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1
HIGHAM, C. L. "Saviors and Scientists: North American Protestant Missionaries and the Development of Anthropology." Pacific Historical Review 72, no. 4 (November 1, 2003): 531–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2003.72.4.531.
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Few historians of anthropology and missionary work examine the relationship of Protestant missionaries with nineteenth-century anthropologists and its effect on anthropological portrayals of Indians. This paper poses the question: Does it make a difference that early anthropologists in Canada and the United States also worked as Protestant missionaries or relied on Protestant missionaries for data? Answering yes, it shows how declining support for Indian missions led missionaries to peddle their knowledge of Indians to scholarly institutions. These institutions welcomed missionaries as professionals because of their knowledge, dedication, and time in the field. Such relationships helped create a transnational image of the Indian in late nineteenth-century North American anthropology.
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Buschman, Lawrent L. "North American missionaries developed a North American-style school to prepare their children for life back in North America." Missiology: An International Review 47, no. 4 (October 2019): 425–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0091829619858600.
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In her article “Sacred children and colonial subsidies” Anicka Fast suggests that the missionaries of the American Mennonite Brethren Mission developed a school for their children in order to separate the missionary children from the Congolese children. That is an unfortunate misinterpretation of the historical situation. The missionary children were always intimately associated with Congolese children on the mission stations. The missionary children’s school was developed to train the missionary children so they could return to North America, where they were legally expected to return and live. They were not immigrants in the Congo. They needed a “North American-style education” so they would have a reasonable chance of success when they returned to North America. The school itself eventually was moved to Kinshasa where it developed into the American School of Kinshasa, which serves a wide spectrum of black and white children from around the world. The matter of colonial subsidies was only tangentially related to the development of the school.
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Bagley, Robert W. "Trauma and Traumatic Stress among Missionaries." Journal of Psychology and Theology 31, no. 2 (June 2003): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164710303100202.
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Research was conducted to determine the extent and nature of traumatic events experienced by missionaries and the extent to which missionaries reported Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) symptoms due to traumatic exposure on the mission field. Ninety-four percent of missionaries reported having been exposed to trauma on the field, with 86% reporting exposure to multiple incidents. This was considerably higher than their exposure when off the field and could be attributed primarily to an increased risk of exposure to civil unrest and violent crime. Less than half of the missionaries reported symptoms at a level necessary for a diagnosis of PTSD at their most difficult period of adjustment to their most distressing traumatic experience. No missionaries reported current symptoms at a level necessary for a diagnosis of PTSD. The data suggests that missionaries from North America have a greater resilience to trauma than is found in the general North American population.
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Salmon, Vivian. "Missionary linguistics in seventeenth century Ireland and a North American Analogy." Historiographia Linguistica 12, no. 3 (January 1, 1985): 321–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.12.3.02sal.
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Summary Accounts of Christian missionary linguists in the 16th and 17th centuries are usually devoted to their achievements in the Americas and the Far East, and it is seldom remarked that, at the time when English Protestant missionaries were attempting to meet the challenge of unknown languages on the Eastern seaboard of North America, their fellow missionary-linguists were confronted with similar problems much nearer home – in Ireland, where the native language was quite as difficult as the Amerindian speech with which John Eliot and Roger Williams were engaged. Outside Ireland, few historians of linguistics have noted the extraordinarily interesting socio-linguistic situation in this period, when English Protestants and native-born Jesuits and Franciscans, revisiting their homeland covertly from abroad, did battle for the hearts and minds of the Irish-speaking population – nominally Catholic, but often so remote from contacts with their Mother Church that they seemed, to contemporary missionaries, to be hardly more Christian than the Amerindians. The linguistic problems of 16th-and 17th-century Ireland have often been discussed by historians dealing with attempts by Henry VIII and his successors to incorporate Ireland into a Protestant English state in respect of language, religion and forms of government, and during the 16th century various official initiatives were taken to convert the Irish to the beliefs of an English-speaking church. But it was in the 17th century that consistent and determined efforts were made by individual Englishmen, holding high ecclesiastical office in Ireland, to convert their nominal parishioners, not by forcing them to seek salvation via the English language, but to bring it to them by means of Irish-speaking ministers preaching the Gospel and reciting the Liturgy in their own vernacular. This paper describes the many parallels between the problems confronting Protestant missionaries in North America and these 17th-century Englishmen in Ireland, and – since the work of the American missions is relatively well-known – discusses in greater detail the achievements of missionary linguists in Ireland.
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Yu, Eui-Young. "Challenged Identities: North American Missionaries in Korea, 1884-1934." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 35, no. 4 (July 2006): 388–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610603500427.
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Davidson, Christina Cecelia. "Redeeming Santo Domingo: North Atlantic Missionaries and the Racial Conversion of a Nation." Church History 89, no. 1 (March 2020): 74–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640720000013.
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AbstractThis article examines North Atlantic views of Protestant missions and race in the Dominican Republic between 1905 and 1911, a brief period of political stability in the years leading up to the U.S. Occupation (1916–1924). Although Protestant missions during this period remained small in scale on the Catholic island, the views of British and American missionaries evidence how international perceptions of Dominicans transformed in the early twentieth century. Thus, this article makes two key interventions within the literature on Caribbean race and religion. First, it shows how outsiders’ ideas about the Dominican Republic's racial composition aimed to change the Dominican Republic from a “black” country into a racially ambiguous “Latin” one on the international stage. Second, in using North Atlantic missionaries’ perspectives to track this shift, it argues that black-led Protestant congregations represented a possible alternative future that both elite Dominicans and white North Atlantic missionaries rejected.
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Grayson, James Huntley. "Book Review: Challenged Identities: North American Missionaries in Korea, 1884–1934." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 29, no. 3 (July 2005): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693930502900321.
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Silva, Ivanilson Bezerra. "A Escola Americana de Curitiba (1891-1930): uma filial da Escola Americana de São Paulo / The American School of Curitiba (1891-1930): a branch of the American School of São Paulo." Revista de História e Historiografia da Educação 2, no. 6 (May 8, 2019): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rhhe.v2i6.60061.
