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Journal articles on the topic 'North Atlantic Treaty Organization North Atlantic Treaty Organization. European Union'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Kamiński, Wiesław. "DIRECTIONS AND CAUSES OF CHANGES IN THE COMMAND SYSTEM AND ORGANIZATION OF THE ARMED FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND." Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka - Refleksje 31, no. 31 (2018): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8597.

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The article presents the directions and causes of changes in the command system and organization of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland. It presents issues related to the changes that took place in the Polish Armed Forces after 1989 resulting from changes in the international security environment and resulting from Polish accession to the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

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Wouters, Jan, and Frederik Naert. "How Effective is the European Security Architecture? Lessons from Bosnia and Kosovo." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 50, no. 3 (2001): 540–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/50.3.540.

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Security (in a broad sense, see infra, II.B) in Europe is the realm of several regional international organisations, mainly the European Union (“EU”), Western European Union (“WEU”), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (“NATO”), the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (“OSCE”) and, to a lesser extent, the Council of Europe, creating a patchwork of regional security institutions that is unique in the world. These organisations interact in many ways and claim to be mutually reinforcing. Is that the case? Is there room for improvement?

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Deighton, Anne. "The Last Piece of the Jigsaw: Britain and the Creation of the Western European Union, 1954." Contemporary European History 7, no. 2 (1998): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004860.

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By 1955, the formation of a Cold War bloc in Western Europe was complete. The Western European Union (WEU), a redesigned Brussels Treaty Organisation (BTO) within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), with West Germany and Italy as members, was created. The 1954 Paris Agreements that established WEU also enabled West Germany to become a virtually sovereign actor, and a member of NATO. The Agreements were effected on the rubble of an acrimonious four-year international debate over a proposed European Defence Community (EDC). This would have created a European army for France, the Benel

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Homonai, V. V. "ORGANIZATIONAL AND LEGAL MECHANISM FOR PROCURING FULL MEMBERSHIP OF UKRAINE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY ORGANIZATION." Scientific notes of Taurida National V.I. Vernadsky University. Series: Juridical Sciences 1, no. 2 (2020): 36–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32838/2707-0581/2020.2-1/07.

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Mazzucelli, Colette. "Changing Partners at Fifty? French Security Policy after Libya in Light of the Élysée Treaty." German Politics and Society 31, no. 1 (2013): 116–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2013.310107.

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The 2011 Libya campaign highlighted the divergence of interests between France and Germany within the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in matters of Middle East and global security. This divergence calls for a reassessment of the meaning of their bilateral cooperation, as defined in the Treaty of Friendship between France and Germany, otherwise known as the Élysée Treaty, signed on 22 January 1963 by Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and President Charles de Gaulle. This article focuses on France, which engaged militarily in Libya cooperating with the United Kingdom as

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Buresh, Donald L. "A Critical Evaluation of the Estonian Cyber Incident." Journal of Advanced Forensic Sciences 1, no. 2 (2020): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.14302/issn.2692-5915.jafs-20-3601.

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This paper evaluates the effect of the Estonian cyber incident on Estonia, Russia, the United States, the European Union, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, also known as NATO. The paper employs the Valeriano and Maness criteria for evaluating a cyber incident critically. The article asks how did the Estonian cyber incident come to pass, what were the foreign policy and international relationship effects, what was the impact on Estonia, and how did Estonia react to the attack. The essay concludes that the Estonian cyber incident was a catalyst, prompting the nations listed herein to a

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Stringer, Kevin D. "The Special Operations Doctrine of International Organizations: An Introductory Analysis to United Nations (UN), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and European Union (EU) Approaches." Special Operations Journal 7, no. 1 (2021): 87–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23296151.2021.1907898.

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Schilde, Kaija E. "Cosmic top secret Europe? The legacy of North Atlantic Treaty Organization and cold war US policy on European Union information policy." European Security 24, no. 2 (2014): 167–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2014.911175.

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Klimkin, Pavlo, and Andreas Umland. "Geopolitical Implications and Challenges of the Coronavirus Crisis for Ukraine." World Affairs 183, no. 3 (2020): 256–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820020942493.

