Relevant bibliographies by topics / North Atlantic Treaty Organization. European Union. National security European Union countries

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'North Atlantic Treaty Organization. European Union. National security European Union countries'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 16 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "North Atlantic Treaty Organization. European Union. National security European Union countries"

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Becker, Jordan. "Rusty guns and buttery soldiers: unemployment and the domestic origins of defense spending." European Political Science Review 13, no. 3 (March 30, 2021): 307–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773921000102.

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AbstractScholars and practitioners continue to debate transatlantic burden sharing, which has implications for broader questions of collective action and international organizations. Little research, however, has analyzed domestic and institutional drivers of burden-sharing behavior; even less has disaggregated defense spending to measure burden sharing more precisely. This paper enhances understanding of the relationship between national political economies and burden shifting, operationalizing burden shifting as the extent to which a country limits or decreases defense expenditures, while at the same time favoring personnel over equipment modernization and readiness in the composition of defense budgets. Why do countries choose to allocate defense resources to personnel, rather than equipment modernization? I find that governments slightly decrease top-line defense spending in response to unemployment while shifting much more substantial amounts within defense budgets from equipment expenditures into personnel. This research highlights the intimate connection between Europe’s economic fortunes, transatlantic security, and burden sharing in North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union – of particular interest as a pandemic buffets the transatlantic economy. It also points policy analysts toward factors more amenable to political decisions than the structural variables generally associated with burden sharing, bridging significant gaps between defense economics, security studies, and comparative political economy.
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Wouters, Jan, and Frederik Naert. "How Effective is the European Security Architecture? Lessons from Bosnia and Kosovo." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 50, no. 3 (July 2001): 540–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/50.3.540.

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Security (in a broad sense, see infra, II.B) in Europe is the realm of several regional international organisations, mainly the European Union (“EU”), Western European Union (“WEU”), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (“NATO”), the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (“OSCE”) and, to a lesser extent, the Council of Europe, creating a patchwork of regional security institutions that is unique in the world. These organisations interact in many ways and claim to be mutually reinforcing. Is that the case? Is there room for improvement?
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Alunaza, Hardi, and Bastian Andhony Toy. "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PERMANENT STRUCTURED COOPERATION (PESCO) BY THE EUROPEAN UNION TO INCREASE INTEGRATION AND INDEPENDENCE EUROPEAN REGIONAL MILITARY COOPERATION." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 2 (July 27, 2021): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v5i2.193.

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This paper aims to discuss the efforts of the European Union in enhancing integration and defense-security cooperation through the establishment of Permanent Structured Cooperation. This paper seeks to answer how the formation of PESCO can increase the integration and independence of military cooperation between EU member states. Whereas before there has been a North Atlantic Treaty Organization as a security pillar that has long been recognized in the European region. The author uses the theory of regional security complex and the concept of collective security in analyzing related phenomena. This research uses descriptive method with qualitative approach. The data collection technique is literature study consisting of books, journals, and including data from reliable websites to support the explanation of this paper. The results of this research indicate the establishment of PESCO as a form of implementation of Article 42 paragraph 6 of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009 concerning the efforts of member countries in establishing defense-security cooperation within the European Union framework. The establishment of the PESCO was also based on doubts by the European Union on the role of the US in NATO, but PESCO did not directly replace NATO but rather as a complement to autonomous and effective crisis resolution.
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Garcia, Denise. "Shifting International Security Norms." Ethics & International Affairs 31, no. 2 (2017): 235–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679417000090.

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The world is going through a crisis of the international liberal order, exemplified by a host of recent shocks: the invasion and annexation of Crimea by Russia; the transnational dimensions of conflicts such as in Syria; the United Kingdom's decision to exit the European Union; the attempted coup d’état in Turkey and its reversal toward autocracy; and the election and rise of non-universalist and illiberal governments as well as politicians who operate under the populist rubric in countries that are viewed as beacons of democracy and stability. These shocks have catalyzed two outcomes. First, the prevailing global norms that serve as the custodians of peace and security have been the subject of revived debate. Second, and relatedly, these shocks have prompted deep reflection on the role of institutions such as the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), as well as the roles of the supposedly democratic members within those institutions.
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Voloshyn, Yuriy, and Vladimir Proschayev. "Intelligence bodies of the state in the mechanism of ensuring the constitutional rights and freedoms of man and citizen: international standards and legislation." Slovo of the National School of Judges of Ukraine, no. 3(32) (December 18, 2020): 6–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37566/2707-6849-2020-3(32)-1.