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O presente artigo tem como objetivo mostrar que a Escola Americana de Curitiba dirigida pelas missionárias Mary Dascomb e Elmira Kuhl fazia parte da rede de escolas organizadas pelo educador Horace Lane. As fontes analisadas sugerem que tais missionárias estavam subordinadas às orientações pedagógicas e supervisão da Escola Americana de São Paulo. Esta tornou-se a base para a compreensão de outras escolas americanas implantadas no Brasil durante a atuação de Horace Lane como diretor e supervisor da obra educacional da Igreja Presbiteriana norte-americana. Postulamos que Horace Lane formou uma rede de escolas, principalmente, em cidades que contavam com o apoio de maçons, republicanos, presbiterianos e de pessoas ligadas a sua rede de sociabilidade. No caso de Curitiba, a escola foi organizada por causa do núcleo presbiteriano organizado no ano de 1884 e por causa da relação do educador com as referidas missionárias. Como parte da rede de escolas, a Escola Americana de Curitiba, de confissão de fé presbiteriana, concorria com as escolas de outras denominações religiosas que compunham o campo educacional paranaense.* * *This article aims to show that the American School of Curitiba led by the missionaries Mary Dascomb and Elmira Kuhl was part of the network of schools organized by the educator Horace Lane. The sources analyzed suggest that these missionaries were subordinated to the pedagogical guidelines and supervision of the American School of São Paulo. This became the basis for the understanding of other American schools implanted in Brazil during the performance of Horace Lane as director and supervisor of the educational work of the North American Presbyterian Church. We postulate that Horace Lane formed a network of schools, mainly in cities that had the support of Masons, Republicans, Presbyterians and of people connected to its network of sociability. In the case of Curitiba, the school was organized because of the Presbyterian nucleus organized in the year 1884 and because of the educator's relationship with the said missionaries. As part of the school network, the American School of Curitiba, with a Presbyterian faith confession, competed with schools of other religious denominations that made up the educational field of Paraná.
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Moore, Leslie, Billy Van Jones, and Clyde N. Austin. "Predictors of Reverse Culture Shock among North American Church of Christ Missionaries." Journal of Psychology and Theology 15, no. 4 (December 1987): 328–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164718701500409.
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The development of the Moore-Austin Reverse Culture Shock Scale (RCS) was an attempt to identify reentry adjustment difficulties among missionary adults. The subjects of the study were 255 North American Church of Christ missionaries. A 12-page questionnaire which included the RCS was mailed to each subject. The following variables were determined, through multiple regression analysis, to be significantly correlated with RCS scores: education level prior to mission assignment, months in last location, age range upon last return, marital status, expectation of difficulty, and type of school attended before mission assignment. Responses to open-ended questions suggested that there are difficulties encountered upon reentry which were not included in the RCS scale. Procedures such as factor analysis might be used in order to ascertain the major areas of difficulty which need to be included in future instruments.
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Clair, Muriel. "“Seeing These Good Souls Adore God in the Midst of the Woods”." Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 2 (March 12, 2014): 281–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00102008.
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Up to 1647, Jesuit missionaries in New France attempting to evangelize nomadic Algonquians of North America’s subarctic region were unable to follow these peoples, as they wished, in their seasonal hunts. The mission sources, especially the early Jesuit Relations, indicate that it was Algonquian neophytes of the Jesuit mission villages of Sillery and La Conception who themselves attracted other natives to Christianity. A veritable Native American apostolate was thus in existence by the 1640s, based in part on the complex kinship networks of the nomads. Thus it appears that during that decade, the Jesuits of New France adopted a new strategy of evangelization, based partly on the kinship networks of the nomads, which allowed for the natives’ greater autonomy in communicating and embracing Catholicism. A difficulty faced by the Jesuit editors of the Relations was how to concede to the culture of the nomads without offending their devout, European readers of the era of the “great confinement,” upon whom the missionaries depended for financial support. One way the Jesuits favorably portrayed nomadic neophytes—who were often unaccompanied by a missionary in their travels—was by underscoring the importance during hunting season of memory-based and material aids for Catholic prayer (Christian calendars, icons, rosaries, crucifixes, oratories in the woods, etc.). Thus, in the Jesuit literature, the gradual harmonization between Native American mobility and the Catholic liturgy was the key feature of the missionaries’ adaptation to the aboriginal context of the 1640s—a defining period for the Jesuit apostolate in North America through the rest of the seventeenth century.
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Guenther, Alan M. "Ghazals, Bhajans and Hymns: Hindustani Christian Music in Nineteenth-Century North India." Studies in World Christianity 25, no. 2 (August 2019): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2019.0254.
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When American missionaries from the Methodist Episcopal Church arrived in India in the middle of the nineteenth century, they very soon published hymn-books to aid the Christian church in worship. But these publications were not solely the product of American Methodists nor simply the collection of foreign songs and music translated into Urdu. Rather, successive editions demonstrate the increasing participation of both foreigners and Indians, of missionaries from various denominations, of both men and women, and of even those not yet baptised as Christians. The tunes and poetry included were in both European and Indian forms. This hybrid nature is particularly apparent by the end of the century when the Methodist press published a hymn-book containing ghazals and bhajans in addition to hymns and Sunday school songs. The inclusion of a separate section of ghazals was evidence of the influence of the Muslim culture on the worship of Christians in North India. This mixing of cultures was an essential characteristic of the hymnody produced by the emerging church in the region and was used in both evangelism and worship. Indian and foreign evangelists relied on indigenous music to draw hearers and to communicate the Christian gospel.
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Coote, Robert T. "A Boon or a “Drag”? How North American Evangelical Missionaries Experience Home Furloughs." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 15, no. 1 (January 1991): 17–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693939101500103.
