Journal articles on the topic 'North–Carpathian group'

This paper provides an overview of the paleomagnetic results which constrain the post-Paleogene tectonic development of the Western Carpathians. A group of these results are relevant to the last stage of the Tertiary folding and thrusting of the Silesian, Dukla and Magura nappes of the Outer Western Carpathian and were obtained from Paleogene-Lower Miocene flysch sediments. Both the pre- and post-folding remanences indicate about 50° CCW vertical axis rotation with respect to the present orientation. This is about a 60° rotation relative to stable Europe. It follows that the general orientation of the Silesian and more internal nappes were NW-SE, at least until the mid-Miocene. The CCW vertical axis rotation was co-ordinated with that of the Central Carpathian Paleogene Basin. The termination of the rotation can be estimated from the paleomagnetic data available from the Pieniny andesites which intruded the Pieniny Klippen Belt and the southern part of the Magura Nappe as well as from those obtained for the Neogene intramontane basins which opened up in the Outer and in the Central Western Carpathians. The paleomagnetic vectors for the andesites form two groups. The first group suggests about 45° CCW rotation relative to north, while the second shows no rotation. At the present stage of our knowledge it seems likely that some of the andesite bodies were intruded around 18 Ma, which is the oldest isotope age for the intrusions of the Wżar Mts, while some other bodies could have been emplaced after the rotation, around 11 Ma, which is the youngest isotope age for the Brijarka quarry. Vertical axis CCW rotation was also observed on sediments older than 11.6 Ma in the Orava-Nowy Targ Intramontane Basin which saddles the Magura Nappe and the Central Carpathian Paleogene Basin. However, this rotation was related to fault zone activity and was not attributed to the general rotation of the Outer Western Carpathian nappe system. Paleomagnetic results from the Nowy Sącz Intramontane Basin, which opened over the Magura Nappe, and those for the Central Western Carpathian Turiec Intramontane Basin do not indicate vertical axis rotation. In the first case, the loosely controlled age limit of the termination of the rotation is around 12 Ma. Well constrained results from the second basin imply that the rotation was definitely over by 8 Ma. Based on the above observations, and aware of the problem of often loose age control on the formation and deformation of the deposits of the intramontane basins, it is tentatively concluded that the large scale CCW rotation of the Central Western Carpathians, together with the Magura, Dukla and Silesian nappes, must have started after 18 Ma and terminated around 11 Ma.

In the Scythian time in the territory of the Middle Danube, Transylvanian and the Southern Carpathian regions, the original group of single-edged akinakai is distributed. By the time the Scythians penetrated Carpathian region, a part of the population of Basarabi culture (bearers of the Illyrian tradition of single-edged weaponry) moved to the north, to the South Carpathians and Transylvania. Perhaps it is the circumstance that can explain the appearance of single-edged akianakai with a T-shaped handle of the Nуgrád type in the foothills of the Southern Carpathians and the Apuseni Mountains in the south-west of Transylvania. The basis for the Nуgrád akinakai, apparently, was the akinakai of the Shumeyko type (or Piliny type according to A. Vulpe), which spread at the turn of the Early and Middle Scythian periods. This is indicated by the features of Nуgrád akinakai, characteristic of the Shumeyko type like a narrow elongated blade (often triangular), a massive kidney-shaped crosshair, a two-part handle and decoration with its transverse notches, a narrow elongated rhombic pommel. Like Shumeyko akinakai, the single-edged swords of the Nуgrád type appear at the turn of the 7th—6th centuries BC and exist until the end of the 6th century. At the same time, the bulk of the complexes with akinakai of the Nуgrád type belong to the second half or even the end of the 6th century BC.