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The place and role of state intelligence bodies in the mechanism of ensuring constitutional rights and freedoms of man and citizen according to international standards and in the light of the newly adopted Laws of Ukraine «On the Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine» and «On Intelligence» are studied. It is proved that in Ukraine, as in other post-Soviet states that did not have intelligence legislation, but began to create it after the declaration of independence, the process of constitutional and legal regulation of intelligence agencies consisted of four stages (transitional, initial, basic and modern). Describing each stage, the authors stressed that the Ukrainian legislator is now in the fourth stage, which is characterized by the improvement of already adopted legislation on intelligence activities or the adoption of completely new laws based on new versions or amendments to constitutions (basic laws). It is emphasized that Ukraine has been one of the first states in the territory of the former USSR to adopt the fourth (modern) stage since the adoption of new legislative acts on the activities of intelligence agencies. Undoubtedly, the impetus for this was the amendment of the Constitution of Ukraine on the strategic course of the state to become a full member of Ukraine in the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, which radically changed the direction and direction of intelligence use of available forces and means. It is noted that the newly adopted legislation was developed not out of thin air, but based on a set of already adopted regulations that fully reflect the complex threatening situation around Ukraine and clearly indicate the place of intelligence agencies in a single system of national security. It was necessary to summarize all the adopted preliminary normative material and summarize it in new legislative acts, which would in a new way regulate all issues of intelligence functioning in modern difficult conditions. The main positive points in the newly adopted laws are identified, namely: 1) granting categories that were previously used only in the theory of intelligence, the status of legal categories, which indicates the beginning of the process of forming a completely new set of special legal terms; 2) inclusion in the text of a separate article on the observance of human rights and freedoms in the conduct of intelligence activities; 3) inclusion in the Law of Ukraine «On Intelligence» of a separate section on the peculiarities of democratic civilian control over intelligence; 4) granting the right to intelligence agencies to conduct intelligence affairs. It is proposed to consider in the Ukrainian legislation some legal provisions of the legislation of European countries regarding parliamentary control, which, according to the authors, will significantly increase the effectiveness of control. It is substantiated that the Law of Ukraine «On Intelligence» should contain: - a list of principles of intelligence activities must be defined; - the obligation of the authorized judge of the court to draw up a decision on the refusal to grant permission to conduct an intelligence event is more correctly formulated; - the right of intelligence agencies to provide training, retraining and advanced training of persons involved in confidential cooperation, in the manner prescribed by law for intelligence officers, is more clearly defined. It is concluded that the newly adopted laws provide comprehensive guarantees of compliance with the provisions of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of 1950 and fully reflect the needs of intelligence agencies in the legal regulation of their activities in modern conditions.
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Gajic, Dejan. "Development of armed forces in the European Union." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 3-4 (2003): 339–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0304339g.

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After the end of World War II leaders of the West European countries had realised the necessity to create new security frameworks, thus making the security of the continent the concern of the Europeans themselves. However, immediately after it had been formed the North Atlantic Alliance, as a trans-Atlantic defence shield against the danger from the "communist East", became the central security component in Europe. Just after the end of the Cold War and disappearance of the "danger from the East" the European leaders initiated the process of creation of the new European defence system. The system would be designed in such a way not to jeopardise the position of the NATO, improving at the same time the security and stability in the continent. In the first part of the article the author considers the course of European integration in the second half of the last century that proceeded through creation of institutions preceding the establishment of the European Union. During the period of creation of this specific form of action performed by the European states at the internal and international levels, the deficiency of integration in the military field was notable. In that regard, the author stresses the role of the Western European Union as an alliance for collective defence of West European countries. The second part of the paper discusses the shaping of the EU security component through the provisions on the Common Foreign and Security Policy, which are included in the EU agreements. The Maastricht Treaty defined the Common Foreign and Security Policy as an instrument to reach agreement by member states in the defence field. The Amsterdam Treaty confirmed the role of this mechanism expanding the authorities resulting from it. The Treaty of Nice supplements the existing mechanism by a new military and political structure that should help implement the decisions made by the European Union institutions in the military field. In the third part of the article, the author presents the facts concerning the establishment and internal organisation of the Eurocorps. The creation of this military formation took place in early 1990s and was initiated by the two states of "the old Europe" - Germany and France. The authors also emphasises that the establishment of this formation is the first step towards creation of the armed forces in Europe. The fourth part of the paper treats the Rapid Reaction Force that was established by the Helsinki Agreement (1999). It became operative in early 2003 and its basic aim is to prevent the outbreak of crises in the region and to improve stability in Europe. In spite of the opinions that the establishment of such a force is the skeleton for creation of the European armed forces, the author thinks that, at least in the near future, they will not be a rival to the NATO. In his opinion, their possible military missions will be carried out only when the alliance takes no interest in being engaged in them.
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Maryniv, Ivanna. "The European Union security policy." Law and innovations, no. 1 (29) (March 31, 2020): 80–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2020-1(29)-13.