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김은영 and Patricia Pike. "How attachment styles relate to experience of stress among North American and Korean missionaries." Journal of Pastoral Care and Counseling 25, no. ll (November 2015): 393–433. http://dx.doi.org/10.23905/kspcc.25..201511.013.
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Smalligan, Roger D., W. Robert Lange, John D. Frame, Patrice O. Yarbough, Diane L. Frankenfield, and Kenneth C. Hyams. "The Risk of Viral Hepatitis A, B, C, and E among North American Missionaries." American Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 53, no. 3 (September 1, 1995): 233–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4269/ajtmh.1995.53.233.
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Kupfer, Carl, and David Buisseret. "Seventeenth-Century Jesuit Explorers’ Maps of the Great Lakes and Their Influence on Subsequent Cartography of the Region." Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 1 (March 11, 2019): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00601005.
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When the French coureurs des bois and missionaries began to penetrate the interior of North America around the middle of the seventeenth century, they were confronted with a hydrological system of remarkable complexity, unique in the world. Some hints of the relationship of the five Great Lakes had been garnered by Samuel de Champlain in the early part of the century, but the western Great Lakes remained virtually unknown to Europeans about 1650. The delineation of this region was the work of four Jesuit-trained cartographers, whose work can (rather unusually) be completely traced from exploration to the original manuscript and then to the versions printed in Europe. It was in this way that French Jesuit maps came to form part of the North American cartographic image of many contemporary Europeans.
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Dittrich, Klaus. "Europeans and Americans in Korea, 1882–1910: A Bourgeois and Translocal Community." Itinerario 40, no. 1 (March 29, 2016): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115316000036.
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This article deals with the European and American community in Korea between the conclusion of Korea’s first international treaties in the early 1880s and the country’s annexation by the Japanese Empire in 1910. It begins by presenting an overview of the community. Concentrated in Seoul and Chemulp’o, the Anglo-Saxon element dominated a community made up of diplomats, foreign experts in the service of the Korean government, merchants and missionaries. Next, the article describes two key characteristics of the European and American residents in Korea. First, they were individuals who defined themselves as bourgeois, or middle-class; second, the term “translocality” serves to bring together the multiple layers of border-crossing these individuals were involved in—as long-distance migrants between Europe or North America and East Asia, as migrants within East Asia, and as representatives of different European and American nationalities living together in Korea.
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Panich, Lee M. "Archaeologies of Persistence: Reconsidering the Legacies of Colonialism in Native North America." American Antiquity 78, no. 1 (January 2013): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.78.1.105.
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AbstractThis article seeks to define common ground from which to build a more integrated approach to the persistence of indigenous societies in North America. Three concepts are discussed—identity, practice, and context—that may prove useful for the development of archaeologies of persistence by allowing us to counter terminal narratives and essentialist concepts of cultural identity that are deeply ingrained in scholarly and popular thinking about Native American societies. The use of these concepts is illustrated in an example that shows how current archaeological research is challenging long-held scholarty and popular beliefs about the effects of colonialism in coastal California, where the policies of Spanish colonial missionaries have long been thought to have driven local native peoples to cultural extinction. By exploring how the sometimes dramatic changes of the colonial period were internally structured and are just one part of long and dynamic native histories, archaeologies of persistence may help to bring about a shift in how the archaeology of colonialism presents the histories of native peoples in North America—one that can make archaeology more relevant to descendant communities.
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Sensbach, Jon. "FORUM ON KATHARINE GERBNER'S CHRISTIAN SLAVERY: CONVERSION AND RACE IN THE PROTESTANT ATLANTIC WORLD." Church History 88, no. 3 (September 2019): 751–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719001835.
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Between roughly 1500 and nearly the end of the nineteenth century, slave traders sent more than twelve million enslaved Africans to the Americas. It is no secret that Christianity was deeply complicit with the rise of the plantation system that created the lethally voracious demand for forced labor. Two basic questions have preoccupied historians studying the links between religion and slavery: why did Christianity become an ideological bulwark for human bondage; and why did enslaved Africans and their descendants begin to embrace a religion so friendly to slavery, inverting it into a spiritual vernacular of liberation and transcendence? Whereas historians of Atlantic world Protestantism have mostly probed these questions in their North American contexts, Katherine Gerbner's book, Christian Slavery: Conversion and Race in the Protestant Atlantic World, shifts the focus to the Caribbean of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Protestant missionaries there began proselytizing among enslaved Africans at least half a century earlier than in North America, creating connections between race, religion, and slavery that would prove perniciously durable across both time and region. In this forum, four distinguished scholars consider the implications of Gerbner's work.
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Burnett, Virginia Garrard. "God and Revolution: Protestant Missions in Revolutionary Guatemala, 1944-1954." Americas 46, no. 2 (October 1989): 205–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007083.
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“Our institutions,” remarked a North American Protestant missionary in Guatemala in 1910 referring to his denomination's missions, schools and clinics, “can do more than gunboats.” From the time of the Liberal reform of Justo Rufino Barrios, most of Guatemala's Liberal rulers had agreed. Valued by nineteenth century Liberal rulers for their development projects, their usefulness in the struggle against Catholic clericalism, and, most importantly, for the packaging of North American values, beliefs and culture in which they wrapped the Word of God, Protestant missionaries worked in Guatemala with the blessing and encouragement of the government from the late nineteenth century until 1944. That year, the “last caudillo”—the old Liberal dictator Jorge Ubico —was ousted from power and replaced by a reformist junta, marking the beginning of Guatemala's decade-long flirtation with progressive revolutionary government.
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Bruner, Jason. "Inquiring into Empire: Princeton Seminary’s Society of Inquiry on Missions, the British Empire, and the Opium Trade, Ca. 1830‐1850." Mission Studies 27, no. 2 (2010): 194–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338310x536438.
