, English and French by different translators. The study reveals that it is possible to translate Fulani poems into European languages so that the target texts perform the same literary functions as the source texts, in spite of linguistic and cultural difficulties that occur during the transfer process. Thus, the author proposes a retranslation in which the content meets the form, taking into account some patterns of European modern poetry. He therefore advocates for retranslations of these poems from a purely literary perspective and would like to see translation studies focus more on the primary source of African orality.

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