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Among various geopolitical repercussions of the COVID-19 pandemic are redefinitions of the short-term priorities of many international organizations. Among others, the European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) are becoming absorbed by new internal challenges, and are thus even less interested in further enlargement than before. Against this background, Kyiv, Tbilisi, and Chisinau, as well as their Western friends, need to seek new paths to increase the three countries’ security, resilience, and growth before their accession to the West’s major organizations. Above all,

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Alunaza, Hardi, and Bastian Andhony Toy. "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PERMANENT STRUCTURED COOPERATION (PESCO) BY THE EUROPEAN UNION TO INCREASE INTEGRATION AND INDEPENDENCE EUROPEAN REGIONAL MILITARY COOPERATION." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 2 (2021): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v5i2.193.

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This paper aims to discuss the efforts of the European Union in enhancing integration and defense-security cooperation through the establishment of Permanent Structured Cooperation. This paper seeks to answer how the formation of PESCO can increase the integration and independence of military cooperation between EU member states. Whereas before there has been a North Atlantic Treaty Organization as a security pillar that has long been recognized in the European region. The author uses the theory of regional security complex and the concept of collective security in analyzing related phenomena.

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Kęsoń, Tadeusz. "Conditions for the process of ensuring the Republic of Poland’s security – selected problems." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 200, no. 2 (2021): 256–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.9782.

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The processes of ensuring Poland’s security require the constant analysis of many factors that significantly affect the possibility of the emergence of threats to external and internal security. From the point of view of this criterion of understanding security, the political, military, economic, and social factors are crucial. Along with Poland’s accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union, membership in these organizations has become the basis for building the national security system and is positively perceived by most of the society. However, it should be rem

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Mahmood, Anwar Mohammed Faraj, and Bakhan Ako Najmalddin. "Explanation of Neorealism Theory of International Actors: An Applied Study on Selected Models)." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 18 (March 26, 2020): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i18.202.

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The field of international relations has been assessed through diverse theoretical framework including realism. Classical realism has been reformed by neorealists for analyzing current actors and interactions in international relations. For neorealists, the most essential characteristic of the international arena is anarchy, which they argue exists because the international system lacks a world government with the capability of making and imposing international law, which in turn makes cooperating among states difficult. Then, competition and conflict can never be avoided in such situation. Th

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Garcia, Denise. "Shifting International Security Norms." Ethics & International Affairs 31, no. 2 (2017): 235–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679417000090.

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The world is going through a crisis of the international liberal order, exemplified by a host of recent shocks: the invasion and annexation of Crimea by Russia; the transnational dimensions of conflicts such as in Syria; the United Kingdom's decision to exit the European Union; the attempted coup d’état in Turkey and its reversal toward autocracy; and the election and rise of non-universalist and illiberal governments as well as politicians who operate under the populist rubric in countries that are viewed as beacons of democracy and stability. These shocks have catalyzed two outcomes. First,

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Kastrati, MA Bilbil. "Similarities and Differences between NATO and the EU Enlargement." ILIRIA International Review 4, no. 2 (2014): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i2.45.

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After the end of the Cold War the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU) enlargement were two main political processes in the European continent. Both organizations since their inception, promoted the idea of integrated Europe without borders, which meant creating a Europe without divisions and bringing back all Central Eastern European (CEE) countries into the European family where they belong. However, after half a century of isolation in the totalitarian communist system the CEE countries (CEEC) had to undertake fundamental institutional, political, economic,

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MAHNIČ, MARKO. "EU-NATO COOPERATION AND THE SLOVENIAN PRESIDENCY OF THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." EU IN NATO: VARNOSTNA RAZMERJA/EU AND NATO: SECURITY RELATIONS, VOLUME 2021/ISSUE 23/2 (June 15, 2021): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.23.2.1.

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Povzetek Namen članka je spodbuditi razmislek o tem, ali so ovire za skladno delovanje Evropske unije in Organizacije severnoatlantske pogodbe na področju skupne varnosti in obrambe le tehnične narave ali gre za razlike na nekaterih drugih ravneh v politiki, dvostranskih odnosih in nacionalnih ambicijah nekaterih držav, ki so članice ene ali druge organizacije. V obeh primerih se postavlja vprašanje, ali lahko Slovenija kot država, ki 1. julija 2021 prevzame predsedovanje Svetu Evropske unije, v šestih mesecih predsedovanja prispeva k premostitvi kakšne izmed teh ovir. Ključne besede EU, Nato,

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Perwita, Anak Agung Banyu, and Nurhayati Pakpahan. "The Implementation of Russian Federation’s Coercive Diplomacy towards Ukraine in the New Great Game Context over Gas Pipeline Dispute (2006 -2009)." Jurnal Global & Strategis 10, no. 1 (2017): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.10.1.2016.125-136.