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AbstractPrinceton Seminary was intimately involved in the North American foreign missions movement in the nineteenth century. One remarkable dimension of this involvement came through the student-led Society of Inquiry on Missions, which sought to gather information about the global state of the Christian mission enterprise. This paper examines the Society’s correspondence with Protestant missionaries in China regarding their attitudes to the British Empire in the years 1830‐1850. It argues that the theological notion of providence informed Princetonians’ perceptions of the world, which consequently dissociated the Christian missionary task with any particular nation or empire. An examination of the Society of Inquiry’s correspondence during the mid-nineteenth century reveals much about Protestant missionaries and their interactions with the opium trade and the results of the First Opium War (1839‐1842). Princetonians’ responses to the opium trade and the First Opium War led ultimately to a significant critique of western commercial influence in East Asia. In conclusion, this paper questions the extent to which commerce, empire, and Christian missions were inherently associated in nineteenth century American Protestant missionary activity.
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Austin, Clyde N., Deborah E. McDonald, and Sheila A. Austin. "An Addendum to “Cross-Cultural Reentry: An Annotated Bibliography”." Journal of Psychology and Theology 16, no. 4 (December 1988): 369–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164718801600408.
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This article is an addendum to Austin's “Cross-Cultural Reentry: An Annotated Bibliography” (1983). The initial work had 291 reference citations divided among the following groups: Corporations, Federally Employed Civilians, Internal Education. Military. Missionaries (Families, Singles, and Furlough), and General. The current article has the same format for 210 additional entries. North American resources were augmented by database searches and extensive contacts in the United Kingdom. Less emphasis was given to inquiries about materials in the categories of Military and International Education.
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Duquet, Michel. "The Timeless African and the Versatile Indian in Seventeenth-Century Travelogues." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 14, no. 1 (February 4, 2005): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/010318ar.
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Abstract The seventeenth century saw the early stages of significant trading on the west coast of Africa as well as the establishment of permanent settlements in North America by Dutch, French and English explorers, merchants, colonists and missionaries in a period marked by the imperial contest that had been set in motion on the heels of the discovery of America in 1492. The travelers who wrote about their voyages overseas described at length the natives they encountered on the two continents. The images of the North American Indian and of the African that emerged from these travel accounts were essentially the same whether they be of Dutch, French or English origin. The main characteristic in the descriptions of African native populations was its permanent condemnation while representations of the Indian were imbued with sentiments ranging from compassion, censure and admiration. The root causes for this dichotomy were the inhospitable and deadly (to Europeans) tropical environment of Africa’s West Coast and the growing knowledge of local societies that Europeans acquired in North America. The analysis of the contrasting images of natives on both sides of the Atlantic and the context within which they were produced are the focus of the paper.
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Mou, Leping. "The Liberal Arts Curriculum in China’s Former Christian Universities." International Journal of Chinese Education 9, no. 1 (June 17, 2020): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22125868-12340118.
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Abstract In the first half of the 20th century, the Christian universities in China founded by North American missionaries made a great contribution to China’s higher education development and set models for other universities. These universities adapted the American liberal arts education into Chinese contexts with a completely different social and cultural tradition. The paper explores the concept and essence of liberal arts education as reflected in the curriculum of the Christian universities through a qualitative methodology employing archival document analysis. The study brings insights for today’s trend towards reviving liberal arts education in China’s elite universities as a way of countering the influence of utilitarianism and neo-liberalism in an era of economic globalization.
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Zehner, Edwin. "Thai Protestants and Local Supernaturalism: Changing Configurations." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 27, no. 2 (September 1996): 293–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246340002107x.
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Although nineteenth-century Protestant missionaries in Siam tried to debunk local spirit beliefs and witchcraft accounts, they and their actions were perceived in terms of local supernaturalist frameworks. Late twentieth-century Thai Christians, supernaturalists themselves, have reclassified local spirit activity through their own Christian frameworks, using local vocabularies of spirit phenomena but retaining master categories of interpretation and practice drawn from North American evangelicalism. This practice puts Thai Protestant churches in a direct dialogue with their cultural contexts and leaves them positioned to benefit from Thailand's increasing religious pluralism.
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Horn, Karen. "The Scottish Catholic Mission Stations in Bauchi Province, Nigeria: 1957-1970." Journal of Religion in Africa 40, no. 2 (2010): 149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006610x499877.
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AbstractIn 1963 the Archbishop of St Andrews and Edinburgh, Gordon Joseph Gray, asked for volunteers to staff a mission station in the Bauchi province in the north of Nigeria. By the end of 1969 the Bauchi experiment was deemed a success; however, the process of establishing the mission was littered with complications. Not only had this station been abandoned by the Society of African Missions since 1957, it was also firmly located in an Islam-dominated area where Catholic priests had to compete not only with Muslims but also with American Protestant missionaries and indigenous religions. To make matters worse, the years between 1963 and 1970 included two coups and a civil war during which religion became the focus of much of the violence. This article looks at the correspondence between Archbishop Gray and the volunteers in Bauchi in order to provide insight into how the missionaries experienced their task of establishing a Scottish Catholic presence an area others considered too hostile.
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Yaremko, Jason M. "Protestant Missions, Cuban Nationalism and the Machadato." Americas 56, no. 3 (January 2000): 53–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500029527.
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Before the Spanish-Cuban-American War of 1898, Protestantism and Cuban nationalism coexisted relatively comfortably and even naturally, the function of a Protestant movement under Spanish colonialism that, unlike the rest of Latin America, was run not by North American or English missionaries, but by Cuban ministers. After United States intervention in 1898, U.S. interests were imposed on virtually every sector of Cuban society, including organized Protestantism, influencing Cuba's development for at least the next half-century. Preempted by U.S. intervention, Cuban nationalism, in both its ecclesiastical and secular dimensions, endured and intensified with the deepening of Cubans' dependency on the U.S. Politically, Cuban nationalism was expressed in growing protests and demands for a more genuine independence by abrogating the Platt Amendment and otherwise ending U.S. interventionism. Ecclesiastically, Cubans pushed for a greater role in Protestant church affairs, and toward Cubanization of the Church. Protestant missions thus confronted a rising nationalism within and outside the Church. By 1920, eastern Cuba, the cradle of Cuban independence, became the epicenter of this struggle.
