Journal articles on the topic 'North Carolina. Utilities Commission'

A key issue facing U.S. water utilities is that while costs are generally fixed and increasing over time, the revenue is typically variable and has generally been decreasing/dampening over time, making it harder to maintain fiscal sustainability. Based on a comprehensive review of the relevant literature, we highlight the major factors that can potentially impact the fiscal sustainability of a water utility from an economic perspective. Furthermore, using numerical examples and data from North Carolina, we critically examine which of these factors actually contribute to the fiscal unsustainability of water utilities. We conclude that decreases in demand and increases in costs are the two primary driving forces. Particularly, rate increases cannot be attributed as a determinant of fiscal unsustainability because of the inelastic nature of water demand. Finally, we also highlight strategies for U.S. water utilities to improve their fiscal sustainability.

Thinking, talking, researching, and writing about the future of libraries and the book is no easy endeavor. Just ask the members of the Commission on the Future of Libraries and the Book. In 2001,North Carolina Library Association President Ross Holt challenged interested NCLA members to assemble as a Commission to explore the future of the book and the future of libraries given theimpact of technology.

Coastal community water infrastructure is increasingly vulnerable to climate-sensitive coastal hazards. Tides, storm surges, rainfall, and salt intrusion affect infrastructure and human health. In case studies of Charleston, South Carolina, and Morehead City, North Carolina, USA, this project sought to advance risk assessment of urban water and wastewater infrastructure and identify linkages to human health impacts as risk evolves with sea level rise. The methodology integrates community infrastructure, health care, emergency resources, geospatial simulation, and a tabletop exercise with planners, emergency managers, public utilities, and health care providers. Resilience is assessed by community participants using interactive online maps, susceptibility indices, and a resilience matrix. Results highlight differential vulnerability, population susceptibility, and elevation uncertainty. We observe similar trends of increasing magnitude, frequency, and impact of flood events on water infrastructure and public health as sea level rises. Implications for tackling challenges across sectors are highlighted for improving coastal resilience.

Two decades ago, at a time when much of the country faced looming teacher shortages, a number of states invested in comprehensive strategies for strengthening the teaching profession. For example, and drawing upon recommendations from the National Commission on Teaching & America’s Future, both California and North Carolina built statewide teacher recruitment centers, launched new mentoring and induction programs for beginning teachers, and created incentives for veteran teachers to seek national board certification. However, while such efforts were successful, they were gradually dismantled, mainly for political reasons — and it will take effective political advocacy to reinstate them.

One-month-ahead streamflow forecasting is important for water utilities to manage water resources such as irrigation water usage and hydropower generation. While deterministic streamflow forecasts have been utilized extensively in research and practice, ensemble streamflow forecasts and probabilistic information are gaining more attention. This study aims to examine a multivariate linear Bayesian regression approach to provide probabilistic streamflow forecasts by incorporating gridded precipitation forecasts from climate models and lagged monthly streamflow data. Principal component analysis is applied to reduce the size of the regression model. A Markov Chain Monte Carlo (MCMC) algorithm is used to sample from the posterior distribution of model parameters. The proposed approach is tested on gauge data acquired during 1961–2000 in North Carolina. Results reveal that the proposed method is a promising alternative forecasting technique and that it performs well for probabilistic streamflow forecasts.

Summary Truth and Reconciliation Commissions represent an innovative model for social work practice. The Greensboro Truth and Reconciliation Commission was a community-based intervention that sought to address lingering social trauma and tension from a 1979 incident of racial violence in North Carolina. This case study analyzes the Greensboro Truth and Reconciliation Commission from a community practice perspective by highlighting relevant aspects of the intervention for social work practice. The intervention is examined along the community practice dimensions of context, theoretical basis, practice model, framing, strategy, and tactics. Each dimension is presented and related to a specific aspect of the Greensboro Truth and Reconciliation Commission case. Findings The historical context of the Greensboro Truth and Reconciliation Commission includes legacies racism, labor exploitation, and violence that was pervasive in the U.S. south, as well as traditions of resistance to oppression. The theoretical underpinnings of the Greensboro Truth and Reconciliation Commission include social constructionism and restorative justice. The Greensboro Truth and Reconciliation Commission falls within the community practice models of neighborhood and community organizing and community capacity development. The intervention was framed as a Truth and Reconciliation Commission and incorporated a strategy of inclusiveness. The community practice tactics of fundraising, outreach and recruitment, research and investigation, and public hearings were employed. Applications This article concludes with assessments of the Greensboro Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s impact and implications for community practice, including current applications of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission model in the U.S. Social workers working in communities can apply the Truth and Reconciliation Commission model and the specific community practice dimensions identified in the case study to empower communities and work to overcome legacies of social injustice, violence, and oppression.


 
 
 The mid-sized southern city of Greensboro, North Carolina has not been spared from the crisis in policing gripping the United States. The city has a history of racial conflict and violence involving the police, most notably the 1979 Massacre where five anti-Klan protestors were killed by Neo-Nazi and Klan members. It is also the site of renowned movements for social justice; in 1961, four North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University freshmen sparked the Sit-In movement, and in 2005, the first Truth and Reconciliation Commission in the United States, which addressed the Massacre, took place in Greensboro. Through partnerships with activists, police, and other community members, the Justice and Policy Studies Department (JPS) at Guilford College works to strengthen police-community relations in Greensboro. The Quaker peace testimony, which calls for “taking away the occasion for violence,” inspires and guides these efforts. This article explores the ways that JPS and its community partners prepare students to take away the occasion for violence in policing and the criminal justice system. Guilford’s president, two JPS professors, a Deputy Chief of the Greensboro Police Department and a community organizer with the Beloved Community Center share their insights regarding this critical topic.
 
 

There is growing recognition of the interconnections between domestic violence and mental health, especially related to mental health concerns among those who have experienced domestic violence victimization. Despite high rates of mental health concerns among victims and survivors, many mental health professionals lack sufficient training to understand and address domestic violence in their clinical work. The North Carolina Governor’s Crime Commission convened a task force to examine training experiences and needs among mental health professionals in the state. A statewide survey revealed that mental health professionals vary in their levels of training to address domestic violence. A key finding was that mental health professionals who had received any training in domestic violence reported engaging in more comprehensive assessment and intervention practices. Implications for future research, practice, and policy are discussed.

Abstract Anadromous populations of striped bass occur along the Atlantic coast of the US from Maine to North Carolina. Recruitment overfishing and declining water quality led to substantial reductions in striped bass abundance during the 1970s and 1980s. Cooperative interstate fishery management of striped bass began in 1981, with the development of a fishery management plan by the Atlantic States Marine Fisheries Commission, an organization of Atlantic coastal states. Effective fishery management and additional research and monitoring contributed to a tenfold increase in abundance of striped bass stocks by the late 1990s. This dramatic increase resulted in increased predation on a variety of anadromous fish species including American shad, blueback herring, and alewives. Predation by striped bass on Atlantic salmon smolts in North America has been documented, but the impact of this predation has not been quantified. Moderate to strong correlations were found between estimates of striped bass abundance and the return of Atlantic salmon to three of the four major New England salmon rivers. Further research is required to quantify the proportion of smolt production consumed by striped bass, particularly for salmon populations listed as endangered under the US Endangered Species Act.

Australia's North West Shelf Project is based on the development of major gas reserves discovered in the early 1970s in deep water some 130 km off the coast from Dampier, Western Australia.The project was developed in two phases. The Domestic Gas Phase, completed in 1984, supplies pipeline gas to the State Energy Commission of Western Australia for distribution in the south-west of the State. The Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) Phase involves the export of LNG to eight Japanese power and gas utilities under 20-year Sale and Purchase Agreements. The production and export of LNG commenced in 1989.A Total Hazard Control Plan (THCP) has been developed for the project's onshore and offshore facilities to ensure that all hazards which could affect public safety outside the plant boundary are identified and controlled for the life of the site.The THCP applies to all sites, including the trunkline, onshore gas treatment plant, King Bay supply base and North Rankin A offshore platform. The objectives of the THCP are: to identify the hazards that exist together with their potential consequences; to list the policies and procedures which control the hazards and assign responsibility within the organisation to ensure that those policies and procedures are implemented; to provide verifiable assurance to Government that the Project Operator, Woodside, comprehensively and systematically controls all foreseen hazards to public safety, at the level of 'reasonably practicable'.Compliance with the THCP is verified using a structured auditing programme involving both internal and external audits.

