Relevant bibliographies by topics / North American Fruit Explorers

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Academic literature on the topic 'North American Fruit Explorers'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 6 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "North American Fruit Explorers"

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Volkening, Tom. "North American Fruit Explorers, Inc. (NAFEX) http://www.nafex.org." Journal of Agricultural & Food Information 5, no. 4 (October 4, 2003): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j108v05n04_03.

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Augustinos, A. A., C. A. Moraiti, E. Drosopoulou, I. Kounatidis, P. Mavragani-Tsipidou, K. Bourtzis, and N. T. Papadopoulos. "Old residents and new arrivals of Rhagoletis species in Europe." Bulletin of Entomological Research 109, no. 6 (February 12, 2019): 701–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007485319000063.

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AbstractThe genus Rhagoletis (Diptera: Tephritidae) comprises more than 65 species distributed throughout Europe, Asia and America, including many species of high economic importance. Currently, there are three Rhagoletis species that infest fruits and nuts in Europe. The European cherry fruit fly, Rhagoletis cerasi (may have invaded Europe a long time ago from the Caucasian area of West Asia), and two invasive species (recently introduced from North America): the eastern American cherry fruit fly, R. cingulata, and the walnut husk fly, R. completa. The presence of different Rhagoletis species may enhance population dynamics and establish an unpredictable economic risk for several fruit and nut crops in Europe. Despite their excessive economic importance, little is known on population dynamics, genetics and symbiotic associations for making sound pest control decisions in terms of species-specific, environmental friendly pest control methods. To this end, the current paper (a) summarizes recently accumulated genetic and population data for the European Rhagoletis species and their association with the endosymbiont Wolbachia pipientis, and (b) explores the possibility of using the current knowledge for implementing the innovative biological control methods of sterile insect technique and incompatible insect technique.
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Bertram, Laurie K. "Icelandic Cake Fight: History of an Immigrant Recipe." Gastronomica 19, no. 4 (2019): 28–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2019.19.4.28.

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This article explores the history of vínarterta, a striped fruit torte imported by Icelandic immigrants to North America in the late nineteenth century and obsessively preserved by their descendants today. When roughly 20–25 percent of the population of Iceland relocated to North America between 1870 and 1914, they brought with them a host of culinary traditions, the most popular and enduring of which is this labor-intensive, spiced, layered dessert. Considered an essential fixture at any important gathering, including weddings, holidays, and funerals, vínarterta looms large in Icelandic–North American popular culture. Family recipes are often closely guarded, and any alterations to the “correct recipe,” including number of layers, inclusion or exclusion of cardamom or frosting, and the use of almond extract, are still hotly debated by community members who see changes to “original” recipes as a controversial, even offensive sign of cultural degeneration. In spite of this dedication to authenticity, this torte is an unusual ethnic symbol with a complex past. The first recipes for “Vienna torte” were Danish imports via Austria, originally popular with the Icelandic immigrant generation in the late nineteenth century because of their glamorous connections to continental Europe. Moreover, the dessert fell out of fashion in Iceland roughly at the same time as it ascended as an ethnic symbol in wartime and postwar North American heritage spectacles. Proceeding from recipe books, oral history interviews, memoirs, and Icelandic and English language newspapers, this article examines the complex history of this particular dessert.
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Hancock, J. F., C. E. Finn, and C. Heider. "A History of the Ecuadorian Strawberry, Huachi (Ambato)." HortScience 31, no. 4 (August 1996): 610a—610. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.31.4.610a.