The problem of identification of the earliest Slavic settlement in central Europe drew researchers’ attention to the archaeological finds of the Late Roman and Migration periods. The simple hand-made pottery of this period in the northern Danube region showed a certain formal resemblance to the vessels of Early Slavic cultures, which provoked the idea of a direct time connection between the first wave of the Slav expansion from the east and the horizon of the preceding Germanic settlement in this territory. A find group from northeast Slovakia, known mainly from the small settlement at Presov (Chropovský 1962; Točík 1965; Chropovský & Ruttkay 1985), the ’Prešov‘ type, seemed to provide the geographical connection of this ethnic shift. However, different opinions were also expressed, pointing to a possible relationship with the Late Przeworsk culture milieu (Budinský-Krička 1963: 36–7), or connecting the genesis of the Prešov finds with the development of local settlement of the Later Roman period (Lamiová-Schmiedlová 1969: 478; Kolník 1980: 202). Investigations in the North Carpathian area has provided new evidence during the last few years enabling a first evaluation of its settlement.

Specific feature of the cultural-historical genesis of the North-Western Pontic Region at the turn of the 4th to the 3rd mill. BC is manifested by relations of its population with a foreign cultural environment. This concerns, first and foremost, the Budzhak culture that is a component of the Pit-Grave (Yamna) cultural-historical region. The Budzhak culture represents connections with the Carpathian and Danube, the Corded Ware and the Globular Amphora cultures. The contacts were reflected in two aspects: imports, imitations and parallels in the Budzhak pottery and the occurrence of the Yamna burials found in other territories. Some forms of pottery and elements of its dйcor are rather surprisingly similar to central European groups of the Corded Ware culture. The analysis of the mainland culture of the Budzhak population enables us to assume the existence of contacts with the Corded Ware culture circle as early as in the first half of the 3rd mill. BC.
 The current state of research on the movement of Yamna cultural aspect towards west is also discussed in the paper. The recent genetic analysis results the link of Yamna and Corded Ware populations. They were treated as the evidence of direct massive migration of Steppe people into Central Europe. Archaeological data supporting this concept are few if any. The westernmost enclaves of Yamna culture rather indicate limited intrusion of specialized groups aimed at control of exchange routs and raw material extraction places. It is suggested that formation of Balkan-Carpathian variant of Yamna cultural-historical community is connected to the expansion of the tribes of the Budzhak culture of the North-West Pontic region. The western group of Yamna-Budzhac culture is distinctively different from «core» Yamna by typology of pottery while both aspects share the similar burial rites.
 The information obtained as a result of many years of excavations of barrows of the North-Western Pontic Region allow defining the Budzhak culture not only as a unique structural entity within the Yamna cultural-historical area but also as a mobile community opened to «cultural dialogue» and capable of long-distance migrations. Indications of that include imports, imitations, derivatives in the material complex, as well as the population’s westward movement to the Central European and Balkan-Carpathian Region.

Abstract The paper reviews the main West-Carpathian Early Paleozoic metamorphosed originally sedimentary-magmatic complexes, dated by SHRIMP on zircons, as indicators of crustal extension and shortening events. Igneous precursors of a Layered Amphibolite Complex (LAC) – fractionated upper mantle gabbros to diorites, dated at 503 ± 4 and 492 ± 4 Ma from the North-Veporic, or 480 ± 5 and 450 ± 6 Ma from the Tatric basement are contemporaneous with subaluminous to metaluminous I-type (507 ± 4 Ma, the South-Veporic basement), peraluminous S-type (497 ± 4 Ma, the South-Veporic basement; 516 ± 7, 485 ± 6 and 462 ± 6 Ma, the North-Veporic basement; 497 ± 6, 472 ± 6 and 450 ± 6 Ma, the Tatric basement), alkaline A-type (511 ± 6 Ma, South-Veporic basement) granitic orthogneisses and calcalkaline rhyolitic (482 ± 6 Ma) and dacitic (476 ± 7 Ma) metavolcanics (Gemeric basement), indicating a magmatic immature back arc setting. The ages point to Middle/Late Cambrian, Early and Late Ordovician magmatic phases, coeval with the extension in the northern Gondwana margin. Separation of an inferred Avalonian and/or Galatian terranes distal continental ribbon corresponds with the opening of a Medio-European Basin. A 430-390 Ma dated MP/HP metamorphic event, recorded in the LAC and associated orthogneisses, occurred in the area of thinned immature back arc basin crust due to closure of the Medio-European Basin. Thus a distal Gondwana continental ribbon north of this basin could be an eastward lateral pendant of Armorica, derived from Galatian terrane. Metaophiolites of the Pernek Group (a metagabbrodolerite dated at 371 ± 4 Ma) in the Tatric basement, analogous to island-arc tholeiites and back-arc basin basalts, indicate a back-arc basin setting north of a 430-390 Ma old northward dipping subduction/collision zone, dividing the northward drifting western Galatian terrane microplate from the Gondwana margin. Some metabasites of the Gemeric basement might indicate Late Devonian to Mississippian opening of a peri-Gondwanan Paleotethyan oceanic basin: a 383 ± 3 Ma old remelted metagabbro (482 ± 9 Ma) from the Klátov gneiss-amphibolite complex, ca. 385 Ma old porphyritic metabasite of the Zlatník ophiolite complex, as well as a 350 ± 5 Ma old HP metabasite as tectonic fragment within the Rakovec Group. The closure of Devonian-Mississippian basins, accompanied by medium-pressure (the Pernek Group) to high-pressure (blueschist to eclogitic tectonic fragments in greenschist facies rocks of the Rakovec Group) metamorphism, occurred in late Carboniferous to early Permian, when Paleotethyan realm complexes accreted to a Galatian terrane microplate, the latter represented by the older and the higher-grade Tatric and Veporic basement complexes.