Dallas T. Herndon, the first director of the Arkansas History Commission and State Archives in Little Rock, opened his short study on the conditions of Arkansas's mountain schools in the 1910s by writing that he was “fully convinced… that no such extreme backwardness in reality exists anywhere in Arkansas as to be found in the most isolated parts of such states as Georgia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Kentucky.” Herndon followed this statement with a comical story he had heard about a conversation between a Georgia mountaineer and a “traveler from the outside world.” The traveler, he told, asked the mountaineer if he knew who President Woodrow Wilson and John Slayton, the governor of Georgia, were. The mountaineer openly replied that he did not. Taken aback by such ignorance, the stranger then asked the mountaineer if he knew God. The Georgia mountaineer answered, “Yes, I think I'se heard uf him; his last name be's Damn, ain't it?” Herndon was sure that in the Arkansas hills, no one could find a “man, woman or child who is quite so ignorant as that Georgia mountaineer…”

While there are both successes and challenges related to the use of interstate water compacts, in their most effective forms they allow states to take a comprehensive, holistic approach to water management. Successful compacts tend to encompass the natural hydrologic boundaries of the water basin. They are more likely to utilize a commission type governance structure with sufficient authority to carry out the mission and goals of the compacting agreement. Successful compacts are flexible and allow for future developments (including climate change) while being cognizant of the need to protect and enhance the environment. They are also sensitive to the needs and desires of various stakeholders, including federal, state, and local governments as well as non-governmental organizations. Water compacts also face a variety of challenges. They must answer to a wide and diverse constituent base, often with conflicting interests. Stronger states can and do attempt to “bully” other states, severely limiting or eliminating altogether the usefulness of the compact. Governance structures that fail to integrate the interests of all states into a single body simply make the compact into an arena where small scale water wars can be fought. To illustrate an area where interstate water compacts could make a significant contribution, this paper concludes with a case study highlighting South Carolina’s transboundary water issues with North Carolina and Georgia. Recommendations for South Carolina include beginning negotiations toward the development of federal-interstate compacts as well as considering action in the Supreme Court in the event that these negotiations fail.

AbstractTo choose a microcomputer software package for our hospital epidemiology division, the two leading commercial software packages for infection control, AICE (ICPA, Inc., Austin, Texas) and NOSO- (Epi Systematics, Inc., Ft. Meyers, Florida), were compared for the types of epidemiologic analysis likely to be required to satisfy new Joint Commission on Accreditation of Healthcare Organizations (JCAHO) 1990 Infection Control Standards. The test dataset was a surgical database of 3,235 operations with 292 (9%) wound infections. Though NOSO- was more flexible in terms of the amount of data items one could record, it required seven times longer to learn, nine times more disk space to store and two times as long to enter cases than AICE. Six simple infection control reports (i.e., line listings, crosstabulations, stratified rates and graphs) required only seven computing steps and approximately 11 minutes to process with AICE, but 22 steps and over two hours with NOSO-3. All analytic results from AICE agreed with the results obtained with the Statistical Analysis System (SAS, SAS Institute, Inc., Cary, North Carolina), but analyses such as service-specific rates performed with NOSO- differed because of a design flaw in the NOSO- data structure.

Mapping of Historic US Hookworm prevalence data from the Rockefeller Sanitary Commission (early 1900s) using current GIS (Geographic Information System) software (county shape files) illustrates the extremely high prevalence of hookworm disease (Uncariasis) in the Southeastern US at the time. Some counties in 7 states recorded 50% to 100% of the population with positive screens for hookworm in a monumental surveillance and treatment campaign. Narrative descriptions mentioned higher prevalence in “sand districts” vs. “clay districts”. In order to validate this description for historic data, further GIS databases (STATSGO) were used to classify and quantify the % acreage in Eastern North Carolina falling into moderately- to well-drained soil types. These were then mapped and compared with the historic prevalence data. Most severely infested counties had at least 50% moderately to well-drained soil. Further analysis on soil data for other states with “coastal plains” could provide more background information on Environmental conditions for hookworm prevalence and distribution in US history. “Since history has no properly scientific value, its only purpose is educative. And if historians neglect to educate the public, if they fail to interest it intelligently in the past, then all their historical learning is valueless except in so far as it educates themselves”. Trevelyan, (1922).

The politics of collective memory, over what counts as “official knowledge,” is crucial in education. With its primary focus on the politics of memory and how this works in the politics of school knowledge as its primary focus, Civil Rights Culture Wars gives us a rich historical picture of this process as it played out in a significant battle over a specific textbook in Mississippi. As some readers may already know, there have been a large number of interesting case studies of textbook controversies over the years, as well as a long history of studies that critically focus on the political and educational issues surrounding textbooks. As Eagles documents in great detail, this book became a center of ideological conflict and many conservative groups were clear that they would seek to block its approval. The conflict over the book in the courts, in the press, and in government agencies took years. There were defeats, partial victories, and then ultimately a vindication. Even though the implications of his analysis to more general issues of political and cultural theory are always there, Eagles’s account is not about the abstraction called the “state.” It reads more like an anguished drama, filled with real characters, biographies, and movements, from the authors of the textbook themselves, to state legislators, to educational administrators and state textbook adoption commission members, to judges, to members of the public who held varied political positions on the battle over inclusion and exclusion, over the epistemological fog, amnesia and memory, and so much more.

This paper describes work undertaken by Data Intensive Cyber Environments Center (DICE) at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and the University of Liverpool on the development of an integrated preservation environment, which has been presented at the National Coordination Office for Networking and Information Technology Research and Development (NITRD), at the National Science Foundation, and at the European Commission. The underlying technology is based on the integrated Rule-Oriented Data System (iRODS), which implements a policy-based approach to distributed data management. By differentiating between different phases of the data life cycle based upon the evolution of data management policies, the infrastructure can be tuned to support data publication, data sharing, data analysis and data preservation. It is possible to build generic data management infrastructure that can evolve to meet the management requirements of each user community, federal agency and academic research project. In order to manage the properties of the data collections, we have developed and integrated scalable digital library services that support the discovery of, and access to, material organized as a collection.The integrated preservation environment prototype implements specific technologies that are capable of managing a wide range of preservation requirements, from parsing of legacy document formats, to enforcement of preservation policies, to validation of trustworthiness assessment criteria. Each capability has been demonstrated and is instantiated in multiple instances, both in the United States as part of the DataNet Federation Consortium (DFC) and through multiple European projects, primarily the FP7 SHAMAN project.