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Spaniards brought Fragaria chiloensis when they conquered Ecuador the mid-1700s. The `Fluachi' strawberry, which was developed from these plants, became renowned in Ecuador and was eventually produced or on 500 to 800 ha in the town of Huachi Grande near Ambato. This white-fruited, long, wedge-shaped strawberry is still praised for its firmness, flavor, aroma, and shipping quality. The fruit are produced year-round on plants grown on volcanic, sandy soils in a very dry environment at an ≈3000-m elevation near the equator. The USDA germplasm explorers Paopenoe and Darrow documented the production of the `Huachi' in the 1920s and 1950s and brought it to North America for breeding. Selections from seedling populations were determined to be red stele resistant and found their way into several Pacific Northwest cultivars, although the `Huachi' was eventually lost in North America. Recently, we traveled to Ecuador to re-collect `Huachi' and assess the strawberry industry there. Huachi is still grown commercially in Ecuador, although there are now only 4 to 5 ha remaining. Drought in the 1970s, “tired” soils, and the introduction of the more productive and easier to produce California cultivars have supplanted its cultivation. Ecuador now produces ≈350 ha of strawberries using California production systems. This fruit is exported fresh, primarily to the United Sates, or is frozen in a 4 + 1 sugar pack. We brought `Huachi' back for distribution to interested breeders and to set up fertilizer trials on an established field to try to boost its productivity.
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JOHNSTON, DAVID W. "The earliest known compiled list of North American birds (1582)." Archives of Natural History 29, no. 2 (June 2002): 265–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2002.29.2.265.

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ABSTRACT: Richard Hakluyt in 1582 published the names of certain commodities found in the New World from reports of French sixteenth-century explorers. The commodities included a compiled list of birds, the earliest known from North America.
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Winkler, Martina. "Another America: Russian mental discoveries of the North-west Pacific region in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries." Journal of Global History 7, no. 1 (February 24, 2012): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174002281100057x.

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AbstractThis article explores Russian perceptions of ‘America’ as they emerged in the eighteenth century when traders, explorers, and scholars approached the North American continent from the Pacific side. It argues that these perceptions were fundamentally different from the European mental discovery of America via the Atlantic. Rather than imagining a ‘new world’, the protagonists saw the north-west American coastline as a part of the North Pacific basin, which, in turn, was considered a part of the Russian empire. Only in the early nineteenth century did Russian geographic and cultural concepts change, becoming more similar to those of Europeans and to contemporary ideas of continents and global structures.
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Capelotti, P. J. "Chapter 2. The historical geography of an archipelago of polar explorers." Septentrio Conference Series, no. 3 (September 9, 2015): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/5.3579.

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An outline of the rationale for a workshop, held in Oslo, Norway, from 12-13 May 2015, to discuss the historic place names of the High Arctic archipelago of Franz Josef Land. The islands contain hundreds of place names that amount to a virtual catalog of polar exploration and explorers of the mid- to late-19th Century. As an example, three American expeditions spent seven years there between 1898-1905, in failed attempts to try to reach the geographic North Pole. However, in the process, they left behind a record of the American Gilded Age that survived even 70 years of Soviet Communism.
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Henson, Pamela M. "Invading Arcadia: Women Scientists in the Field in Latin America, 1900-1950." Americas 58, no. 4 (April 2002): 577–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2002.0045.

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Let us keep a place where real research men can find quiet, keen intellectual stimulation, freedom from any outside distraction." This was the response of a prominent North American naturalist opposed to a 1924 proposal to build facilities for women at the Barro Colorado Island Biological Laboratory in Panama. In the first decades of the twentieth-century, in the aftermath of the Spanish-American War and as the United States built the Panama Canal, the American tropics became a major focus for North American politics and natural history, with government funding and logistical support from the military for scientific expeditions. As the North American western frontier closed, the New World tropics—or Neotropics—assumed the role that the West had played for an earlier generation of nineteenth-century explorers. In a post-Darwinian world, a field trip to the tropics with its rich biodiversity had become a rite of passage and a route to fame for young North American naturalists. And in the decades during and after the successful campaign for women's suffrage in the United States, tensions between men and women ran high, in the home, at the ballot box, and at the field station.
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Whelan, Christopher J., and Mary F. Willson. "Fruit Choice in Migrating North American Birds: Field and Aviary Experiments." Oikos 71, no. 1 (October 1994): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3546181.