In the Carpathian Basin the wild boar (Sus scrofa) belongs among the most important game species both ecologically and economically, therefore knowing more about the basics of the genetics of the species is a key factor for accurate and sustainable management of its population. The aim of this study was to estimate the genetic diversity and to elucidate the genetic structure and location of wild boar populations in the Carpathian Basin. A total of 486 samples were collected and genotyped using 13 STR markers. The number of alleles varied between 4 and 14, at 9 of the 13 loci the observed heterozygosity was significantly different (p < 0.05) from the expected value, showing remarkable introgression in the population. The population was separated into two groups, with an Fst value of 0.03, suggesting the presence of two subpopulations. The first group included 147 individuals from the north-eastern part of Hungary, whereas the second group included 339 samples collected west and south of the first group. The two subpopulations’ genetic indices are roughly similar. The lack of physical barriers between the two groups indicates that the genetic difference is most likely caused by the high reproduction rate and large home range of the wild boars, or by some genetic traces’ having been preserved from both the last ice age and the period before the Hungarian water regulation.

Amphibian populations occurring at the margin of the species range exhibit lower genetic variation due to strong genetic drift and long-term isolation. Limited mobility and site fidelity together with habitat changes may accelerate genetic processes leading to local extinction. Here, we analyze genetic variation of the fire salamander subspecies Salamandra s. salamandra inhabiting the Outer Carpathian region in Poland, at the northern border of its distribution. Nuclear DNA polymorphism based on 10 microsatellite loci of 380 individuals sampled in 11 populations were analysed to measure gene flow between subpopulations and possible long-term isolation. Mitochondrial DNA control region analysis among 17 individuals representing 13 localities was used to detect the origin of populations which colonized Northern Europe after the last glaciation. Overall, pairwise FST’s and AMOVA test of ‘among group’ variation showed little differences in the allele frequencies and relatively high local gene flow. However, Bayesian clustering results revealed subtle structuring between eastern and western part of the studied region. Two extreme marginal populations from the Carpathian Piedmont revealed reduced genetic variation which may be attributed to strong influence of genetic drift. Only one mitochondrial DNA haplotype (type IIb) was found in all individuals and suggest that after the Last Glacial Maximum Salamandra salamandra migrated to the North-Western Europe from the single glacial refugium placed in the Balkan Peninsula.