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Walker, Anthony R. "The first Lahu (Muhsur) Christians: A community in Northern Thailand." Acta Orientalia Vilnensia 11, no. 2 (January 1, 2010): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/aov.2010.3650.
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Universiti Brunei DarussalamBetween 10 to 20 per cent of all the Tibeto-Burman-speaking Lahu people now subscribe to one or another version of the Christian religion.The largest proportion of present-day Lahu Christians inherited the genre of this Western religion propagated by American Baptist missionaries in the former Kengtung State of Burma (from 1901 to 1966), in Yunnan (from 1920 to 1949), and in North Thailand (from 1968 to 1990). For this reason, it is often thought that pioneer American Baptist among the Lahu, William Marcus Young (1861–1936), was the first to induct a representative of this people into the Christian faith.In fact this is not the case. The first Lahu Christians lived in North Thailand, baptised by long-time Chiang Mai-based American Presbyterian missionary, Daniel McGilvary. This was in 1891, thirteen years before Young’s first baptism of a Lahu in Kengtung, Burma, in October 1904.The paper addresses three questions. Why were Lahu living in upland North Thailand in the early 1890s? Why did one small Lahu community decide to embrace the Christian religion? Finally, why, in stark contrast to Baptist Christianity in the Lahu Mountains, did this fledgling Lahu Presbyterian community disappear, apparently without trace, sometime after 1920?
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Harris, Paula. "Calling Young People to Missionary Vocations in a “Yahoo” World." Missiology: An International Review 30, no. 1 (January 2002): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182960203000103.
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Despite a possibly fruitful context for missionary recruitment, in the midst of fast-moving cultural change, North American missionary numbers are dropping steadily. The primary factor correlating with the development and implementation of long-term missionary commitments is a previous short-term mission experience. There are many obstacles to missionary recruitment, but high quality short-term mission programs can help young missionaries identify and work through the obstacles to a missionary vocation. The missionary community needs to develop more effective recruitment methods and can helpfully start with young people's cultural expectations as we provide spiritual guidance into missionary vocations.
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Piasecki, Piotr. "The First Evangelization of Indigenous Peoples of New France: The Radical Way to Martyrdom of Jesuit Missionaries." Poznańskie Studia Teologiczne, no. 36 (March 18, 2021): 167–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pst.2020.36.10.
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The French Jesuits played a significant role in the first evangelization of the indigenous peoples of North America in the early 17th century. They focused on the evangelization of the Huron and Iroquois tribes which remained in constant conflict with each other. In their work they cut themselves off from the commercial interests of colonial countries, especially of France. After a dozen or so years, they were already able to convey evangelical values in tribal languages, being firmly immersed in the local culture. Thus, they were precursors of the inculturation of the Gospel. The missionaries were characterized by deep Christological spirituality, founded on contemplation of the cross, and, therefore, able to endure boldly the hardships of evangelization. As the result of the vile strategies of colonial powers stirring up tribal disputes, they faced numerous misfortunes, and, ultimately, many of them suffered martyrdom. Consequently, their missionary effort became a path to personal holiness and an irreplaceable contribution to the strengthening of the newly established Church communities on the American soil.
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Escobar, Samuel. "Mission from the Margins to the Margins: Two Case Studies from Latin America." Missiology: An International Review 26, no. 1 (January 1998): 87–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969802600107.
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The shift of Christianity to the South means that missionary initiative moves to countries and regions that are marginal from the viewpoint of economic development and cultural hegemony. Consequently, there is a search for new models of mission “from the margins” that will be closer to the models of New Testament times and the pre-Constantinian church. This article explores two case studies of Protestant mission that emerged from the margins of North American society at the beginning of this century. The stories of Pentecostal and Seventh-Day Adventist missionaries, who started their work among marginalized sectors in remote areas of Brazil and Perú, provide suggestive examples of methodology and approach.
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Khekali. "The Remaking of Custom in the Naga Hills." History and Sociology of South Asia 12, no. 1 (November 1, 2017): 82–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2230807517733584.
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The British search for the custom within tribes to reproduce their knowledge which could be used for the imperial expansion in the Naga Hills of North East India. Nagas practiced oral tradition, therefore the colonial court judgment was based on how it understood what the litigants testified orally in the court without any prior documented directives. This way customary tradition of the people was interpreted back to the people according to how the court identified and understood what was customary. This strategically established symbolic authority, namely, favouring of ‘custom’ in the dispensation of justice. In addition to the British expansionist mission, there was also a very strong contender in the form of American Baptist Missionaries in the Naga Hills. Village life underwent a huge change as the Missionaries introduced the system of separating the village communities into the ancient ones and the converts khels (colony/block), which further altered the space for the operation of custom. In the process, the significant differences lasted as long as the imperial rule in the Naga Hills as is evident from many cases that read ancients/heathens v Christians lodged in the colonial courts in the Naga Hills.
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Chang, Hyun Kyong Hannah. "A Fugitive Christian Public: Singing, Sentiment, and Socialization in Colonial Korea." Journal of Korean Studies 25, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 291–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07311613-8551992.
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Abstract Well-known songs of colonial Korea such as “Kagop’a” and “Pongsŏnhwa” appear to be secular songs, but their origins lie in the complex intersection of North American Christian missions, Korean cultural life, and Japanese colonial rule. This article explores the historical significance of secular sentimental songs in colonial Korea (1910–45), which originated in mission schools and churches. At these sites North American missionaries and Christian Koreans converged around songwriting, song publishing, and vocal performance. Missionary music editors such as Annie Baird, Louise Becker, and their Korean associates relied on secular sentimental songs to cultivate a new kind of psychological interior associated with a modern subjectivity. An examination of representative vernacular song collections alongside accounts of social connections formed through musical activities gives a glimpse into an intimate space of a new religion in which social relations and subjective interiors were both mediated and represented by songs. The author argues that this space was partly formed by Christianity’s fugitive status in the 1910s under the uncertainty of an emergent colonial rule and traces the genealogy of Korean vernacular modernity to the activities of singing in this space, which she calls a fugitive Christian public.