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Lietzow, Calvin D., Huayu Zhu, Sudhakar Pandey, Michael J. Havey, and Yiqun Weng. "QTL mapping of parthenocarpic fruit set in North American processing cucumber." Theoretical and Applied Genetics 129, no. 12 (August 31, 2016): 2387–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00122-016-2778-z.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "North American Fruit Explorers"

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Crabtree, Sheri Beth. "SEXUAL AND ASEXUAL REPRODUCTIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NORTH AMERICAN PAWPAW [ASIMINA TRILOBA (L.) DUNAL]." Lexington, Ky. : [University of Kentucky Libraries], 2004. http://lib.uky.edu/ETD/ukypssc2004t00208/etd.pdf.

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Thesis (m.s.)--University of Kentucky, 2004.
Title from document title page (viewed Jan. 7, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 80p. : ill. Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 74-79).
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Books on the topic "North American Fruit Explorers"

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Fishman, Ram. The handbook for fruit explorers. Chapin, Ill: North American Fruit Explorers, 1986.

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Oney, Yannisk. North American explorers. New York: Scholastic, 2004.

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Henson at the North Pole. Mineola, N.Y: Dover Publications, 2008.

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Men with sand: Great explorers of the North American West. Helena, Mont: TwoDot, 1998.

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Muhlstein, Anka. La Salle: Explorer of the North American frontier. New York: Arcade Pub., 1994.

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Matthew Henson: The quest for the North Pole. New York, NY: Sterling Pub. Co., 2008.

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Henson, Matthew Alexander. A negro explorer at the North Pole. [Mountain View, Calif: Widget Magic], 2000.

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Argall: A book of North American landscapes. New York: Viking, 2001.

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Rozakis, Laurie. Matthew Henson & Robert Peary: The race for the North Pole. Woodbridge, Conn: Blackbirch Press, 1994.

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Bedesky, Baron. Peary and Henson: The race to the North Pole. New York: Crabtree Pub. Co., 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "North American Fruit Explorers"

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Dawson, Alexander S. "1918." In Peyote Effect, 55–62. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520285422.003.0006.

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Chastened by how close a national ban of peyote came to passing in early 1918, the following October a group of Native American peyotists gathered in El Reno, Oklahoma, in order to found the Native American Church. This chapter explores this remarkable moment of political activism, along with the histories of peyotism in the United States that led to this initiative. The deep history of peyotism north of the border remains somewhat unclear, though we can be certain that the individuals who came together in 1918 to found a church that could, in turn, enjoy constitutional protections were participants in practices that had consolidated in the latter half of the nineteenth century. Their efforts to create an institutionalized church that would be legible to the U.S. government did not immediately bear fruit, as anti-peyotists dominated the Bureau of Indians Affairs (BIA) through the 1920s, though these efforts did begin to see significant success after John Collier became chief of the BIA in 1933.
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J. Chavez, Dario, and José X. Chaparro. "The North American Plums (Prunus Spp.): A Review of the Taxonomic and Phylogenetic Relationships." In Prunus. IntechOpen, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.91638.

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North America is a center of diversity for Prunus species. Tree architecture, chilling requirement, heat requirement, fruit development period, fruit size, fruit texture, disease resistance, and adaptive changes to multiple environmental conditions are a few examples of the traits of which tremendous genetic variability is available in the native plum species. Wild native Prunus species constitute an important potential source of genetic diversity for stone fruit breeding and selection. A review of the North American plum taxonomic treatment and phylogenetic studies is described. Various studies have been done with three major groups being identified: Americana series, Chickasaw series, and Beach series.
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"Effects of Kaolin Clay Application on Flower Bud Development, Fruit Quality and Yield, and Flower Thrips [Frankliniella spp. (Thysanoptera: Thripidae)] Populations of Blueberry Plants." In Proceedings of the Ninth North American Blueberry Research and Extension Workers Conference, 371–84. CRC Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/9781482282856-38.

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Fleming, James R. "The Great Climate Debate in Colonial and Early America." In Historical Perspectives on Climate Change. Oxford University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195078701.003.0007.