e4139111This article features schools and school districts with successful induction programs, all easily replicable. Increasingly, research confirms that teacher and teaching quality are the most powerful predictors of student success. In short, principals ensure higher student achievement by assuring better teaching. To do this, effective administrators have a new teacher induction program available for all newly hired teachers, which then seamlessly becomes part of the lifelong, sustained professional development program for the district or school. What keeps a good teacher are structured, sustained, intensive professional development programs that allow new teachers to observe others, to be observed by others, and to be part of networks or study groups where all teachers share together, grow together, and learn to respect each other’s work.ResumoEste artigo apresenta escolas e distritos escolares com programas bem sucedidos de indução, todos facilmente replicáveis. Cada vez mais, a pesquisa confirma que o professor e a qualidade do ensino são os mais poderosos preditores do sucesso do aluno. Em suma, os diretores garantem maior desempenho dos alunos, garantindo melhor ensino. Para fazer isso, os administradores eficazes têm um novo programa de indução de professores disponível para todos os professores recém-contratados, que então se torna parte do programa de desenvolvimento profissional sustentado ao longo da vida para o distrito ou escola. O que mantém um bom professor são programas estruturados, constantes e intensivos de desenvolvimento profissional que permitem que os novos professores observem outros, sejam observados por outros e façam parte de redes ou grupos de estudo onde todos os professores compartilham juntos, crescem juntos e aprendem a respeitar o trabalho um do outro.Tradução do original WONG, Harry K. “Induction Programs That Keep New Teachers Teaching and Improving”. NASSP Bulletin – Vol. 88 No 638 March 2004. © Harry K. Wong Publications, Inc. por Adriana Teixeira Reis.Palavras-chave: Programas de indução, Professor iniciante, Desenvolvimento profissional docente.Keywords: Induction programs, Beginner teacher, Teacher professional development.ReferencesALLINGTON, R. (2003). The six ts of effective elementary literacy instruction. Retrieved from www.readingrockets.org / article.php?ID=413.BREAUX, A., & WONG, H. (2003). New teacher induction: How to train, support, and retain new teachers. Mountain View, CA: Harry K. Wong Publications.BRITTON, E., PAINE, L., PIMM, D., & RAIZEN, S. (Eds.). (2003). Comprehensive teacher induction: Systems for early career learning. State: Kluwer Academic Publishers and WestEd.CROSS, C. T., & RIGDEN, D. W. (2002, April). Improving teacher quality [Electronic version]. American School Board Journal, 189(4), 24–27.DARLING-HAMMOND, L., & SYKES, G. (2003). Wanted: A national teacher sup- ply policy for education: The right way to meet the “highly qualified teacher” challenge. Education Policy Analysis Archives, 11(33). Retrieved from http: // epaa.asu.edu / epaa / v11n33 /DARLING-HAMMOND, L., & YOUNGS, P. (2002). Defining “highly qualified teachers”: What does scientifically-based research actually tell us? Educational Researcher, 31(9), 13–25.DEPAUL, A. (2000). Survival guide for new teachers: How new teachers can work effec- tively with veteran teachers, parents, principals, and teacher educators. Jessup, MD: U.S. Department of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement.DRUMMOND, S. (2002, April 18). What will it take to hold onto the next gen- eration of teachers? Harvard Graduate School of Education News. Retrieved from www.gse.harvard.edu / news / features / ngt04182002.htmlELMORE, R. (2002, January/ February). The limits of “change.” Harvard Education Letter. Retrieved from www.edletter.org / past / issues / 2002-jf / limitsofchange.shtmlFEIMAN-NEMSER, S. (1996). Teacher mentoring: A critical review. Washington, DC: ERIC Clearinghouse on Teaching and Teacher Education. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED397060)FULLAN, M. (2001). The new meaning of educational change (3rd ed.). New York: Teachers College Press.FULLAN, M. (2003). Change forces with a vengeance. London: Routledge Falmer.GARET, M., Porter, A., DESMOINE, L., BIRMAn, B., & KWANG, S. K. (2001). What makes professional development effective? American Educational Research Journal, 38(4), 915–946.GREENWALD, R., HEDGES, L., & LAINE, R. (1996). The effect of school resources on student achievement. Review of Educational Research, 66(3), 361–396.HANUSHEK, E. A., KAIN, J. F., & RIVKIN, S. G. (2001). Why public schools lose teachers (NBER Working Paper No. 8599). Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research.HARE, D., & HEAP, J. (2001). Effective teacher recruitment and retention strategies in the Midwest. Naperville, IL: North Central Regional Laboratory. Re- trieved June 26, 2002, from www.ncrel.org / policy/ pubs / html / strategy/ index.htmlHASSEL, E. (1999). Professional development: Learning from the best. Naperville, IL: North Central Regional Educational Laboratory.HIEBERT, H., GALLIMORE, R., & STIGLER, J. (2002). A knowledge base for the teaching profession: What would it look like and how can we get one? Educational Researcher, 31(5), 3–15.JOHNSON, S., & BIRKELAND, S. (2003). Pursuing a sense of success: New teach- ers explain their career decisions. American Educational Research Journal, 40(3), 581–617.JOHNSON, S. M., & KARDOS, S. M. (2002). Keeping new teachers in mind. Educational Leadership, 59(6), 13–16.KARDOS, S. (2003, April). Integrated professional culture: Exploring new teachers’ experiences in 4 states. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, Chicago, IL.LEHMAN, P. (2003, November 26). Ten steps to school reform at bargain prices. Education Week, 23(13), 36, 28.LIU, E. (2003, April). New teachers’ experiences of hiring: Preliminary findings from a 4-state study. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, Chicago, IL.MARTIN, S. (2003, March). From the ground up: Building your own university. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association of Supervision and Curriculum Development, San Francisco, CA.NORTH CAROLINA TEACHING FELLOWS COMMISSION. (1995). Keeping talented teach- ers. Raleigh, NC: Public School Forum of North Carolina.PALOMBO, M. (2003). A network that puts the net to work. Journal of Staff Development, 24(1), 24–28.ROTHMAN, R. (2002 / 2003). Transforming high schools into small learning communities. Challenge Journal, 6(2), 1–8.SANDERS, W. (1996). Cumulative and residual effects of teachers on future student academic achievement. Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Value-Added Research & Assessment Center.SAPHIER, J., FREEDMAN, S., & ASCHHEIM, B. (2001). Beyond mentoring: How to nurture, support, and retain new teachers. Newton, MA: Teachers21.SCHLAGER, M., FUSCO, J., KOCH, M., CRAWFORD, V., & PHILLIPS, M. (2003, July). Designing equity and diversity into online strategies to support new teachers. Paper presented at the National Educational Computing Conference (NECC), Seattle, WA.SERPELL, Z., & BOZEMAN, L. (1999). Beginning teacher induction: A report of beginning teacher effectiveness and retention. Washington, DC: National Partnership for Excellence and Accountability in Teaching.WONG, H. (2001, August 8). Mentoring can’t do it all. Education Week, 20(43), pp. 46, 50.WONG, H. (2002a). Induction: The best form of professional development. Educational Leadership, 59(6), 52–55.WONG, H. (2002b). Play for keeps. Principal Leadership, 3(1), 55–58.WONG, H. (2003a). Collaborating with colleagues to improve student learn- ing. ENC Focus, 11(6), 9.WONG, H. (2003b, October). Induction: How to train, support, and retain new teachers. Paper presented at the conference of the National Staff Development Council.WONG, H. (2003c). Induction programs that keep working. In M. Scherer (Ed.), Keeping good teachers ( pp. 42–49). Alexandria, VA: Association of Supervision and Curriculum Development.WONG, H., & ASQUITH, C. (2002). Supporting new teachers. American School Board Journal, 189(12), p. 22.YOUNGS, P. (2003). State and district policies related to mentoring and new teacher induction in Connecticut. New York: National Commission on Teaching and America’s Future.

Thanks to support from the North Carolina Farm Bureau, the North Carolina Tobacco Foundation, and the North Carolina Research Commission, the NCSU Libraries' Special Collections Research Center will construct, enhance, and maintain the “Living Off the Land” Web site. The site will provide digital access to collections of rare and unique items on tobacco and crop science history in North Carolina dating from 1850 through 1950. Tobacco has figured prominently not only in the economy of the state, but also in its culture, from colonial times to the present. Agricultural history is a frequent area of interest for researchers and visitors alike to North Carolina's cultural repositories. Completion of this project will result in expanded access to the resources available for the study of the state's tobacco and crop science history.

In September 1993, data recovery efforts were undertaken by Espey, Huston & Associates, Inc. (EH&A) of Austin, Texas, to mitigate the effects of lignite mining on site 41RK223 in Texas Utilities Mining Company's Oak Hill/2280 Acre Mine permit area of north-central Rusk County, Texas. The data recovery efforts were planned and conducted in coordination with the Department of Antiquities Protection at the Texas Historical Commission (THC) and Mr. Matthew Tanner of TU Services. The site was originally recorded by EH&A during a 1989 survey of the Oak Hill/2280 Acre Mine permit area based on information received from local informants, Orville Todd and Herman Ballow. Both men recalled swimming as children in the vicinity of an old framework of heavy timbers submerged within Boggy Branch, a tributary to Mill Creek. Local history accounts suggested that the timbers were likely the remains of one of several old water-powered mills historically associated with the Mill Creek floodplain.

In some regions of the US, emergency medical services (EMS) policies recommend transporting acute stroke patients directly to specialized stroke centers, bypassing local facilities unable to provide appropriate care. However, this prehospital care practice has not been thoroughly studied. We describe the pattern of bypass in a random sample of 301 suspected stroke patients transported by EMS from 53 of 100 North Carolina (NC) counties in 2010. We geocoded scene and destination addresses and calculated driving distances using GIS network analysis (ArcGIS 9.2, ESRI). EMS bypass was defined as the transport of a patient to a hospital other than the closest in driving distance. We characterized each destination as either a Joint Commission certified Primary Stroke Center (PSC) or not (non-PSC). The 301 stroke incidents were transported by EMS to 59 hospitals, including 16 designated as PSCs. EMS bypassed the closest facility for 91 patients (30%). On average, bypass resulted in an additional 10.0 miles of travel [median 4.7 miles (IQR 1.7, 10.6)]. Bypass did not vary widely by patient age, sex, or race. Bypass was more likely to occur in urban counties compared to rural counties (34% vs. 26%), with the mean additional travel distance shorter in urban counties (5.0 miles vs. 16.1 miles). Overall, 151 (of 301) patients were transported to a PSC while only 125 patients would have gone to a PSC if all had been transported to the closest hospital. Therefore, we found EMS bypass resulted in an additional 26 patients transported to a PSC. Further, EMS bypassed a closer non-PSC for a PSC in 36 cases while 10 patients were taken to a non-PSC instead of a closer PSC. Of these 10, the majority, 8, were transported based on patient or family choice. Our data suggest EMS bypass practices can increase access to specialized stroke care centers. Bypassing local hospitals appears to occur more frequently in urban areas where PSCs are more prevalent and in closer proximity. Yet, EMS bypass is not uncommon in rural areas of NC. EMS care, geographic location, and patient choice are all influential in determining a stroke patient's destination. Future studies should incorporate travel times in addressing access to timely stroke care.