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Kumar, Arun. "The ‘Untouchable School’: American Missionaries, Hindu Social Reformers and the Educational Dreams of Labouring Dalits in Colonial North India." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 42, no. 5 (September 3, 2019): 823–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2019.1653162.
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Geysbeek, Tim. "From Sasstown to Zaria: Tom Coffee and the Kru Origins of the Soudan Interior Mission, 1893–1895." Studies in World Christianity 24, no. 1 (April 2018): 46–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2018.0204.
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This article 1 underscores the key role that Tom Coffee, an ethnic Kru migrant from Sasstown, Liberia, played in founding the Soudan Interior Mission (SIM). Coffee journeyed with Walter Gowans and Thomas Kent up into what is now northern Nigeria in 1894 to help establish SIM. Gowans and Kent died before they reached their destination, the walled city of Kano. SIM's other co-founder, Rowland Bingham, did not travel with his friends, and thus lived to tell his version of their story. By using materials written in the 1890s and secondary sources published more recently, this work provides new insights into SIM's first trip to Africa. The article begins by giving background information about the Kru and Sasstown and the impact that the Methodist Episcopal Church had on some of the people who lived in Sasstown after it established a mission there in 1889. Coffee's likely connection with the Methodist Church would have helped him understand the goal and strategy of his missionary employers. The article then discusses the journey Coffee and the two SIM missionaries took up into the hinterland. The fortitude that Coffee showed as he travelled into the interior reflects the ethos of his heritage and town of origin. Coffee represents just one of millions of indigenous peoples – the vast number whose stories are now not known – who worked alongside expatriate missionaries to establish Christianity around the world. It is fitting, during SIM's quasquicentennial, to tell this story about this African who helped the three North American missionaries establish SIM.
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Lightfoot, Kent G., Lee M. Panich, Tsim D. Schneider, Sara L. Gonzalez, Matthew A. Russell, Darren Modzelewski, Theresa Molino, and Elliot H. Blair. "The Study of Indigenous Political Economies and Colonialism in Native California: Implications for Contemporary Tribal Groups and Federal Recognition." American Antiquity 78, no. 1 (January 2013): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.78.1.89.
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AbstractThis article advocates for a comparative approach to archaeological studies of colonialism that considers how Native American societies with divergent political economies may have influenced various kinds of processes and outcomes in their encounters with European colonists. Three dimensions of indigenous political economies (polity size, polity structure, and landscape management practices) are identified as critical variables in colonial research. The importance of considering these dimensions is exemplified in a case study from California, which shows how small-sized polities, weak to moderate political hierarchies, and regionally oriented pyrodiversity economies played significant roles in the kinds of colonial relationships that unfolded. The case study illustrates how the colonial experiences of Native Californians differed from those of other tribal groups that confronted similar kinds of colonial programs involving Franciscan missionaries elsewhere in North America. The article stresses that the archaeology of colonialism is not simply an arcane academic exercise but, rather, has real-life relevancy for people who remain haunted by the legacies of colonialism, such as those petitioning for federal recognition in California.
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Kim, Jane O., Jenny Pak, and Stacy Eltiti. "Cultural Differences in Family Affection and Coping Abilities for Missionary Kids." Journal of Psychology and Theology 45, no. 2 (June 2017): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164711704500201.
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While the current literature has indicated parental affection as a potential buffer to common stressors missionary kids experience, the majority of the literature is based on European American samples. However, the number of non-Western missionaries is rapidly increasing, and both ethnicity and cultural identification are thought to influence emotional development for missionary kids. In the current study, 77 Caucasian and 41 Asian missionary kids between the ages of 18–25 completed measures assessing perceived parental affection and coping abilities. Fifty-one individuals identified most with Asian culture and 51 individuals identified most with European or North American cultures. Although no significant differences were found between Caucasian and Asian samples, there were significant differences found between those who identified with non-Western and Western cultures on their measures of parental affection and coping. Those who identified with Asian cultures demonstrated greater coping abilities when they scored higher in affective orientation, perceived greater family communication, verbal affection from their mother, and greater affectionate communication from their father. These results were not seen in missionary kids who identified with Western cultures.
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Abel, Kerry. "Prophets, Priests and Preachers: Dene Shamans and Christian Missions in the Nineteenth Century." Historical Papers 21, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 211–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030954ar.
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Abstract Throughout the nineteenth century, European and Canadian observers recorded instances of “prophets” arising among the Dene in the northwest. These men and women reported having travelled to the land of the spirits or to heaven, where they learned new rules for human behaviour which would bring about a change of circumstances for the better. Missionaries of the Church Missionary Society and particularly the Oblates of Mary Immaculate were concerned about these events and interpreted them in a variety of ways. Anthropologists and historians have considered similar postcontact events in North American Indian societies as “revitalization movements” and “crisis cults.” These concepts are examined and found somewhat misleading when applied to the Dene prophets. Instead, the activities of these prophets are interpreted as manifestations of traditional cultural responses to the various pressures of life in a harsh northern environment.
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Wakeman, Carolyn. "Beyond Gentility: The Mission of Women Educators at Yenching." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 14, no. 1-2 (2007): 143–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656107793645113.
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AbstractAmerican missionaries in the early years of the twentieth century viewed China’s women as a vast resource for conversion and for leadership.“The only college for women in the northern half of China,”proclaims the brochure North China Union Women’s College in 1919.“The only chance of 200,000,000 people to secure a higher education for their daughters; the only institution to which an ancient but newly awakening people can look for highly trained leadership for its womanhood just now in the throes of confusion because of the passing of the old and the imperfect understanding of the new.” Such inspirational rhetoric, reiterated in pamphlets and circular letters intended to open the minds and purses of donors in the United States, hardly hints at the problems faced, during the May Fourth movement and its aftermath, by two dedicated American administrators who struggled to establish, expand, and maintain higher education for China’s women.