The article presents the physical-geographical characteristics of the Lemkos’ ethnic territory, the farthest western ethnographic group of Ukrainians who have long inhabited the slopes of the Carpathians Eastern Beskids. Lemkivshchyna is located on both slopes of the Carpathian Beskids between the Borzhava and San rivers in the east and Poprad and Dunajec in the west, located in three countries. The total area is about 9 000 km2. Lemkivschyna occupies the largest area within the mountainous part of South-Eastern Poland (48 %), less in the mountainous part of north-eastern Slovakia (41 %), the least in the Trans¬carpathian region of Ukraine (11 %). Most of the territory of Lemkivshchyna is located in the Carpathian lowlands of the Eastern Beskids. Only some peaks have a height of more than 1 000 m. The highest peak is Tarnitsa (1 346 m a.s.l.) on the Bukovo Berdo ridge. Lemkivshchyna is located in the temperate climate zone of Europe, which is formed under the influence of the western transfer of the Atlantic air masses. In addition, the climatic characteristics are influenced by the terrain, altitude, exposure of the slopes, the direction of extension of the mountain valleys. The territory of Lemkivshchyna lies on the Main European Watershed. The rivers that originate in the northern macro-slope of the Low Beskid are tributaries of the Vistula (the Baltic Sea basin). The rivers of the southern macro-slope are tributaries of the Tisza River, which flows into the Danube (the Black Sea basin). The largest river in the Lemky region is the San (444 km in length). Another tributary of the Vistula is the Vislok (165 km). The mountain rivers that originate on the southern slopes of the Low Beskid River flow in a meridional direction to the south and belong to the Tisza basin. The largest among them are Gorand (286 km), Poprad (169 km), Laborets (129 km), Ondava (112 km in length). The rivers of Lemkivshchyna are characterized by mixed food dominated by snow. Boundaries are observed in winter and during the dry season in summer. Floods can occur at any time of the year during heavy rainfall. The mountain-forest soils of Lemkivshchyna are formed on flysch rocks under beech and fir forests. Soils of low power (up to 75 cm), often stony, characterized by high acidity, poor in calcium, magnesium, phosphorus, iron. Mountain-meadow soils were formed in the subalpine meadows. The processes of accumulation of peat and organic material are observed on the watersheds and sites of poor runoff. The geographical location of Lemkivshchyna causes the vertical extent of the vegetation cover, which differs from the other mountain ranges of the Carpathians. Belt of deciduous forests, rising to an altitude of 1 156 m. is mainly represented with beech forests. The belt of the Polonynian subalpine meadows that developed under the influence of a long pasture farm is above the beech forests. About 1 000 species of vascular plants, more than 600 species of mosses and lichens, and many algae and fungi have been found in the Lemky region. A modern feature of the vegetation cover of Lemkivshchyna is the natural regeneration of forests, which occurred after the expulsion of the ethnic population from these territories. More than 200 species of vertebrates have been found in the Lemky region. Key words: Lemkivshchyna, physical and geographical conditions, relief of the Eastern Beskids, hydrography, vegetation.

The paper publishes and analyzes the set of metal products of the Late Bronze Age, discovered in 2013 by the Fastov archaeological expedition in the arable layer of barrow group 6 of the Voitsekhovka cemetery, located on the left bank of the Middle Sluch river in Eastern Volhynia. The collection includes 31 items, mostly highly fragmented. These are 7 knives, 5 sickles, 4 celts, 3 knives-daggers, a fragment of a sword blade, 4 spearheads, a cheekpiece, a fragment of a pin-wand of Gordeevka type, 2 bracelets, a fragment of a rod, 2 bronze ingots. Finds can be dated preliminary to the BrD—HaA period. It cannot be excluded that at least some of the finds were part of a plowed-up hoard/hoards buried in the area of the cemetery. The article is the first complete publication of this finds. The authors suggest analogies from the sites of the Carpathian-Danube region and the North-Black Sea region.