A major impact of the late 1970s Carnegie Commission on Higher Education’s report titled Higher Education
 and the Nation’s Health was the funding and development of Area Health Education Centers (AHECs).1 AHECs
 were located in rural and medically underserved areas in the states, with a goal of developing medical
 education programs to improve the manpower needs of these underserved communities.1 The University of
 North Carolina School of Medicine (UNC SOM), developed such a network in the 1970s to accomplish this
 task,2 and this paper reflects upon the success of the UNC AHEC system as well as the Florida State University
 College of Medicine (FSU COM), regional campus distributive education model in achieving this goal. The
 legislature of the State of Florida specially created FSU COM with a mission focused on producing primary care
 doctors and physicians who serve the needs of rural, geriatric, underserved, and minority populations.3 FSU
 COM’s distributive medical education system has successfully accomplished this mission.3,4 I completed
 medical school and residency in the UNC AHEC system, and I am currently a regional campus Dean at FSU
 COM.

A major impact of the late 1970s Carnegie Commission on Higher Education’s report titled Higher Education and the Nation’s Health was the funding and development of Area Health Education Centers (AHECs).1 AHECs were located in rural and medically underserved areas in the states, with a goal of developing medical education programs to improve the manpower needs of these underserved communities.1 The University of North Carolina School of Medicine (UNC SOM), developed such a network in the 1970s to accomplish this task,2 and this paper reflects upon the success of the UNC AHEC system as well as the Florida State University College of Medicine (FSU COM), regional campus distributive education model in achieving this goal. The legislature of the State of Florida specially created FSU COM with a mission focused on producing primary care doctors and physicians who serve the needs of rural, geriatric, underserved, and minority populations.3 FSU COM’s distributive medical education system has successfully accomplished this mission.3,4 I completed medical school and residency in the UNC AHEC system, and I am currently a regional campus Dean at FSU COM.

Appalachia is defined as a roughly 1,000-mile long region in the eastern United States nestled in and around the Appalachian mountains. It is roughly 205,000 square miles and contains all or parts of twelve states: Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, Kentucky, Maryland, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, West Virginia, and Ohio. The area was home to about 25 million people as of the 2010 census. It is important to note that the region has struggled with outmigration since the 1930s beginning with the onset of the Great Depression. (Appalachian Regional Commission 2017). Historically, Appalachia has been known as a unique region in the United States. Beginning with roots as a common settlement region for fiery Scotch-Irish immigrants in the 1700s, continued by earning a reputation as a center for moonshine production during the 1930s, and now known as a region where the wealthy buy their second and third homes, the region has consistently been able to craft its own, particular culture. With a population that is 42% rural (compared to a 20% rural population for the entire U.S.) and overwhelmingly Scotch-Irish in ethnic composition, the area differs from the mainstream US. Beset by poverty, the region needs tourism to be a viable industry in many of its locales. A population that is relatively low in educational achievement (Appalachia as whole averages a 22% college completion rate per county compared with a US rate of 29% per county) and does not have easy access to intellectual resources in many places needs a stable, job-providing industry (Appalachian Regional Commission 2017). The area once had a legacy in the mining and forestry industries, but according to the Appalachian Regional Commission, that era has passed and people now rely on a rebirth of manufacturing, service industries, and tourism to provide jobs (2017). Fortunately, the situation in Appalachia has improved since 1960, as the number of economically distressed counties in the region has declined from 295 in 1960 to 91 in 2014 (Appalachian Regional Commission 2017). The poverty rate of 17.1% is slightly above the national average of 14.3% (Appalachian Regional Commission 2017). The region has come to increasingly depend on the tourism industry to fill an economic void as gaps in basic services and the continual draining of potential intellectual capital from population loss continue to plague the area. This paper will examine contemporary perspectives on tourism in the Appalachian region and analyze their economic and sociological effects.

Background: Less than 10% of ischemic stroke patients receive tissue plasminogen activator. Low treatment rates have been associated with delay in hospital presentation and reluctance to treat. Studies have found that a combination of community and professional education increase thrombolytic therapy from 2.2% to 11.3% with the data suggesting that professional education made the most impact. An Acute Stroke Nurse Response educational program was piloted as a means of providing specialized treatment education for nurses in North Carolina. Project goals: A. Increase the number of nurses across the state experienced to provide acute stroke assessment and treatment. B. Determine the best educational approach: on-line vs. class room vs. both. C. Develop a mock code stroke training module. D. Provide guidance in developing individualized models of stroke care protocols. Measurable objectives: A. Gauge interest in the program. B. Assess pre and post-test knowledge measuring effectiveness of modules. C. Assess nurse preference for teaching method. D. Evaluate the methodology of the mock code stroke module. Methods: The educational program covered stroke topics through on-line modules and a one day lecture series to meet the needs of the working nurse. The program consisted of 10 specialized stroke training modules: Module 1: Introduction to Stroke Module 2: Emergency Management Module 3: Acute Stroke Treatment Module 4: Management of ICH Module 5: Stroke Prevention Module 6: Nursing Care of the Stroke Patient Lecture 7: Neurological Assessment Lecture 8: Stroke Imaging Lecture 9: Quality Improvement/Joint Commission Primary Certification Lecture 10: Mock Stroke Code 6 weeks were allowed to complete the on-line modules prior to the day lecture series. Pre and post-test exams were administered to assess baseline knowledge and knowledge gained. Results: 42 nurses showed interest in the program. 12 nurses completed the pilot program. 10 were from NC, originating throughout the state and 2 from SC. Two participants were NP’s, 2 ED nurses, 3 staff nurses and 5 stroke coordinators. Participants had a mean pre-test score of 53.2, which increased significantly (p<0.001) to a mean post-test score of 77.8 (absolute mean improvement of 24.6%). The improvement in the scores ranged from 11.1 to 44.5% with one participant experiencing a decrease in test scores by 5.6%. Program feedback was positive, with strengths identified as “convenient and informative”. All participants requested the program continue as originally developed with on-line modules and the one day lecture series. Conclusions: There was a significant educational benefit from this program, as demonstrated by participant responses to the pilot program.