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The worsening of technical and safety condition of the pipeline infrastructure in Ukraine due to economic crisis following the end of the Cold War had driven Russia to provide compensation to Ukraine through applying subsidy on its gas price and paying the Ukrainian gas imports as long as Ukraine keep its promise to pay back the country’s debt until 2005. However, since Ukraine’s integration with the United States and its Western Allies by asking to become part of North Atlantic Treaty Organization and European Union state members, it refused to pay its high gas debts to Russia. This situation

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Weber, Steve. "Shaping the postwar balance of power: multilateralism in NATO." International Organization 46, no. 3 (1992): 633–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027855.

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At the end of the 1940s, the United States and several West European states allied to defend themselves against invasion by the Soviet Union. Balance-ofpower theory predicts the recurrent formation of such balances among states. But it says little about the precise nature of the balance, the principles on which it will be constructed, or its institutional manifestations. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has been a peculiar mix. As a formal institution, NATO has through most of its history been distinctly nonmultilateral, with the United States commanding most decision-making power

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Laruelle, Marlene. "Introduction to the Special Issue: The Donbas Conflict." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 5 (2019): 715–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.42.

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Many scholarly studies of the Ukrainian conflict look at its origins, focusing either on the international level (external interference) or the domestic one (including ethnic, linguistic, economic, and regional tensions) (Pikulicka-Wilczewska and Sakwa 2015). The international level of analysis draws attention to external factors, namely Russia’s conscious decision to fragment Ukraine and make it a “failed state” in order to avoid its moving closer to the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Even though Moscow denies playing any role in the conflict, several intern

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Vukadinović, Lidija Čehulić, and Monika Begović. "NATO Summit in Wales: From global megatrends to the new Euro-Atlanticism." Croatian International Relations Review 20, no. 71 (2014): 11–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2014-0007.

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Abstract Numerous representatives of theories of international relations, security theories or alliance theories have examined the new role of the North Atlantic Alliance or the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the post-bipolar world. Parallel with the theoretical examination of goals and tasks, NATO has transformed itself in practice, following the realities of the contemporary global era. In trying to achieve and keep the primacy of the strongest military- political organization, the Alliance has - especially in the Strategic Concept adopted in Lisbon in 2010-set the normative an

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Homonai, V. V. "The concept of the constitutional and legal mechanism for procure of full membership of Ukraine in the European Union and in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization." Legal position, no. 2(27) (2020): 133–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32836/2521-6473.2020-2.24.

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Becker, Jordan. "Rusty guns and buttery soldiers: unemployment and the domestic origins of defense spending." European Political Science Review 13, no. 3 (2021): 307–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773921000102.

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AbstractScholars and practitioners continue to debate transatlantic burden sharing, which has implications for broader questions of collective action and international organizations. Little research, however, has analyzed domestic and institutional drivers of burden-sharing behavior; even less has disaggregated defense spending to measure burden sharing more precisely. This paper enhances understanding of the relationship between national political economies and burden shifting, operationalizing burden shifting as the extent to which a country limits or decreases defense expenditures, while at

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Zieliński, Tadeusz. "The perception of security threats in EU and NATO strategic documents: implications for the countries of the Eastern flank." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 1 (2020): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.1.2.

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The anticipation of security threats is one of the key elements in the determination of objectives and the main direction for the functioning of states or organizations. It constitutes a fundamental basis for building capacity, aimed at counteracting the identified threats or limiting the emergence of new ones. This is also applicable to the European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which in their security documents identify threats that may have an impact on their existence and future development. The purpose of this article is to identify common threats to EU and NAT

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Spohr, Kristina. "Precluded or Precedent-Setting? The “NATO Enlargement Question” in the Triangular Bonn-Washington-Moscow Diplomacy of 1990–1991." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 4 (2012): 4–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00275.