The aim of our study was to provide a first overview of the population genetic structure of the invasive Chinese sleeper, Perccottus glenii, (Actinopterygii: Odontobutidae) in European water bodies. This species originates from inland waters of north-eastern China, northern North Korea and the Russian Far East. The 1172 bp long portion of the cytochrome b gene was sequenced from Chinese sleeper specimens collected from a variety of water bodies in Belarus, Bulgaria, Hungary, Germany, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Russia (European part) and Ukraine. Our study revealed that the invasive Chinese sleeper in Europe consists of at least three distinct haplogroups that may represent independent introduction events from different parts of its native area; i.e. three founding populations: (1) Baltic haplogroup that may originate either from fish introduced inadvertent from Russia or from some unidentified source (release by aquarists). So far, this haplogroup has been found only in the Daugava basin in Latvia. (2) East-European haplogroup that may originate from an unintentional introduction to the Volga basin in Russia and has expanded westward. So far, this group was recorded in the Volga, Upper Dnieper and Neman drainages in Belarus, Lithuania, and Russia. (3) Carpathian haplogroup, that originated from individuals unintentionally introduced with Asian cyprinid fishes to Lviv region in Ukraine and are now widely distributed in Central Europe.

The paper offers a historical survey of the development of Early Iron Age cultures in Danubian Serbia, its characteristics, relations with contemporary cultures of the Pannonian Plain, the Balkans, Carpathian Romania (Transylvania) and the Romanian Banat. It describes the genesis of individual cultures, their styles, typological features and interrelationships. Danubian Serbia is seen as a contact zone reflecting influences of the Central European Urnenfelder culture on the one hand, and those of the Gornea-Kalakaca and the Bosut-Basarabi complex on the other. The latter?s penetration into the central Balkans south of the Sava and Danube rivers has been registered in the Morava valley, eastern Serbia north-western Bulgaria and as far south as northern Macedonia. The terminal Early Iron Age is marked by the occurrence of Scythian finds in the southern Banat, Backa or around the confluence of the Sava and the Danube (e.g. Ritopek), and by representative finds of the Srem group in Srem and around the confluence of the Tisa and Danube rivers. The powerful penetration of Celtic tribes from Central Europe into the southern Pannonian Plain marked the end of the Early Iron Age.

Sometime in the 7th century, pottery made with a potter’s wheel reaching a medium rotation speed appeared in the Carpathian Basin. This particular pottery, generically referred to as “Danubian-type pottery”, evolved in different ways from one region to another until it was generalized in the 8th century as a specific type that characterizes large areas in central and south-eastern Europe. Owing to the technical innovations that led to the improvement of the potter’s wheel, pottery also began to be produced on the fast-rotating wheel. However, 7th–10th-century fast wheel pottery from Transylvania should not be regarded as an ethnic attribute. Early Medieval wheel-thrown pottery is recorded not only in settlements but also in inhumation and bi-ritual cemeteries from Transylvania, north-western Romania and Crișana (centralwestern Romania), constantly appearing from the Middle Avar period (AD 650/670) until the end of the 10th century (Tab. 1–2). The list of finds thus demonstrates that all population groups archaeologically attested in Transylvania by material evidence and, especially, spiritual activities knew fast wheel pottery. These are mainly Avar and Slavic populations, represented in the group of Avar cemeteries at the Mureș river bend in central Transylvania and the Mediaș Group, which can be attributed to the Slavic and Slavo-Avar populations of the Transylvanian Plateau.

Significant differences in the chemical composition of falling needle litter were found among various pine species. A comparison between the needle litter of northern species (Scots pine and lodgepole pine) and that of 17 other, southern species combined showed that concentrations of N, P, Mg, K, and lignin were significantly lower in the northern group. In contrast, the Mn concentration was significantly higher in this northern group. Along a transect from the Barents Sea (69°45′N) to the Carpathian Mountains (49°53′N), concentrations of N, P, S, and K in Scots pine litter fall increased significantly. The best-fit regression models described asymptotic curves, suggesting that concentrations of these major nutrients approach their maximum values at sites with high values for actual evapotranspiration (AET). Low values were found in the north. By contrast, Mn concentrations, increased with latitude and decreased with increasing AET. High covariation among concentrations of the major nutrients (N, P, S, and K) can be attributed to their being major constituents of structural compounds. Analysis of various regression models relating the chemical composition of needle litter fall to latitude and AET, together with a factor analysis, suggested that concentrations of N, P, S, and K were related mainly to climatic conditions, whereas those of Mg and Mn were related more to site-specific properties such as soil fertility. A high level of predictability was found for concentrations of N, P, S, and K using multiple regression, with values for R2adj between 0.63 and 0.93. Key words: litter fall, chemical composition, interspecific variability, geographical variability, climate, soil fertility.