This article analyses the public persona of Jeremy Gilley, a documentary filmmaker, peace campaigner, and the founder of the organisation Peace One Day (POD). It begins by outlining how Gilley’s persona is presented in a manner which resonates with established archetypes of social campaigners, and how this creates POD’s legitimacy among grassroots organisations. I then describe a distinct, but not inconsistent, facet of Gilley’s persona which speaks specifically to entrepreneurs. The article outlines how Gilley’s individuality works to simultaneously address these overlapping audiences and argues that his persona can be read as an articulation of social entrepreneurship. Gilley represents an example of a public personality working to “crystallise issues and to normativise debates” (Marshall “Personifying” 370) concerning corporate involvement with non-profit organisations and the marketisation of the non-profit sector. Peace One Day (POD) is a UK-based non-profit organisation established in 1999 by actor-turned-documentary-filmmaker Jeremy Gilley. In the 1990s, while filming a documentary about global conflict, Gilley realised there was no internationally recognised day of ceasefire and non-violence. He created POD to found such a day and began lobbying the United Nations. In 2001, the 111th plenary meeting of the General Assembly passed a resolution which marked 21 September as the annual International Day of Peace (United Nations). Since 2001, POD has worked to create global awareness of Peace Day. By 2006, other NGOs began using the day to negotiate 24-hour ceasefires in various conflict zones, allowing them to carry out work in areas normally too dangerous to enter. For example, in 2007, the inoculation of 1.3 million Afghan children against polio was possible due to an agreement from the Taliban to allow safe passage to agencies working in the country during the day. This was repeated in subsequent years and, by 2009, 4.5 million children had been immunised (POD Part Three). While neither POD nor Gilley played a direct part in the polio vaccination programmes or specific ceasefires, his organisation acted as a catalyst for such endeavours and these initiatives would not have occurred without POD’s efforts.Gilley is not only the founder of POD, he is also the majority shareholder, key decision-maker, and predominant public spokesperson in this private, non-charitable, non-profit organisation (Frances 73). While POD’s celebrity supporters participate in press conferences, it is Gilley who does most to raise awareness. His public persona is inextricably linked with POD and is created through a range of presentational media with which he is engaged. These include social media content, regular blogposts on POD’s website, as well as appearances at a series of speaking events. Most significantly, Gilley establishes his public persona through a number of documentary films (Peace One Day; Day After; POD Part Three), which are shot largely from his perspective and narrated by his voiceover, and which depict POD’s key struggles and successes.The Peace Campaigner as an Activist and Entrepreneur In common with other non-profit organisations, POD relies on celebrities from the entertainment industries. It works with them in two key ways: raising the public profile of the organisation, and shaping the public persona of its founder by inviting comparisons of their perceived exceptionalness with his ostensible ordinariness. For example, Gilley’s documentaries depict various press conferences held by POD over a number of years. Those organised prior to POD recruiting celebrity spokespeople were “completely ignored by the media” whereas those held after celebrity backing from Jude Law and Angelina Jolie had been secured attracted considerable interest (Day After). Gilley explains his early difficulties in publicising his message by suggesting that he “was a nobody” (POD Part Three). This representation as a “nobody” or, more diplomatically, as “ordinary,” is a central component of Gilley’s persona. “Ordinariness” here means situating Gilley outside the political and entertainment elites and aligning him with more everyday suburban settings. This is done through a combination of the aesthetic qualities of his public presentation and his publically narrated back-story.Aesthetically speaking, Gilley presents his ordinariness through his casual attire and long hair. His appearance is similar to the campaigners, youth groups and school children he addresses, suggesting he is a representative of that demographic but also distancing him from political elites. The diplomats Gilley meets, such as those at the UN, wear the appropriate attire for their elite political setting: suits. In one key scene in the documentary Peace One Day, Gilley makes his first trip to the UN to meet Kofi Annan, UN General Secretary at the time, and appears at their doors clean cut and suitably dressed. He declares that his new appearance was designed to aid his credibility with the UN. Yet, at the same time, he makes explicit that he borrowed the suit from a friend and the tie from his grandfather and, prior to the meeting, it was decided, “the pony tail had to go.” Thus Gilley seeks the approval of both political elites and the ordinary public, and constructs a persona that speaks to both, though he aligns himself with the latter.Gilley’s back-story permeates his films and works to present his ordinariness. For example, POD has humble beginnings as an almost grassroots, family-run organisation, and Gilley depicts a campaign run on a shoestring from his mother’s spare bedroom in an ordinary suburban home. Although British Airways provided free flights from the organisation’s outset, Gilley shows his friends volunteering their time by organising fundraising events. POD’s modest beginnings are reflected in its founder, who confides about both his lack of formal education and lack of success as an actor (Day After). This “ordinariness” is constructed in opposition to the exceptional qualities of POD’s A-list celebrity backers—such as Angelina Jolie, who does enjoy success as an actor. This contrast is emphasised by inviting Jolie into Gilley’s everyday domestic setting and highlighting the icons of success she brings with her. For example, at his first meeting with Jolie, Gilley waits patiently for her and remarks about the expensive car which eventually arrives outside his house, denoting Jolie’s arrival. He notes in the voiceover to his The Day after Peace documentary, “this was unbelievable, Angelina Jolie sat on my sofa asking me what she could do, I couldn’t stop talking. I was so nervous.”Gilley promotes his ordinariness by using aesthetics and personal narrative. Evidence of how he struggled to realise his goals and the financial burdens he carried (Peace One Day) suggest that there is something authentic about Gilley’s vision for Peace Day. This also helps Gilley to align his public persona with common understandings of the political activist as a prophetic social visionary. POD is able to tap into the idea of the power of the individual as a force for change with references to Martin Luther King and Gandhi. Although Gilley makes no direct comparison between himself and these figures, blog entries such as “ten years ago, I had an idea; I dared to dream that I could galvanise the countries of the world to recognise an official day of ceasefire and nonviolence. Mad? Ambitious? Idealistic? All of the above” (Gilley “Dream”), invite comparisons with King’s “I Have a Dream” speech. This is further augmented by references to Gilley as an outsider to political establishments, such as the UN, which he is sure have “become cynical about the opportunity” they have to unite the world (BBC Interview).Interestingly, Gilley’s presentation as a pragmatic “change-maker” whose “passion is contagious” (Ahmad Fawzi, in POD Concert) also aligns him with a second figure: the entrepreneur. Where Gilley’s performances at school and community groups present his persona as an activist, his entrepreneur persona is presented through his performances at a series of business seminars. These seminars, entitled “Unleash Your Power of Influence,” are targeted towards young entrepreneurs and business-people very much consistent with the “creative class” demographic (Florida). The speakers, including Gilley, have all been successful in business (POD is a private company) and they offer to their audiences motivational presentations, and business advice. Although a semi-regular occurrence, it is the first two events held in July 2010 (Unleash 1) and November 2010 (Unleash 2) that are discussed here. Held in a luxury five-star London hotel, the events demonstrate a starkly different aspect of POD than that presented to community groups and schools, and the amateur grassroots ethic presented in Gilley’s documentary films—for example, tickets for Unleash 2 started at £69 and offered ‘goody bags’ for £95 (author’s observation of the event)—yet consistencies remain.Aesthetically speaking, Gilley’s appearance signifies a connection with these innovative, stereotypically young, founders of start-up companies and where Gilley is an outsider to political organisations; they are outsiders to business establishments. Further, many of these companies typically started, like POD, in a spare bedroom. The speakers at the Unleash events provide insights into their background which frequently demonstrate a rise from humble beginnings to business success, in the face of adversity, and as a result of innovation and perseverance. Gilley is not out of place in this environment and the modest beginnings of POD are relayed to his audience in a manner which bears a striking similarity to his for-profit counterparts.An analysis of Gilley’s presentations at these events demonstrates clear links between the dual aspects of Gilley’s public persona, the political economy of POD, and the underlying philosophy of the organisation—social entrepreneurship. The next section sets out some of the principals of social entrepreneurship and how the aspects of Gilley’s persona, outlined above, reinforce these.Personifying Social EnterpriseGenerally speaking, the business literature greatly emphasises entrepreneurs as “resourceful, value-creating change agents” who are “never satisfied with the status quo [... and are] a forceful engine of growth in our economy” (Dees and Economy 3-4). More recently, the focus of discussion has included social entrepreneurs. These individuals work within “an organisation that attacks [social and environmental] problems through a business format, even if it is not legally structured as a profit-seeking entity” (Bornstein and Davis xv) and advocate commercially oriented non-profit organisations that establish “win-win” relationships between non-profits and business.This coming together of the for- and non-profit sectors has range of precedents, most notably in “philanthrocapitalism” (Bishop and Green) and the types of partnerships established between corporations and environmentalists, such as Greenpeace Australia (Beder). However, philanthrocapitalism often encompasses the application of business methods to social problems by those who have amassed fortunes in purely commercial ventures (such as Bill Gates), and Beder’s work describes established for- and non-profit institutions working together. While social