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Problem setting. In spite of the presence of numerous conventions, treaties and organizations in the world today, the issue of security is still a very acute issue for the world community. There are many reasons for this: the presence of nuclear powers, serious disputes between countries that are justly considered world leaders, the existence of numerous local conflicts and wars of a more global nature across the globe. These and other factors are pushing states around the world to allocate budget funds to ensure effective security policies. Given today’s realities, one can trace the tendency of several countries to pool their own efforts and resources to pursue a common security policy. The European Union is one of the clearest examples of this behavior. This intergovernmental organization is committed to maintaining peace, diplomacy, trade and development around the world. The EU also promotes cooperation with neighboring countries through the European Neighborhood Policy. Target research. The aim of the research is to study the role of the European Union’s institutional mechanism in the exercise of its powers to ensure the defense and foreign policy cooperation of the Member States. Analysis of recent research and publication. Many domestic and foreign scholars, including B. Tonro, T. Christiansen, S. Morsch, G. Mackenstein, and others. The institutional basis of foreign and security policy is analyzed in detail by J. Peterson, questions related to the European Union’s security policy. M. Shackleton. K. Gill, M. Smith and others study the general features of the development of a common EU security policy. Some contribution to the study of various problems related to European and Euro-Atlantic integration has been made by such national scientists as V. Govorukh, I. Gritsyak, G. Nemyrya, L. Prokopenko, O. Rudik, V. Streltsov, O. Tragniuk, I. Shumlyaeva, I. Yakovyuk and others. Article’s main body. The article examines the emergence and development of the European Union’s security policy from the date of the Brussels Covenant to the present. Particular attention is paid to the role of the European Union’s institutional mechanism in the exercise of its powers to ensure the defense and foreign policy cooperation of the Member States. A study of the officially adopted five-year global foreign and security policy of the EU is being done to improve stability in Europe and beyond, analyzing EU conflict resolution and crisis management activities. Conclusions and prospect of development. In view of the above, it can be concluded that the EU’s foreign and security policy institutional framework is an extensive system in which all the constituencies are endowed with a certain range of general and specific powers and are called upon to cooperate with one another to achieve a common goal. It cannot be said that such close cooperation puts pressure on Member States. Yes, a Member State has the right to refrain from voting for any decision that requires unanimity and such abstention will not prevent the above decision being taken. In this case, the mechanism of so-called “constructive retention” is triggered: the abstaining country is not obliged to comply with the decision, however, accepts the fact that it is binding on other Member States and takes this into account when concluding treaties, which should not contradict the said decision.
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Kamiński, Wiesław. "DIRECTIONS AND CAUSES OF CHANGES IN THE COMMAND SYSTEM AND ORGANIZATION OF THE ARMED FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND." Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka - Refleksje 31, no. 31 (September 28, 2018): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8597.

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The article presents the directions and causes of changes in the command system and organization of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland. It presents issues related to the changes that took place in the Polish Armed Forces after 1989 resulting from changes in the international security environment and resulting from Polish accession to the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
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Deighton, Anne. "The Last Piece of the Jigsaw: Britain and the Creation of the Western European Union, 1954." Contemporary European History 7, no. 2 (July 1998): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004860.

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By 1955, the formation of a Cold War bloc in Western Europe was complete. The Western European Union (WEU), a redesigned Brussels Treaty Organisation (BTO) within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), with West Germany and Italy as members, was created. The 1954 Paris Agreements that established WEU also enabled West Germany to become a virtually sovereign actor, and a member of NATO. The Agreements were effected on the rubble of an acrimonious four-year international debate over a proposed European Defence Community (EDC). This would have created a European army for France, the Benelux countries, Italy and West Germany on the model of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), and a parallel political community for the Six.
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MAHNIČ, MARKO. "EU-NATO COOPERATION AND THE SLOVENIAN PRESIDENCY OF THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." EU IN NATO: VARNOSTNA RAZMERJA/EU AND NATO: SECURITY RELATIONS, VOLUME 2021/ISSUE 23/2 (June 15, 2021): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.23.2.1.