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Controversy arose in the mid-1990s when Russian officials accused Western governments of reneging on binding pledges made to Moscow in 1990 during German unification diplomacy. According to the allegations, Western leaders had solemnly promised that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) would never expand beyond Germany into Central and Eastern Europe. Were such pledges ever made? Was the Soviet Union betrayed, and if so, by whom, how, and when? Or have various tactical comments been misinterpreted in hindsight? This article seeks to offer new answers to these questions by exploring no

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Chystokolianyi, Ya V. "URGENT PROBLEMS OF THE CONSTITUTIONALIZATION OF UKRAINE’S COURSE TOWARDS FULL MEMBERSHIP IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." Actual problems of native jurisprudence, no. 06 (March 2, 2020): 15–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/391985.

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This article is devoted to research of essential problems of the constitutionalization of Ukraine’s course towards full membership in the European Union. This refers to problems which appeared or were affected in some way alongside the adoption of the Law of Ukraine “On Amendments to Constitution of Ukraine (regarding the state’s strategic course on obtaining full membership in the European Union and North Atlantic Treaty Organization)” from 7 February 2019. According to the author, the Law has significantly changed the legal situation around the advancement towards the EU. After all, the cour

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Gunneriusson, Håkan Ulf. "Hybrid warfare & theory." Revista ICONO14 Revista científica de Comunicación y Tecnologías emergentes 19, no. 1 (2021): 15–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.7195/ri14.v19i1.1608.

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Hybrid threats use conventional and unconventional means to achieve their goals. This paper explores the cyber threat as one possible aspect of hybrid threats. It also discusses the background of the term hybrid warfare, how it emerged and travelled as the empirical situations evolved and needed new definitions. Russia aims at attaining this by applying a holistic mix of military, political and economic means to weaken the West and to strengthen its own role as a global player (with the “West” I for simplicity mean the states which constitute EU and NATO, but it is really more a cultural appro

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DeTemple, James. "NATO Crisis Response." Potentia: Journal of International Affairs 6 (October 1, 2015): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v6i0.4415.

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The ethno-territorial conflicts precipitated by the breakup of the Soviet Union and dissolution of Yugoslavia had major implications for European security and substantially altered the strategic priorities of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the post-Cold War period. In order to preserve regional stability, NATO expanded beyond collective defense into crisis management and peacekeeping to address destabilizing ethnic conflicts, particularly in the Balkans region. This paper proposes that the NATO peacekeeping operation succeeded as a whole in stabilizing the Kosovo crisis and e

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Laputina, Yuliia. "Manipulation of Gender Equality Issue as a Current Trend of Cognitive Warfare." Information Security of the Person, Society and State, no. 26 (2019): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.51369/2707-7276-2019-2-15.

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In February 2019 in Ukraine, the fateful Law «On Amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine (regarding the strategic course of the state to acquire the full membership of Ukraine in the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization)» was adopted. This legislative act enshrines changes to the Constitution of Ukraine, which confirm the European identity of the Ukrainian people and the irreversibility of the European and Euro-Atlantic course of Ukraine. Ensuring equal rights and opportunities for men and women, the fight against discrimination is one of the main directions of state pol

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CHIȚAC, Georgiana-Cătălina. "CRITICAL INFRASTRUCTURES AND THEIR IMPORTANCE IN MODERN SOCIETIES – PROTECTION, SAFETY, SECURITY." STRATEGIES XXI - Command and Staff College 17, no. 1 (2021): 389–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2668-2028-21-51.

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Abstract: Nowadays, the modern security environment has it foundation based on some vital pilons, that are also important for the normal functionality of the modern society. This paper will offer a new perspective on critical infrastructure protection, defining the relationships that take place freely in a modern society. The international security could be analyzed from functional (systemic) and structural points of view. From the systemic point of view, the global security is characterized by five major systems: political, economic, social (socio-demographic), cultural and ecological. From t

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Rіeznikov, Valeriі. "Conceptual bases of the strategy of formation and implementation of state policy in the sphere of European integration of Ukraine." Public administration and local government 44, no. 1 (2020): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/102009.