entrepreneurship overlaps with these, social entrepreneurs seek to do well by doing good by making a profit while simultaneously realising social goals (Bornstein and Davis 25).Read as an articulation of the coming together of the activist and the entrepreneur, Gilley’s individuality encapsulates the social enterprise movement. His persona draws from the commonalities between the archetypes of the traditional grassroots activist and start-up entrepreneur, as pioneering visionary and outsider to the establishment. While his films establish his authenticity among politically attuned members of the public, his appearances at the Unleash events work to signify the legitimacy of his organisation to those who identify with social entrepreneurialism and take the position that business should play a positive role in social causes. As an activist, Gilley’s creates his persona through his aesthetic qualities and a performance that draws on historical precedents of social prophets. As an entrepreneur, Gilley draws on the same aesthetic qualities and, through his performance, mitigates the types of disjuncture evident in the 1980s between environmental activists, politicians and business leaders, when environmentalist’s narratives “were perceived as flaky and failed to transform” (Robèrt 7). To do this, Gilley reconstitutes social and environmental problems (such as conflict) within a market metric, and presents the market as a viable and efficient solution. Consequently, Gilley asserts that “we live in a culture of war because war makes money, we need to live in a culture of peace,” and this depends on “if we can make it economical, if we can make the numbers add up” (Unleash).Social enterprises often eschew formal charity and Gilley is consistent with this when he states that “for me, I think it has to be about business. [...] I think if it’s about charity it’s not going to work for me.” Gilley asserts that partnerships with corporations are essential as “our world is going to change, when the corporate sector becomes engaged.” He, therefore, “want[s] to work with large corporations” in order to “empower individuals to be involved in the process of [creating] a more peaceful and sustainable world” (Unleash). One example of POD’s success in this regard is a co-venture with Coca-Cola.To coincide with Peace Day in 2007, POD and Coca-Cola entered into a co-branding exercise which culminated in a sponsorship deal with the POD logo printed on Coca-Cola packaging. Prior to this, Gilley faced a desperate financial situation and conceded that the only alternative to a co-venture with Coca-Cola was shutting down POD (Day After). While Coca-Cola offered financial support and the potential to spread Gilley’s message through the medium of the Coke can, POD presumably offered good publicity to a corporation persistently the target of allegations of unethical practice (for example, Levenson-Estrada; Gill; Thomas). Gilley was aware of the potential image problems caused by a venture with Coke but accepted the partnership on pragmatic grounds, and with the proviso that Coke’s sponsorship not accompany any attempt to influence POD. Gilley, in effect, was using Coca-Cola, displaying the political independence of the social visionary and the pragmatism of the entrepreneur. By the same token, Coca-Cola was using POD to garner positive publicity, demonstrating the nature of this “win-win” relationship.In his film, Gilley consults Ray C. Anderson, social enterprise proponent, about his ethical concerns. Anderson explains the merits of working with Coke. In his Unleash addresses, such ethical considerations do not feature. Instead, it is relayed that Coca-Cola executives were looking to become involved with a social campaign, consistent with the famous 1970s hilltop advertisement of “teaching the world to sing in harmony.” From a meeting at Coca-Cola’s headquarters in Atlanta, Gilley reveals, a correlation emerged between Gilley’s emphasis on Peace Day as a moment of global unity—encapsulated by his belief that “the thing about corporations [...] the wonderful thing about everybody […] is that everybody’s just like us” (Unleash)—and the image of worldwide harmony that Coca-Cola wanted to portray. It is my contention that Gilley’s public persona underpinned the manner in which this co-branding campaign emerged. This is because his persona neatly tied the profit motive of the corporation to the socially spirited nature of the campaign, and spoke to Coca-Cola in a manner relatable to the market. At the same time, it promoted a social campaign premised on an inclusiveness that recast the corporation as a concerned global citizen, and the social campaigner as a free-market agent.Persona in the Competitive Non-Profit SectorThrough a series of works P. David Marshall charts the increasing centrality of individuality as “one of the ideological mainstays of consumer capitalism [...and] equally one of the ideological mainstays of how democracy is conceived” (Marshall “New Media-New Self” 635). Celebrity, accordingly, can be thought of as a powerful discourse that works “to make the cultural centrality of individuality concretely real” (Marshall “New Media-New Self” 635). Beyond celebrity, Marshall offers a wider framework that maps how “personalisation, individuality, and the move from the private to the public are now part of the wider populace rather than just at play in the representational field of celebrity” (Marshall, “Persona” 158). This framework includes fundamental changes to the global, specifically Western, labour market that, while not a fait accompli, point to a more competitive environment in which “greater portions of the culture are engaged in regular—probably frequent—selling of themselves” and where self-promotion becomes a key tool (Marshall, “Persona” 158). Therefore, while consumerism comprises a backdrop to the proliferation of celebrity culture, competition within market capitalism contributes to the wider expansion of personalisation and individualism.The non-profit sector is also a competitive environment. UK studies have found an increase in the number of International NGOs of 46.6% from 1995/6-2005/6 (Anheier, Kaldor, and Glasius. 310). At the same time, the number of large charities (with an income greater than £10 million) rose, between 1999-2013, from 307 to 1,005 and their annual income rose from approximately £10bn to £36bn (Charity Commission). These quantitative changes in the sector have occurred alongside qualitative changes in terms of the orientation of individual organisations. For example, Epstein and Gang describe a non-profit sector in which NGOs compete against each other for funds from aid donors (state and private). It is unclear whether “aid will be allocated properly, say to the poorest or to maximize the social welfare” or to the “efficient aid-seekers” (294)—that is, NGOs with the greatest competitive capabilities. A market for public awareness has also emerged and, in an increasingly crowded non-profit sector, it is clearly important for organisations to establish a public profile that can gain attention.It is in this competitive environment that the public personae of activists become assets for NGOs, and Gilley constitutes a successful example of this. His persona demonstrates an organisation’s response to the competitive nature of the non-profit sector, by appealing to both traditional activist circles and the business sector, and articulating the social enterprise movement. Gilley effectively embodies social entrepreneurship—in his appearance, his performance and his back-story—bridging a gap between the for- and non-profit sectors. His persona helps legitimate efforts to recast the activist as an entrepreneur (and conversely, entrepreneurs as activists) by incorporating activist ideals (in this instance, peace) within a market framework. This, to return to Marshall’s argument, crystallises the issue of peace within market metrics such and normativises debates about the role of corporate actors as global citizens, presenting it as pragmatism and therefore “common sense.” This is not to undermine Gilley’s achievements but, instead, to point out how reading his public persona enables an understanding of efforts to marketise the non-profit sector and align peace activism with corporate power.References Anheier, Helmut K., Mary Kaldor, and Marlies Glasius. Global Civil Society 2006/7. London: Sage, 2007.BBC Storyville. Director Interview: Jeremy Gilley. BBC. 2004. 7 Feb. 2010.Beder, Sharon. Global Spin: The Corporate Assault on Environmentalism. Totnes, UK: Green Books, 2002.Bishop, Matthew, and Michael Green. Philanthrocapitalism. London: A&C Black, 2008.Bornstein, David, and Susan Davis. Social Entrepreneurship: What Everyone Needs to Know. New York: Oxford University Press, 2010.Charity Commission for England and Wales. “Sector Facts and Figures.” N.d. 5 Apr 2014.Day after Peace, The. Dir. Jeremy Gilley. Peace One Day, 2008.Dees, J. Gregory, and Peter Economy. "Social Entrepreneurship." Enterprising Nonprofits: A Toolkit for Social Entrepreneurs. Eds. J. Gregory Dees, Jed Emerson, and Peter Economy. New York: Wiley, 2001. 1-18.Epstein, Gil S., and Ira N. Gang. “Contests, NGOs, and Decentralizing Aid.” Review of Development Economics 10. 2 (2006): 285-296.Florida, Richard. The Flight of the Creative Class: The New Global Competition for Talent. New York: Harper Business, 2006.Frances, Nic. The End of Charity: Time for Social Enterprise. New South Wales: Allen & Unwin, 2008.Fraser, Nick. “Can One Man Persuade the World, via the UN, to Sanction a Global Ceasefire Day?” BBC. 2005. 7 Feb. 2010.Gill, Leslie. “Labor and Human Rights: The ‘Real Thing’ in Colombia.” Transforming Anthropology 13.2 (2005): 110-115.Gilley, Jeremy. “Dream One Day.” Peace One Day. 2009. 23 Jun 2010.Levenson-Estrada, Deborah. Trade Unionists against Terror: Guatemala City, 1954-1985. Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1994.Marshall, P. David. Celebrity and Power. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001.Marshall, P. David. “Intimately Intertwined in the Most Public Way: Celebrity and Journalism.” The Celebrity Culture Reader. Ed. P. David Marshall. Oxon: Routledge, 2006. 316-323.Marshall, P. David. “New Media – New Self: The Changing Power of Celebrity.” The Celebrity Culture Reader. Ed. P. David. Marshall. Oxon: Routledge, 2006. 634-644.Marshall, P. David. “Personifying Agency: The Public–Persona–Place–Issue Continuum.” Celebrity Studies 4.3 (2013): 369-371.Marshall, P. David. “Persona Studies: Mapping the Proliferation of the Public Self.” Journalism 15.2 (2014): 153-170.Newsnight. BBC 2. 20 Sep. 2010. 22.30-23.00.Peace One Day. Dir. Jeremy Gilley. Peace One Day, 2004.Peace One Day Concert: Live at the Royal Albert Hall Gilley. Dir. Jeremy Gilley. Peace One Day, 2008.Peace One Day Part Three. Dir. Jeremy Gilley. Peace One Day, 2010.Robèrt, Karl-Henrik. The Natural Step: Seeding a Quiet Revolution. Gabriola Island, British Columbia: New Society Publishers, 2002.Thomas, Mark. Belching Out the Devil: Global Adventure with Coca-Cola. London: Ebury Press, 2008.United Nations General Assembly. “International Day of Peace. A/RES/55/282" 111th Plenary Meeting. 2001. 10 June 2014 ‹http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/RES/55/282&Lang=E›.Unleash Your Power of Influence. Triumphant Events and Peace One Day. 2010.