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Hinkelmann, Frank. "The Evangelical Movement in Austria from 1945 to the Present." Kairos 14, no. 1 (April 30, 2020): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.32862/k.14.1.6.
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This essay examines the development of the Evangelical Movement in Austria from 1945 to the present. The history of the Evangelical Movement can be divided into four phases: The beginnings (1945-1961), which can be characterized above all by missionary work among ethnic German refugees of the World War II, a second phase from 1961-1981, which can be described as an internationalization of the Evangelical Movement especially through the work of North American missionaries. During this time new ways of evangelism were sought and also church planting projects were started. A third phase is characterized by a growing confessionalization and institutionalization of the Evangelical Movement. While free church congregation were increasingly taking on denominational contours, the evangelical movement as a whole began to increasingly establish its own institutions. The last phase since 1998 is characterized by the Evangelical Movement breaking out of isolation towards social and political acceptance.
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Graburn, Nelson. "Inuksuk: Icon of the Inuit of Nunavut." Études/Inuit/Studies 28, no. 1 (March 24, 2006): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/012640ar.
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Abstract The Inuit of the Canadian Arctic have long been known to the outside world through the accounts of explorers, whalers, traders, and missionaries. Famous for their igloos, dog sleds, kayaks and skin clothing, they became the quintessential hardy people of the American Arctic as portrayed in the film “Nanook of the North.” Now that they have emerged with their own agency in the world, their iconic distinctiveness is threatened by their near disuse of these traditional markers. In the past few years, the Inuit have combined their visibility to outsiders with their pride in heritage to select and foreground a few items, such as the inuksuk, the qulliq and the amautik, which have gone from the ordinary to the extraordinary. This paper explores the emergence of the inuksuk as an icon both for and of the Inuit in Canada, and considers its development, reintegration, commercialization and diaspora.
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Lenz, Darin D. "Faith in the Hearing: Gospel Recordings and the World Mission of Joy Ridderhof (1903–84)." Studies in Church History 53 (May 26, 2017): 420–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2016.25.
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In the mid-1930s Joy Ridderhof, a Quaker missionary, returned from her missionary work in Honduras a physically broken woman. In the process of recovering from malaria and the other illnesses that had not allowed her to remain on the mission field she began a new project that would transform how the gospel message was disseminated around the world. Ridderhof imagined the possibilities associated with proclaiming the message of Jesus through the use of phonograph records for Spanish listeners. The benefit of making sound recordings was quickly recognized by missionaries who were trying to reach largely illiterate and, in some cases, pre-literate populations. Ridderhof was soon asked to expand from her initial foray into Spanish language records to make recordings in other North American indigenous languages and, eventually, languages from around the world. This article analyses how Ridderhof managed this endeavour while embracing new media technologies to bring the sound of the gospel to the people of the world in their native tongue.
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Freedman, Katherine. "Sustaining Faith." Journal of Global Slavery 3, no. 3 (August 8, 2018): 211–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00303002.
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Abstract This article uses the case study of the small Quaker community on seventeenth-century Antigua, as well as sources from Quakers on Barbados and from Quaker missionaries travelling throughout Britain’s Atlantic empire, to question the role of Quakers as anti-slavery pioneers. Quaker founder George Fox used a paternalistic formulation of hierarchy to contend that enslavement of other human beings was compatible with Quakerism, so long as it was done in a nurturing way—an argument that was especially compelling given the sect’s desperate need in the seventeenth century to establish itself economically or risk its destruction by the post-Restoration British State. By exploring the crucial economic role that the slave-based economies of the West Indies played in establishing the Quakers as a powerful sect in the eighteenth-century North American colonies, this article demonstrates that it was impossible for Quakers to follow through in establishing a nurturing form of slavery, particularly within the brutal context of the West Indian sugar colonies.
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Park, Myung Soo. "Challenged Identities: North American Missionaries in Korea, 1884–1934. By Underwood Elizabeth. Seoul: Royal Asiatic Society Korea Branch, 2003. 328 pp. $32.00 cloth." Church History 75, no. 2 (June 2006): 470–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700111710.
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Yoo, David K. "Elizabeth Underwood, . Challenged Identities: North American Missionaries in Korea, 1884–1934. Seoul: Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, 2003. viii+327 pp. $30.00 (cloth)." Journal of Religion 86, no. 2 (April 2006): 305–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/504750.
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Lee, Timothy S. "Challenged Identities: North American Missionaries in Korea, 1884–1934. By Elizabeth Underwood. Seoul: Royal Asiatic Society–Korea Branch, 2003. viii, 328 pp. ₩ 33,000/$29.95 (paper)." Journal of Asian Studies 64, no. 4 (November 2005): 1047–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911805002706.
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Nesbitt, Eleanor. "‘Woman Seems to Be Given Her Proper Place’: Western Women’s Encounter with Sikh Women 1809–2012." Religions 10, no. 9 (September 18, 2019): 534. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10090534.
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Over a period of two centuries, western women—travellers, army wives, administrators’ wives, missionaries, teachers, artists and novelists—have been portraying their Sikh counterparts. Commentary by over eighty European and north American ‘lay’ women on Sikh religion and society complements—and in most cases predates—publications on Sikhs by twentieth and twenty-first century academics, but this literature has not been discussed in the field of Sikh studies. This article looks at the women’s ‘wide spectrum of gazes’ encompassing Sikh women’s appearance, their status and, in a few cases, their character, and including their reactions to the ‘social evils’ of suttee and female infanticide. Key questions are, firstly, whether race outweighs gender in the western women’s account of their Sikh counterparts and, secondly, whether 1947 is a pivotal date in their changing attitudes. The women’s words illustrate their curious gaze as well as their varying judgements on the status of Sikh women and some women’s exercise of sympathetic imagination. They characterise Sikh women as, variously, helpless, deferential, courageous, resourceful and adaptive, as well as (in one case) ‘ambitious’ and ‘unprincipled’. Their commentary entails both implicit and explicit comparisons. In their range of social relationships with Sikh women, it appears that social class, Christian commitment, political stance and national origin tend to outweigh gender. At the same time, however, it is women’s gender that allows access to Sikh women and makes befriending—and ultimately friendship—possible.