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The newest policy of Ukraine should be to develop such state concepts, strategies and programs that would contribute to the European integration of the country, taking into account the current challenges of today. The purpose of the article is to define the conceptual foundations of the strategy of formation and implementation of state policy in the sphere of European integration of Ukraine in modern conditions. The conceptual framework of the national strategy for the European integration of Ukraine is a general concept of the country’s long-term actions, a certain model of the mi

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Enchev, Yavor, and Tihomir Eftimov. "Bulgarian military neurosurgery: from Warsaw Pact to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization." Neurosurgical Focus 28, no. 5 (2010): E15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2010.3.focus109.

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After 45 years as a closest ally of the Soviet Union in the Warsaw Pact, founded mainly against the US and the Western Europe countries, and 15 years of democratic changes, since 2004 Bulgaria has been a full member of NATO and an equal and trusted partner of its former enemies. The unprecedented transformation has affected all aspects of the Bulgarian society. As a function of the Bulgarian Armed Forces, Bulgarian military medicine and in particular Bulgarian military neurosurgery is indivisibly connected with their development. The history of Bulgarian military neurosurgery is the history of

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Poshedin, Oleh. "NATO adaptation to current challenges and mechanisms of Ukraine’s cooperation with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization." Public administration and local government, no. 4(43) (December 25, 2019): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/101910.

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The purpose of the article is to describe the changes NATO undergoing in response to the challenges of our time. Today NATO, as a key element of European and Euro-Atlantic security, is adapting to changes in the modern security environment by increasing its readiness and ability to respond to any threat. Adaptation measures include the components required to ensure that the Alliance can fully address the security challenges it might face. Responsiveness NATO Response Force enhanced by developing force packages that are able to move rapidly and respond to potential challenges and threats.

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Morabety, Ahmed El. "Evolution of Moroccan defence diplomacy." Contemporary Arab Affairs 10, no. 2 (2017): 241–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2017.1279387.

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This paper addresses Morocco's defence diplomacy through a consideration of two research matters. The first concerns the military and security cooperation of the country with the United States, the European countries, as well as the Arab and African ones. The second focuses on Morocco's participations in United Nations and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) peacekeeping operations. The objective of this study is essentially to show to what extent Morocco contributes to restoring regional peace and security across the world.

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Massingham, Eve. "Conflict without casualties … a note of caution: non-lethal weapons and international humanitarian law." International Review of the Red Cross 94, no. 886 (2012): 673–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383112000720.

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AbstractIn the last decade considerable expense has been invested in non-lethal weapons development programmes, including by the United States military and other members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and members of the European Working Group Non-Lethal Weapons. This paper acknowledges the potential suitability of non-lethal weapons for specific situations arising on the battlefield, but cautions against those who advocate for any weakening of existing international humanitarian law frameworks to provide for greater employment of non-lethal technologies.

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Patel, Kiran Klaus. "Who was saving whom? The European Community and the Cold War, 1960s–1970s." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19, no. 1 (2016): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148116685301.

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This article argues that during the 1960s, the European Community (EC) made little contribution to peace. What peace there was resulted mainly from other factors, most importantly the United States as benevolent hegemon, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and bilateral agreements. European integration under the auspices of the EC presupposed peace rather than contributing to it. At the time, the EC’s main role with regard to peace was at the symbolic level: it started to represent all attempts at peaceful co-operation and reconciliation in Western Europe. It was only in the 1970s, espe

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Voloshyn, Yuriy, and Vladimir Proschayev. "Intelligence bodies of the state in the mechanism of ensuring the constitutional rights and freedoms of man and citizen: international standards and legislation." Slovo of the National School of Judges of Ukraine, no. 3(32) (December 18, 2020): 6–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37566/2707-6849-2020-3(32)-1.

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The place and role of state intelligence bodies in the mechanism of ensuring constitutional rights and freedoms of man and citizen according to international standards and in the light of the newly adopted Laws of Ukraine «On the Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine» and «On Intelligence» are studied. It is proved that in Ukraine, as in other post-Soviet states that did not have intelligence legislation, but began to create it after the declaration of independence, the process of constitutional and legal regulation of intelligence agencies consisted of four stages (transitional, initial, ba

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Vylegzhanin, A. N., Tim Potier, and E. A. Torkunova. "Towards Cementing International Law through Renaissance of the United Nations Charter." Moscow Journal of International Law, no. 1 (July 25, 2020): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/0869-0049-2020-1-6-25.