IntroductionFor over five years, Romanians have been using their bodies in public spaces to challenge politicians’ disregard for the average citizen. In a region low in standards of civic engagement, such as voter turnout and petition signing, Romanian people’s “citizenship of the streets” has stopped environmentally destructive mining in 2013, ousted a corrupt cabinet in 2015, and blocked legislation legalising abuse of public office in 2017 (Solnit 214). This article explores the democratic affordances of collective resistive walking, by focusing on Romania’s capital, Bucharest. I illustrate how walking in protest of political corruption cultivates a democratic public and reconfigures city spaces as spaces of democratic engagement, in the context of increased illiberalism in the region. I examine two sites of protest: the Parliament Palace and Victoriei Square. The former is a construction emblematic of communist dictator Nicolae Ceaușescu and symbol of an authoritarian regime, whose surrounding area protestors reclaim as a civic space. The latter—a central part of the city bustling with the life of cafes, museums, bike lanes, and nearby parks—hosts the Government and has become an iconic site for pro-democratic movements. Spaces of Democracy: The Performativity of Public Assemblies Democracies are active achievements, dependent not only on the solidity of institutions —e.g., a free press and a constitution—but on people’s ability and desire to communicate about issues of concern and to occupy public space. Communicative approaches to democratic theory, formulated as inquiries into the public sphere and the plurality and evolution of publics, often return to establish the significance of public spaces and of bodies in the maintenance of our “rhetorical democracies” (Hauser). Speech and assembly, voice and space are sides of the same coin. In John Dewey’s work, communication is the main “loyalty” of democracy: the heart and final guarantee of democracy is in free gatherings of neighbors on the street corner to discuss back and forth what is read in the uncensored news of the day, and in gatherings of friends in the living rooms of houses and apartments to converse freely with one another. (Dewey qtd. in Asen 197, emphasis added) Dewey asserts the centrality of communication in the same breath that he affirms the spatial infrastructure supporting it.Historically, Richard Sennett explains, Athenian democracy has been organised around two “spaces of democracy” where people assembled: the agora or town square and the theatre or Pnyx. While the theatre has endured as the symbol of democratic communication, with its ideal of concentrated attention on the argument of one speaker, Sennett illuminates the square as an equally important space, one without which deliberation in the Pnyx would be impossible. In the agora, citizens cultivate an ability to see, expect, and think through difference. In its open architecture and inclusiveness, Sennett explains, the agora affords the walker and dweller a public space to experience, in a quick, fragmentary, and embodied way, the differences and divergences in fellow citizens. Through visual scrutiny and embodied exposure, the square thus cultivates “an outlook favorable to discussion of differing views and conflicting interests”, useful for deliberation in the Pnyx, and the capacity to recognise strangers as part of the imagined democratic community (19). Also stressing the importance of spaces for assembly, Jürgen Habermas’s historical theorisation of the bourgeois public sphere moves the functions of the agora to the modern “third places” (Oldenburg) of the civic society emerging in late seventeenth and eighteenth-century Europe: coffee houses, salons, and clubs. While Habermas’ conceptualization of a unified bourgeois public has been criticised for its class and gender exclusivism, and for its normative model of deliberation and consensus, such criticism has also opened paths of inquiry into the rhetorical pluralism of publics and into the democratic affordances of embodied performativity. Thus, unlike Habermas’s assumption of a single bourgeois public, work on twentieth and twenty-first century publics has attended to their wide variety in post-modern societies (e.g., Bruce; Butler; Delicath and DeLuca; Fraser; Harold and DeLuca; Hauser; Lewis; Mckinnon et al.; Pezzullo; Rai; Tabako). In contrast to the Habermasian close attention to verbal argumentation, such criticism prioritizes the embodied (performative, aesthetic, and material) ways in which publics manifest their attention to common issues. From suffragists to environmentalists and, most recently, anti-precarity movements across the globe, publics assemble and move through shared space, seeking to break hegemonies of media representation by creating media events of their own. In the process, Judith Butler explains, such embodied assemblies accomplish much more. They disrupt prevalent logics and dominant feelings of disposability, precarity, and anxiety, at the same time that they (re)constitute subjects and increasingly privatised spaces into citizens and public places of democracy, respectively. Butler proposes that to best understand recent protests we need to read collective assembly in the current political moment of “accelerating precarity” and responsibilisation (10). Globally, increasingly larger populations are exposed to economic insecurity and precarity through government withdrawal from labor protections and the diminishment of social services, to the profit of increasingly monopolistic business. A logic of self-investment and personal responsibility accompanies such structural changes, as people understand themselves as individual market actors in competition with other market actors rather than as citizens and community members (Brown). In this context, public assembly would enact an alternative, insisting on interdependency. Bodies, in such assemblies, signify both symbolically (their will to speak against power) and indexically. As Butler describes, “it is this body, and these bodies, that require employment, shelter, health care, and food, as well as a sense of a future that is not the future of unpayable debt” (10). Butler describes the function of these protests more fully:[P]lural enactments […] make manifest the understanding that a situation is shared, contesting the individualizing morality that makes a moral norm of economic self-sufficiency precisely […] when self-sufficiency is becoming increasingly unrealizable. Showing up, standing, breathing, moving, standing still, speech, and silence are all aspects of a sudden assembly, an unforeseen form of political performativity that puts livable life at the forefront of politics […] [T]he bodies assembled ‘say’ we are not disposable, even if they stand silently. (18)Though Romania is not included in her account of contemporary protest movements, Butler’s theoretical account aptly describes both the structural and ideological conditions, and the performativity of Romanian protestors. In Romania, citizens have started to assemble in the streets against austerity measures (2012), environmental destruction (2013), fatal infrastructures (2015) and against the government’s corruption and attempts to undermine the Judiciary (from February 2017 onward). While, as scholars have argued (Olteanu and Beyerle; Gubernat and Rammelt), political corruption has gradually crystallised into the dominant and enduring framework for the assembled publics, post-communist corruption has been part and parcel of the neoliberalisation of Central and Eastern-European societies after the fall of communism. In the region, Leslie Holmes explains, former communist elites or the nomenklatura, have remained the majority political class after 1989. With political power and under the shelter of political immunity, nomenklatura politicians “were able to take ethically questionable advantage in various ways […] of the sell-off of previously state-owned enterprises” (Holmes 12). The process through which the established political class became owners of a previously state-owned economy is known as “nomenklatura privatization”, a common form of political corruption in the region, Holmes explains (12). Such practices were common knowledge among a cynical population through most of the 1990s and the 2000s. They were not broadly challenged in an ideological milieu attached, as Mihaela Miroiu, Isabela Preoteasa, and Jerzy Szacki argued, to extreme forms of liberalism and neoliberalism, ideologies perceived by people just coming out of communism as anti-ideology. Almost three decades since the fall of communism, in the face of unyielding levels of poverty (Zaharia; Marin), the decaying state of healthcare and education (Bilefsky; “Education”), and migration rates second only to war-torn Syria (Deletant), Romanian protestors have come to attribute the diminution of life in post-communism to the political corruption of the established political class (“Romania Corruption Report”; “Corruption Perceptions”). Following systematic attempts by the nomenklatura-heavy governing coalition to undermine the judiciary and institutionalise de facto corruption of public officials (Deletant), protestors have been returning to public spaces on a weekly basis, de-normalising the political cynicism and isolation serving the established political class. Mothers Walking: Resignifying Communist Spaces, Imagining the New DemosOn 11 July 2018, a protest of mothers was streamed live by Corruption Kills (Corupția ucide), a Facebook group started by activist Florin Bădiță after a deadly nightclub fire attributed to the corruption of public servants, in 2015 (Commander). Organized protests at the time pressured the Social-Democratic cabinet into resignation. Corruption Kills has remained a key activist platform, organising assemblies, streaming live from demonstrations, and sharing personal acts of dissent, thus extending the life of embodied assemblies. In the mothers’ protest video, women carrying babies in body-wraps and strollers walk across the intersection leading to the Parliament Palace, while police direct traffic and ensure their safety (“Civil Disobedience”). This was an unusual scene for many reasons. Walkers met at the entrance to the Parliament Palace, an area most emblematic of the former regime. Built by Communist dictator, Nicolae Ceaușescu and inspired by Kim Il-sung’s North Korean architecture, the current Parliament building and its surrounding plaza remain, in the words of Renata Salecl, “one of the most traumatic remnants of the communist regime” (90). The construction is the second largest administrative building in the world, after the Pentagon, a size matching the ambitions of the dictator. It bears witness to the personal and cultural sacrifices