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Enlightenment ideas of climate and culture, developed in an era of European expansion, were stimulated by the writings of explorers, colonists, and travelers. Initially, colonists were confused and confounded by the cold winters and harsh storms. The New World was the object of considerable disdain for many European elites. Convincing them that the North American continent was not a frozen, primitive, or degenerate wasteland became a crucial element in American apologetics. The notion that a harsh climate could be improved by human activity—draining the marshes, clearing the forests, and cultivating the soil—was a major issue in colonial and early America and remained so until the middle of the nineteenth century. If the climate could truly be transformed, the implications were enormous, involving the health, wellbeing, and prosperity of all. There were contrarians, however, who called these ideas just so much wishful thinking. Early settlers in North America found the climate harsher, the atmosphere more variable, and the storms both more frequent and more violent than in similar latitudes in the Old World. In 1644–45, the Reverend John Campanius of Swedes’ Fort (Delaware) described mighty winds, unknown in Europe, which “came suddenly with a dark-blue cloud and tore up oaks that had a girt of three fathoms.” Another colonist in New Sweden, Thomas Campanius Holm, noted that when it rains “the whole sky seems to be on fire, and nothing can be seen but smoke and flames.” James MacSparran, a missionary to Rhode Island for thirty-six years until his death in 1757, spent considerable energy warning colonists against emigrating to America. He found the American climate “intemperate,” with excessive heat and cold, sudden violent changes of weather, terrible and mischievous thunder and lightning, and unwholesome air—all “destructive to human bodies.” While new settlers in all countries and climates are subject to many hardships, Dr. Alexander Hewatt observed that the hardships experienced by the first settlers of Carolina “must have equalled, if not surpassed, everything of the kind to which men in any age have been exposed. . . . During the summer months the climate is so sultry, that no European, without hazard, can endure the fatigues of labouring in the open air.”
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Swyngedouw, Erik. "The Urban Conquest of Water in Guayaquil, 1945–2000: Bananas, Oil, and the Production of Water Scarcity." In Social Power and the Urbanization of Water. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198233916.003.0017.

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With the end of the war came a partial reversal of the devastating decline associated with the cocoa collapse, paralleled by a profound reconfiguration of class relations. The pre-war bipartisan political structure (Liberals and Conservatives) was replaced by a myriad of new political parties, expressing the divisions within the ruling elites, the rise of Left political parties as a result of growing proletarianization (Maiguashca 1992: 200–1) and, most importantly, the emergence and spectacular growth of populist movements. New forms of class struggle would emerge out of this maelstrom of change, each expressing itself through a mixture of new and old languages, symbols, and activities. It is not surprising, for example, to hear ‘San Lenín’ called upon for assistance alongside saints of the more traditional variety (Maiguashca and North 1991: 99–100). The ferment of this rich mix of class relations through which daily life was organized at the time the world was on fire wrought the conditions from which the post-war intensified water conquest would emerge. Indeed, the turbulent but lean years of the 1940s were followed by the banana bonanza decade of the 1950s. The United States’ fruit corporations, their plantations struck by Panama disease, moved their centre of operations from marginal Central American and Caribbean exporters to Ecuador. It was not only a cheap location, but the Panama disease had not yet moved that far south. In addition, President Galo Plaza Lasso used his excellent relationships with the US United Fruit Company to promote banana production in Ecuador (Nurse 1989). The spiralling demand for bananas from the US fruit companies converted the coastal area of the country (La Costa) into large banana planta tions with their associated socio-ecological relations (Armstrong and McGee 1985: 114; Larrea-Maldonado 1982: 28–34; see also Schodt 1987). While in 1948, banana export receipts amounted to only US$2.8 million, this figure reached US$21.4 million in 1952 and US$88.9 million in 1960, accounting for 62.2% of Ecuador’s total exports (Hurtado 1981: 190; Grijalva 1990; Cortez 1992). By the mid-1950s, the country had become the world’s leading banana exporter. This manufactured ‘banana bonanza’ was organized through a new political economic and ecological transformation.
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