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INTRODUCTION. This year is the 75-th anniversary of the Great Victory of the Allies – Britain, the Soviet Union and the USA – over Nazi Germany. The most important legal result of this victory has become the Charter of the United Nations – the universal treaty initiated by Great Britain, the Soviet Union and the USA (and later – by China and France) aiming to save succeeding generations from the new world war by establishing United Nations mechanisms to maintain international peace and global security. The UN Charter has since become the foundation of modern international law, respected by Sta

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Veebel, Viljar, and Liia Vihmand. "Living in confronting or parallel strategic narratives? The reasons behind the missing security dialogue between Russia and the Baltic States." Journal on Baltic Security 5, no. 2 (2020): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jobs-2019-0007.

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AbstractThe current study discusses differences between Russia and the Baltic States in terms of their strategic narratives, as well as how they interpret key terms and concepts in the field of security. To frame the scope of the study, the strategic narrative of Russia for the Baltic countries and the Baltic strategic narrative(s) for Russia are compared and analysed. Both sides are also locked within the bigger framework of European Union’s economic sanctions against Russia and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) alliance’s deterrence concept. On the other hand, the Baltic States a

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Hofmann, Stephanie C. "Overlapping Institutions in the Realm of International Security: The Case of NATO and ESDP." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 1 (2009): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709090070.

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The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union's (EU) European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) both occupy the policy space of crisis management. This overlap has two effects. First, overlap has generated “chessboard politics” shaping member state strategies. Second, institutional overlap has generated a number of feedback effects. The prior existence of NATO shaped the conceptualization and organization of ESDP at its creation, and the existence of two alternative security institutions continues to influence the ways that the institutions evolve—how each institution d

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Hatzivassiliou, Evanthis. "Images of the Adversary: NATO Assessments of the Soviet Union, 1953–1964." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 2 (2009): 89–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.2.89.

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The article presents the analysis of the study groups set up by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to assess the non-military aspects of Soviet power and potential during the era of Nikita Khrushchev. Following Stalin's death, the Western alliance tried to form a comprehensive view of the strengths and weaknesses of the USSR's economy and political system. This was part of NATO's effort to adjust to the realities of a long Cold War, the outcome of which would not be decided by military force alone. The NATO reports were largely successful in describing the long-term trends of the So

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Olesen, Mikkel Runge. "To Balance or Not to Balance: How Denmark Almost Stayed out of NATO, 1948–1949." Journal of Cold War Studies 20, no. 2 (2018): 63–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00818.

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This article proposes a theoretical model for understanding foreign policy formation and change, especially regarding alliances and what might be called “balancing” foreign policy behavior. The article combines a realist focus on power with the perceptions of actors based on their experiences and the lessons they draw from them. When uncertainty about threat level is high, the “lessons” that actors or groups draw from the past play an indispensable role in helping them make sense of the world. The model is applied to the case of Denmark's decision to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization

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Hatzivassiliou, Evanthis. "The Crisis of NATO Political Consultation, 1973–1974: From DEFCON III to the Atlantic Declaration." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 3 (2017): 104–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00755.

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After war broke out between Arab countries and Israel in October 1973, the U.S. government asked its allies in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to do the unthinkable: establish an agreed position on an ongoing “out-of-area” crisis. Then, on 25 October, the United States unilaterally raised the alert level of its armed forces to DEFCON III, affecting the NATO area without consulting any allies. These actions constituted a radical departure from established NATO practice and angered the Europeans. U.S. officials, for their part, were upset at what they saw as a dismal European failu

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Baev, Jordan. "The Establishment of Bulgarian–West German Diplomatic Relations within the Coordinating Framework of the Warsaw Pact." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 3 (2016): 158–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00656.

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Bulgarian–West German relations played a crucial role in Bulgarian foreign policy in Europe from the time the FRG became a leading West European political and economic power and a key member of both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Economic Community. The normalization of official relations between Bulgaria and the FRG was significantly influenced by two major factors: the policy of closer coordination and multilateral interaction within the Warsaw Pact and the somewhat slower, though increasing, process of East-West détente and security negotiations in Europe through CS

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LÖWENHARDT, JOHN. "Traders, Crusaders, and Cruise Missiles: Soviet Foreign Policy toward the Low Countries." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, no. 1 (1985): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001004.