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Trisco, Robert. "In the Light of the Word: Divine Word Missionaries of North America. By Brandewie Ernest. American Society of Missiology Series 29. Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 2000. xviii + 408 pp $40.00 paper." Church History 74, no. 1 (March 2005): 188–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700110005.
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King, David P. "Ruble, Sara E. The Gospel of Freedom and Power: Protestant Missionaries in American Culture after World War II. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2012. xiv+218 pp. $37.50 (cloth)." Journal of Religion 94, no. 4 (October 2014): 563–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/679214.
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Mahanta, Shakuntala. "Assamese." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 42, no. 2 (August 2012): 217–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100312000096.
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The variety described here is representative of colloquial Assamese spoken in the eastern districts of Assam. Assam is a North-Eastern state of India, therefore Assamese and creoles of Assamese like Nagamese are spoken in the different North-Eastern states of Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, and also the neighbouring country of Bhutan. Approximately 15 million people speak Assamese in India (seeEthnologue, Gordon 2005, which lists 15,374,000 speakers including those in Bhutan and Bangladesh). In the pre-British era (until 1826), the kingdom of Assam was ruled by Ahom kings and the then capital was based in the Eastern district of Sibsagar and later in Jorhat. American missionaries established the first printing press in Sibsagar and in the year 1846 published a monthly periodicalArunodoiusing the variety spoken in and around Sibsagar as the point of departure. This is the immediate reason which led to the acceptance of the formal variety spoken in eastern Assam (which roughly comprises of all the districts of Upper Assam). Having said that, the language spoken in these regions of Assam also show a certain degree of variation from the written form of the ‘standard’ language. As against the relative homogeneity of the variety spoken in eastern Assam, variation is considerable in certain other districts which would constitute the western part of Assam, comprising of the district of Kamrup up to Goalpara and Dhubri (see also Kakati 1962 and Grierson 1968). In contemporary Assam, for the purposes of mass media and communication, a certain neutral blend of eastern Assamese, without too many distinctive eastern features, like /ɹ/ deletion, which is a robust phenomenon in the eastern varieties, is still considered to be the norm. The lexis of Assamese is mainly Indo-Aryan, but it also has a sizeable amount of lexical items related to Bodo among other Tibeto-Burman languages (Kakati 1962), and there are a substantial number of items borrowed from Hindi, English and Bengali in recent times.
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Depaulis, Thierry. "Ancient American Board Games, I: From Teotihuacan to the Great Plains." Board Game Studies Journal 12, no. 1 (October 1, 2018): 29–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bgs-2018-0002.
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Abstract Besides the ubiquitous patolli—a race game played on a cruciform gameboard—the Aztecs had obviously a few other board games. Unfortunately their names have not been recorded. We owe to Diego Durán, writing in the last quarter of the 16th century from local sources, some hints of what appears to be a “war game” and a second, different race game that he calls ‘fortuna’. A close examination of some Precolumbian codices shows a rectangular design with a chequered border, together with beans and gamepieces, which has correctly been interpreted as a board game. Many similar diagrams can be seen carved on stone in temples and public places, from Teotihuacan (c. 4th-7th century AD) to late Toltec times (9th-12th century AD). Of this game too we do not know the name. It has tentatively been called quauhpatolli (“eagle- or wooden-patolli”) by Christian Duverger (1978)—although this seems to have been the classic post-conquest Nahuatl name for the game of chess—or “proto-patolli”, and more concretely “rectángulo de cintas” (rectangle of bands) by William Swezey and Bente Bittman (1983). The lack of any representation of this game in all Postcolumbian codices, as painted by Aztec artists commissioned by Spanish scholars interested in the Aztec culture, is clear indication that the game had disappeared before the Spanish conquest, at least in central Mexico. No Aztec site shows any such gameboard. Fortunately this game had survived until the 20th (and 21st!) century but located in the Tarascan country, now the state of Michoacán. It was discovered, unchanged, in a Tarascan (Purepecha) village by Ralph L. Beals and Pedro Carrasco, who published their find in 1944. At that time Beals and Carrasco had no idea the game was attested in early codices and Teotihuacan to Maya and Toltec archaeological sites. In Purepecha the game is called k’uillichi. There is evidence of an evolution that led to a simplification of the game: less tracks, less gamesmen (in fact only one per player, while k’uillichi has four), and less ‘dice’. From a “complex” race game, the new debased version turned to be a simple single-track race game with no strategy at all. It is possible that this process took place in Michoacán. (A few examples of the simplified game were found in some Tarascan villages.) Also it seems the widespread use of the Nahua language, which the Spanish promoted, led to calling the game, and/or its dice, patol. As it was, patol proved to be very appealing and became very popular in the Mexican West, finally reaching the Noroeste, that is, the present North-West of Mexico and Southwest of the United States. This seems to have been a recent trend, since its progress was observed with much detail by missionaries living in close contact with the Indians along what was called the ‘Camino Real’, the long highway that led from western Mexico to what is now New Mexico in the U.S. The Spanish themselves seem to have helped the game in its diffusion, unaware of its presence. It is clearly with the Spaniards that the patol game, sometimes also called quince (fifteen), reached the American Southwest and settled in the Pueblo and the Zuñi countries. It is there that some newcomers, coming from the North or from the Great Plains, and getting in contact with the Pueblos in the 18th century, found the game and took it over. The Kiowas and Kiowa Apaches are noted for their zohn ahl (or tsoñä) game, while the Arapahos call it ne’bäku’thana. A careful examination of zohn ahl shows that it has kept the basic features of an ancient game that came—in Spanish times—from Mexico and may have been popular in Teotihuacan times. Its spread northward—through the Tarascan country—is, hopefully, well documented.