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Povzetek Namen članka je spodbuditi razmislek o tem, ali so ovire za skladno delovanje Evropske unije in Organizacije severnoatlantske pogodbe na področju skupne varnosti in obrambe le tehnične narave ali gre za razlike na nekaterih drugih ravneh v politiki, dvostranskih odnosih in nacionalnih ambicijah nekaterih držav, ki so članice ene ali druge organizacije. V obeh primerih se postavlja vprašanje, ali lahko Slovenija kot država, ki 1. julija 2021 prevzame predsedovanje Svetu Evropske unije, v šestih mesecih predsedovanja prispeva k premostitvi kakšne izmed teh ovir. Ključne besede EU, Nato, Slovenija, predsedovanje Svetu EU. Abstract The aim of this article is to entice the reader to consider whether the obstacles in the way of cohesion between the European Union’s common security and defence efforts and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation Organization are truly of a technical nature, or whether there are differences on other levels, in the politics, bilateral relations and national ambitions of certain members of the same organization? Whatever the case may be, the question before us is whether Slovenia can contribute to surmounting any of these obstacles during its six-month presidency of the Council of the European Union, starting on 1st July. Key words EU, NATO, Slovenia, Presidency of the Council of the EU.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "North Atlantic Treaty Organization. European Union. National security European Union countries"

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Nowak, Rafal Artur. "Developing the modalities of cooperation between NATO and the European Union." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FNowak.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): David S. Yost, Hans-Eberhard Peters. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-85). Also available online.
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Kramer, Bryan K. "NATO and forward defense : an analysis of expeditionary capabilities and out-of-area-security /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FKramer.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Hans-Eberhard Peters, Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 107-119). Also available online.
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Branin, John A. "The advent of the NATO response force and its potential effect on the United States Air Force." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sept%5FBranin.pdf.

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Schmidt-Nechl, Oliver. "Baltic security, NATO enlargement and defense reform : the challenges of overcommitments and overlaps /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FSchmidt-Nechl.pdf.

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Shepherd, Alistair J. K. "The European Security and Defence Policy : slow march to a military capability for the European Union." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252136.

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The European Union has declared that its ESDP has an initial operational capability.  It has put new institutional structures in place to manage the political aspects of security and defence policy and the member states have pledged a range of military capabilities, which the EU may call upon to undertake a range of crisis management operations - the Petersberg tasks.  However, there are a number of significant challenges that need to be overcome for the ESDP to become a fully operational and credible policy.  These challenges are institutional, political, financial and military.  However, the critical aspect, yet to be significantly enhanced, for a fully operational ESDP is actual military capability. Without investing in a number of critical military capabilities, ESDP risks falling short of the expectations set out at Cologne, Helsinki and beyond. The thesis moves beyond simply describing these shortfalls towards making an assessment of the progress made in the four years since ESDP was launched.  This progress is measured at the national level, by examining the defence policies and military capabilities of a range of six EU states to assess their value to ESDP, and at the EU level by detailing the combined progress towards reaching a fully operational ESDP.  Signs of convergence within these defence policies are required if a ‘common; EU policy is to be realised.  There also needs to be development of a strategic concept, a requirement for an effective ESDP that is not yet acknowledged by the states.  The influence of the US is also critical.  While, the US supports improved military capabilities, it does so without acknowledging a parallel increase in decision-making and responsibility for the EU in international security. There needs to be clearer and more effective leadership in ESDP to overcome these challenges, particularly the military ones.  If the EU does not make sacrifices and provide the resources required for ESDP, it will have created a policy without substance and its credibility as an international actor will be severely damaged.
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Falecki, Tomasz. "Poland and the European Union's security and defense Policy /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FFalecki.pdf.

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Pichler, Lothar. "Comparison of the French and German approaches to ESDP and NATO." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FPichler.pdf.