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In Soviet foreign policy, the Low Countries—Belgium and the Netherlands—seem to occupy a position symbolized by their name. Yet, in the past decade, Soviet diplomacy has scored a number of successes: by 1985 the cohesion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization seemed threatened by the recurrent non-decision-making of Belgian and Dutch governments on the issue of intermediate-range nuclear forces; in Belgium the Soviets have succeeded in establishing a valuable Soviet-controlled infrastructure; and the Dutch position on the European gas market is undercut by Siberian gas. These benefits have

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Riste, Olav. "“Stay Behind”: A Clandestine Cold War Phenomenon." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 4 (2014): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00515.

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This article gives an overview of what we now know from trustworthy sources about the origins, character, and development of the “stay-behind” networks established in Western Europe during the early Cold War in preparation for a possible Soviet invasion and occupation. The article critically examines and refutes several notions about Stay Behind that have tended to dominate writings on the subject, such as allegations that the networks in Italy and other West European countries were mere creations of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency and the British Secret Intelligence Service; that they we

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Nekola, Peter. "Padraic Kenney, Rebuilding Poland: Workers and Communists, 1945–1950. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997. xv + 360 pp. $42.50 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 224–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901224533.

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At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Poland, one of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's newest members and poised to enter the European Union sometime in the next few years, has begun perhaps one of its most stable periods in recent history. Divided for centuries between Russian, Prussian, and Austrian empires, Poland was able to preserve its language and cultural identity until its independence in 1918. Of nations involved in the Second World War, Poland was perhaps the most thoroughly devastated by that conflict, emerging only to be locked under the strict gaze of Moscow until

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Readman, Kristina Spohr. "Conflict and Cooperation in Intra-Alliance Nuclear Politics: Western Europe, the United States, and the Genesis of NATO's Dual-Track Decision, 1977–1979." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 2 (2011): 39–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00137.

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On the basis of recently released archival sources from several member-states of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), this article revisits the making of NATO's landmark 1979 dual-track decision. The article examines the intersecting processes of personal, bureaucratic, national, and alliance high politics in the broader Cold War context of increasingly adversarial East-West relations. The discussion sheds new light on how NATO tried to augment its deterrent capability via the deployment of long-range theater nuclear missiles and why ultimately an arms control proposal to the Soviet

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Oneal, John R. "The theory of collective action and burden sharing in NATO." International Organization 44, no. 3 (1990): 379–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300035335.

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Mancur Olson's theory of collective action could account for much of the variance in the defense burdens of the allied nations of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the early years of the Cold War, but the association between economic size (gross domestic product, or GDP) and defense burden (the ratio of military expenditures to GDP) has declined to insignificant levels. Two influences are shown to be important in producing this change: the increased pursuit of private goods by Greece, Turkey, and Portugal and the growing cooperation among the other European allies. Since coopera

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Jones, Matthew. "Prelude to the Skybolt Crisis: The Kennedy Administration's Approach to British and French Strategic Nuclear Policies in 1962." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 2 (2019): 58–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00839.

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The speech delivered by U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara on 16 June 1962 at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor is often cited for its significance in the enunciation of U.S. nuclear strategy, but the speech also featured passages decrying the existence of separate, national nuclear forces within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. This article concentrates on the latter dimension of the speech by examining the context of McNamara's remarks and the reactions they provoked, particularly in Great Britain. A vociferous political debate erupted in the United Kingdom over the co

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Bishku, Michael B. "Turkey and Afghanistan: Culture, Security and Economics." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 7, no. 3 (2020): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798920921662.

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This is an examination of political, military, economic and cultural relations between Turkey and Afghanistan since 1919. While cultural connections, Turkish security and technical assistance, and bilateral trade have been emphasized throughout this relationship, the closest ties were during the leadership of Turkey’s Kemal Atatürk and the reign of Afghanistan’s King Amanullah when modernization reforms were in vogue in both countries, and more recently since 2002 during the rule of Turkey’s Islam-oriented Justice and Development (AK) Party, which developed an affinity with the leaders of Afgh

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Bigg, G. R. "Climate-Ocean Interaction, M. E. Schlesinger (ed.), Kluwer (Dordrecht), North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Commission of the European Communities, 1990. No. of pages: 385. Price: Df200.00, $120.00, £74.00." International Journal of Climatology 11, no. 8 (2007): 923–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/joc.3370110811.

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