the construction and its surrounded plaza required: the displacement of some 40,000 people from old neighbourhood Uranus, the death of reportedly thousands of workers, and the flattening of churches, monasteries, hospitals, schools (Parliament Palace). This arbitrary construction carved out of the old city remains a symbol of an authoritarian relation with the nation. As Salecl puts it, Ceaușescu’s project tried to realise the utopia of a new communist “centre” and created an artificial space as removed from the rest of the city as the leader himself was from the needs of his people. Twenty-nine years after the fall of communism, the plaza of the Parliament Palace remains as suspended from the life of the city as it was during the 1980s. The trees lining the boulevard have grown slightly and bike lanes are painted over decaying stones. Still, only few people walk by the neo-classical apartment buildings now discoloured and stained by weather and time. Salecl remarks on the panoptic experience of the Parliament Palace: “observed from the avenue, [the palace] appears to have no entrance; there are only numerous windows, which give the impression of an omnipresent gaze” (95). The building embodies, for Salecl, the logic of surveillance of the communist regime, which “created the impression of omnipresence” through a secret police that rallied members among regular citizens and inspired fear by striking randomly (95).Against this geography steeped in collective memories of fear and exposure to the gaze of the state, women turn their children’s bodies and their own into performances of resistance that draw on the rhetorical force of communist gender politics. Both motherhood and childhood were heavily regulated roles under Ceaușescu’s nationalist-socialist politics of forced birth, despite the official idealisation of both. Producing children for the nationalist-communist state was women’s mandated expression of citizenship. Declaring the foetus “the socialist property of the whole society”, in 1966 Ceaușescu criminalised abortion for women of reproductive ages who had fewer than four children, and, starting 1985, less than five children (Ceaușescu qtd. in Verdery). What followed was “a national tragedy”: illegal abortions became the leading cause of death for fertile women, children were abandoned into inhumane conditions in the infamous orphanages, and mothers experienced the everyday drama of caring for families in an economy of shortages (Kligman 364). The communist politicisation of natality during communist Romania exemplifies one of the worst manifestations of the political as biopolitical. The current maternal bodies and children’s bodies circulating in the communist-iconic plaza articulate past and present for Romanians, redeploying a traumatic collective memory to challenge increasingly authoritarian ambitions of the governing Social Democratic Party. The images of caring mothers walking in protest with their babies furthers the claims that anti-corruption publics have made in other venues: that the government, in their indifference and corruption, is driving millions of people, usually young, out of the country, in a braindrain of unprecedented proportions (Ursu; Deletant; #vavedemdinSibiu). In their determination to walk during the gruelling temperatures of mid-July, in their youth and their babies’ youth, the mothers’ walk performs the contrast between their generation of engaged, persistent, and caring citizens and the docile abused subject of a past indexed by the Ceaușescu-era architecture. In addition to performing a new caring imagined community (Anderson), women’s silent, resolute walk on the crosswalk turns a lifeless geography, heavy with the architectural traces of authoritarian history, into a public space that holds democratic protest. By inhabiting the cultural role of mothers, protestors disarmed state authorities: instead of the militarised gendarmerie usually policing protestors the Victoriei Square, only traffic police were called for the mothers’ protest. The police choreographed cars and people, as protestors walked across the intersection leading to the Parliament. Drivers, usually aggressive and insouciant, now moved in concert with the protestors. The mothers’ walk, immediately modeled by people in other cities (Cluj-Napoca), reconfigured a car-dominated geography and an unreliable, driver-friendly police, into a civic space that is struggling to facilitate the citizens’ peaceful disobedience. The walkers’ assembly thus begins to constitute the civic character of the plaza, collecting “the space itself […] the pavement and […] the architecture [to produce] the public character of that material environment” (Butler 71). It demonstrates the possibility of a new imagined community of caring and persistent citizens, one significantly different from the cynical, disconnected, and survivalist subjects that the nomenklatura politicians, nested in the Panoptic Parliament nearby, would prefer.Persisting in the Victoriei Square In addition to strenuous physical walking to reclaim city spaces, such as the mothers’ walking, the anti-corruption public also practices walking and gathering in less taxing environments. The Victoriei Square is such a place, a central plaza that connects major boulevards with large sidewalks, functional bike lanes, and old trees. The square is the architectural meeting point of old and new, where communist apartments meet late nineteenth and early twentieth century architecture, in a privileged neighbourhood of villas, museums, and foreign consulates. One of these 1930s constructions is the Government building, hosting the Prime Minister’s cabinet. Demonstrators gathered here during the major protests of 2015 and 2017, and have walked, stood, and wandered in the square almost weekly since (“Past Events”). On 24 June 2018, I arrive in the Victoriei Square to participate in the protest announced on social media by Corruption Kills. There is room to move, to pause, and rest. In some pockets, people assemble to pay attention to impromptu speakers who come onto a small platform to share their ideas. Occasionally someone starts chanting “We See You!” and “Down with Corruption!” and almost everyone joins the chant. A few young people circulate petitions. But there is little exultation in the group as a whole, shared mostly among those taking up the stage or waving flags. Throughout the square, groups of familiars stop to chat. Couples and families walk their bikes, strolling slowly through the crowds, seemingly heading to or coming from the nearby park on a summer evening. Small kids play together, drawing with chalk on the pavement, or greeting dogs while parents greet each other. Older children race one another, picking up on the sense of freedom and de-centred but still purposeful engagement. The openness of the space allows one to meander and observe all these groups, performing the function of the Ancient agora: making visible the strangers who are part of the polis. The overwhelming feeling is one of solidarity. This comes partly from the possibilities of collective agency and the feeling of comfortably taking up space and having your embodiment respected, otherwise hard to come by in other spaces of the city. Everyday walking in the streets of Romanian cities is usually an exercise in hypervigilant physical prowess and self-preserving numbness. You keep your eyes on the ground to not stumble on broken pavement. You watch ahead for unmarked construction work. You live with other people’s sweat on the hot buses. You hop among cars parked on sidewalks and listen keenly for when others may zoom by. In one of the last post-socialist states to join the European Union, living with generalised poverty means walking in cities where your senses must be dulled to manage the heat, the dust, the smells, and the waiting, irresponsive to beauty and to amiable sociality. The euphemistic vocabulary of neoliberalism may describe everyday walking through individualistic terms such as “grit” or “resilience.” And while people are called to effort, creativity, and endurance not needed in more functional states, what one experiences is the gradual diminution of one’s lives under a political regime where illiberalism keeps a citizen-serving democracy at bay. By contrast, the Victoriei Square holds bodies whose comfort in each other’s presence allow us to imagine a political community where survivalism, or what Lauren Berlant calls “lateral agency”, are no longer the norm. In “showing up, standing, breathing, moving, standing still […] an unforeseen form of political performativity that puts livable life at the forefront of politics” is enacted (Butler 18). In arriving to Victoriei Square repeatedly, Romanians demonstrate that there is room to breathe more easily, to engage with civility, and to trust the strangers in their country. They assert that they are not disposable, even if a neoliberal corrupt post-communist regime would have them otherwise.ConclusionBecoming a public, as Michael Warner proposes, is an ongoing process of attention to an issue, through the circulation of discourse and self-organisation with strangers. For the anti-corruption public of Romania’s past years, such ongoing work is accompanied by persistent, civil, embodied collective assembly, in an articulation of claims, bodies, and spaces that promotes a material agency that reconfigures the city and the imagined Romanian community into a more democratic one. The Romanian citizenship of the streets is particularly significant in the current geopolitical and ideological moment. In the region, increasing authoritarianism meets the alienating logics of neoliberalism, both trying to reduce citizens to disposable, self-reliant, and disconnected market actors. Populist autocrats—Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey, the Peace and Justice Party in Poland, and recently E.U.-penalized Victor Orban, in Hungary—are dismantling the system of checks and balances, and posing threats to a European Union already challenged by refugee debates and Donald Trump’s unreliable alliance against authoritarianism. In such a moment, the Romanian anti-corruption public performs within the geographies of their city solidarity and commitment to democracy, demonstrating an alternative to the submissive and disconnected subjects preferred by authoritarianism and neoliberalism.Author's NoteIn addition to the anonymous reviewers, the author would like to thank Mary Tuominen and Jesse Schlotterbeck for their helpful comments on this essay.ReferencesAnderson, Benedict R. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso, 2016.Asen, Robert. “A Discourse Theory of Citizenship.” Quarterly Journal of Speech 90.2 (2004): 189-211. 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