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Mema, Adriatik. "Democratization in Albania the OSCE, NATO and the European Union /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FMema.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Yost, David S. ; Abenheim, Donald. "June 2010." Description based on title screeen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Democratization, international organizations, domestic politics, conditionality, membership criteria, accession. Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-108). Also available in print.
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Lewis, Marion J. "Security sector reform and the Serbia conundrum are SSR efforts bringing Serbia closer to European Union and North Atlantic Treaty Organization Integration?" Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/9988.

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The NATO intervention in the wars in the former Yugoslavia from 1991 to 1999 illustrated the importance of South Eastern Europe to Atlantic security. In 2005, certain of the southern Slav nations have gained NATO and EU membership, as in the case of Slovenia, or have drawn ever closer to qualifying for membership, as in the case of Croatia and Bulgaria. However, Serbia and Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina have proved more difficult to draw into the European fold due to the lingering effects of the wars in Bosnia and Kosovo. This thesis explores Serbia's ongoing attempts to integrate into EU and NATO structures. It begins with the background of the situation in Serbia of 2005 with a focus on the historical leadership, management, and missions of the security sector. It then examines the development and objectives of the security sector reform agenda and the challenges facing its practitioners. Additionally, this thesis analyses the impact of the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, Kosovo final status disposition, and the chaotic domestic political situation on Serbian reform efforts. This thesis argues that, as a result of political and social circumstances unique to Serbia as well as the institutional shortcomings of the West as concerns comprehensive democratic reform of power and arms, the ongoing SSR efforts in Serbia will take several years to come to fruition.
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Siminiuc, Mona. "Security and economic dimensions of the transatlantic partnership." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FSiminiuc.pdf.

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Books on the topic "North Atlantic Treaty Organization. European Union. National security European Union countries"

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on International Relations. Subcommittee on Europe. Renewing the transatlantic partnership: A view from the United States : hearing before the Subcommittee on Europe of the Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives, One Hundred Eighth Congress, first session, June 11, 2003. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2003.

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Landesverteidigung, Austria Bundesministerium für, and Landesverteidigungsakademie (Austria), eds. Das europäische Sicherheits- und Verteidigungssystem und seine Akteure. 6th ed. Wien: Republik Österreich, Bundesminister für Landesverteidigung und Sport, 2011.

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Rethinking security. Rīga: Zinātne, 2010.

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Brown, Michael E. European security: The defining debates. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1998.

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Georgantzis, Konstantinos. Die WEU als sicherheitspolitische Säule der EU und als europäischer Pfeiler der NATO. München: Universität der Bundeswehr München, 1998.

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Polska w euroatlantyckiej strefie bezpieczeństwa. Warszawa: Wojskowa Akademia Techniczna, 2014.

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Bronstone, Adam. European security into the 21st century: Beyond traditional theories of international relations. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000.

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Gnesotto, Nicole. L' Union et l'Alliance: Les dilemmes de la défense européenne. Paris: Institut français des relations internationales, 1997.

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Germany and European order: Enlarging NATO and the EU. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2000.

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Cameron, Fraser. The foreign and security policy of the European Union: Past, present and future. Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "North Atlantic Treaty Organization. European Union. National security European Union countries"

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Eleni, Methymaki, and Ozcelik Asli. "Part IV Power Politics, International Law, and Global Security, Ch.47 Europe." In The Oxford Handbook of the International Law of Global Security. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198827276.003.0048.

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This chapter discusses the role of Europe as an actor of global (in)security. The place of Europe in the global security landscape is often analysed with a focus on the European Union or the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, or both. But European States’ security approaches are not subsumed under the policies and politics of these organizations. The chapter looks at the National Security Strategies (NSSs) of nineteen European States to identify the security approaches of European States’ from their national perspectives, inquiring at the same time whether an embryonic ‘European’ security perspective emerges from them. To evaluate whether this is borne out in practice, the chapter then considers two spheres of securitization which, as evident from the NSSs, are perceived as essential to the maintenance of Europe itself: security at its borders and in its wider neighbourhood.
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Morgan, Michael Cotey. "Trust and Transparency at the CSCE, 1969–1975." In Trust, but Verify. Stanford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9780804798099.003.0006.

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This chapter examines the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) from 1969 to 1975. It contends that trust was both a tool and objective of the conference, detailing how, even in the absence of trust, a major international agreement was concluded with the Helsinki Final Act of 1975, the outcome of the CSCE talks. In a clear attempt to advance their respective interests, Warsaw Pact member states focused on state sovereignty and the immutability of post-World War II European borders as a cornerstone of their definition of international security, whereas North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member states emphasized transparency, freer movement, and human rights, as well as confidence-building measures. As this chapter argues, the “tangled lines of trust and distrust” at the CSCE among the United States, the Western European countries, the neutral states, and the Soviet Union were incredibly complex, but they eventually secured the conference's success.
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Smith, Tony. "Wilsonianism: The Construction of an American Vernacular." In Why Wilson Matters, 147–81. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691183480.003.0006.

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This chapter looks at the achievements of Wilsonianism. The Bretton Woods system that integrated the world's market economies; the occupations of Japan and Germany that democratized them; the Marshall Plan that proved basic to the economic foundation of what is now called the European Union (EU); the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) that established the world's longest-lasting voluntary system of collective security—here were the greatest initiatives in the realization of the Wilsonian vision, indeed the greatest moments in the entire history of American foreign policy. All of these initiatives had their roots in a liberal international conviction, and became, thanks to Wilson, a part of the vernacular of American power. At its roots was the conviction that the spread of democracy could change the character of world politics in the direction of a lasting peace. It was thus America's mission to assume the role of leading history in a progressive direction.
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Toal, Gerard. "Geopolitics Thick and Thin." In Near Abroad. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190253301.003.0014.

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On November 24, 2015, a Turkish F-16 fighter jet shot down a Russian Sukhoi Su-24M aircraft on the Syria-Turkey border. For seventeen seconds the Russian aircraft crossed the southern tip of a salient of Turkish territory that Syria claimed rightfully belonged to it. Two Russians ejected from the plane over Syria. A local Turkmen militia, commanded by a Turkish citizen, fired at the aviators, killing one. A second Russian serviceman was killed during a rescue mission to save the surviving aviator. The incident, recorded on radar systems by many countries and partially captured on video camera, was the first time since the Korean War that a North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) country’s fighter jet destroyed a Soviet/Russian Air Force aircraft. Fortunately the event did not escalate into a full-blown NATO Russia crisis, although with tensions high over the Ukraine crisis and two authoritarian leaders at loggerheads, it could well have done so. There were background accusations. Turkish president Erdoğan was aggrieved that Russia was bombing co-ethnic kin in its southern near abroad while aiding Kurdish separatists, while Russian president Putin saw Turkey as an accomplice of international terrorists. Entwined territorial and terrorist anxieties, as well as near abroad insecurities, preoccupied both men. Had Russia responded with force against Turkey, this could have triggered Article V of NATO’s Washington Treaty, and NATO members would have faced the prospect of war with Russia over a tiny piece of territory in the Middle East most knew nothing about. Relations between the NATO alliance and Russia are now at their lowest point since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Airspace violations, incidents at sea, military training exercises, and hybrid war hysteria have kept tensions high. After Crimea, NATO moved to strengthen its capacity to respond to perceived Russian encroachment on the Baltic countries. The Obama administration’s European Reassurance Initiative was launched in June 2014 with a $1 billion budget for training and temporary rotations. In a speech in Riga in September 2014, President Obama declared: “We’ll be here for Estonia.
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Conference papers on the topic "North Atlantic Treaty Organization. European Union. National security European Union countries"

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Rivza, Baiba, and Uldis Plumite. "LATVIAN THEME PARK DEVELOPMENT IN KURZEME AND VIDZEME." In GEOLINKS Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/geolinks2021/b2/v3/36.

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The economy of Latvia is experiencing rapid development in the European Union and is an active participant of the United Nations and North Atlantic Treaty Organization. In recent years there have been several changes in both sectors and national economic policy. The total population in Latvia was estimated at 1.9 million inhabitants in 2019 and a total GDP per capita was 63% of the EU average, the lowest GDP per capita in purchasing power parity was recorded in Bulgaria - 46% of the EU average, Romania - 60% and Croatia - 62%. Lithuanian and Estonian GDP per capita in 2019 was accounted for 74% of the EU average. Latvia has more than 12 theme parks, but the amusement offer is small. Most of the theme parks are mostly located in Kurzeme and Vidzeme. Attraction Parks historically evolved near the big cities, where the infrastructure is highly developed. The aim is to increase the influx of tourists in regions where tourism products are amusement parks, thus developing more local businesses and the city's environment, increasing the demand for an active economic environment, but regional laws often hinder this development.
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