This paper deals with the appearance and development of particular ceramic forms that were prevalent on the wider territory from the lower Danube to the northern shores of the Aegean sea during the middle and Late Bronze Age. These forms relate to globular beakers, pear shaped vessels with everted rims with arch shaped handles, cups with handles with plastic applications on their upper surface, etc. Particular attention is devoted to the phenomenon of globular beakers of the LBA in the valleys of Varder, Mesta and Struma rivers. All information collected primarily through analysis of stylistic-typological characteristics of ceramics of the middle and Late Bronze Age - that took into account ritual burials, layout of settlements, trade routes and climactic conditions during that period - points to population movements from the north to the south already by the LBA, i.e. in 15th century BC. These movements contributed to the creation of particular cultural groups in the LBA in the central Balkans, such as the Brnjica cultural group. However, these movements cannot be clearly linked to the so-called Aegean Migration, and for this reason their character and chronology are subject to debate. Ultimately it can be concluded that beakers of the Zimnicea -Cherkovna-Plovdiv type appeared in the late Bronze Age in the Vlasine depression and the Danube valley through the evolution of beaker forms of cultural groups of earlier periods. Almost contemporaneously, during LBA, a variant of this ceramic form, richly ornamented (mostly with spirals) and similar in manner to the cultural group Dubovac-Zuto Brdo-Grla Mare- Krna, appeared in the LBA culture in northern Greece. Clearly this stylistic mannerism, with spirals as characteristic elements, spread relatively quickly through successive migrations in the period of 15th-14th century BC, toward the south of the Balkan Peninsula, thus covering the wider territory from the southern tip of the Carpathian mountains down to the northern shores of the Aegean Sea. Participants in those migrations are in fact representatives of cultural groups that were created in the northern Balkan Peninsula during the 16th and 15th centuries BC through the breakdown of Vatic culture. As the result of pressures from the north and north-west they headed south, contributing to the creation and development of cultural groups on the territory of the central Balkans. The final destination of the migrations were the valleys of the Mesta, Struma and Vardar rivers where, starting in the 15th century BC, a noticeable foreign cultural influence can be felt that became most pronounced during 14th century BC.

Thanks to their visual attractiveness the bronze sceptres resembling small axe-heads but enriched with zoomorphic elements rank among the most exclusive and interesting objects of ancient bronzeworking. Late Bronze Age examples of such artefacts are known from two separate regions in Europe: north-west Ciscaucasia (3 pieces) and the Carpathian Basin (7 pieces). Cultural affiliation of these few albeit highly interesting objects was first discussed by J. Werner, who in 1961 characterised Central European finds of «battle axes-batons» when presenting a specimen discovered in an Early Hallstatt grave from Předměřice on the upper Elbe River (Czech Republic). Due to the shape of the top («head»), which resembled a stylised horse head set on an arching neck, he described such objects as «horse-head» sceptres (Pferdekopfszepter). The issue was re-addressed in 1965 by V. A. Ilinskaja, who interpreted the find from Předměřice as a kind of a horseman’s pick. In her opinion, the contours of Pre-Scythian and Scythian sceptres resembled stylised eagle heads, so she introduced the descriptor «bird-headed» (птицеголовые скипетры). All the researchers addressing Central European sceptres terminating in horse heads have been unanimous in noting the absence of local traditions for this type of zoomorphic style in the Late Bronze Age bronze metallurgy of Central Europe. Looking for the original inspiration for such artefacts and for the “horse head” motif, they have commonly pointed to the Caucasus, and in particular to the milieu of the Koban (Protomeotic) culture.
 Addressing this issue requires above all the a stylistic analysis of both Central European and Caucasian sceptres, the analysis that would consider similarities and differences observable in the manner of rendering zoomorphic representations. In the case of two sceptres from the Carpathian Basin: found in the Sбrviz channel in eastern Transdanubia and in the Turiec Basin (i. e. in the former komitat of Tъrуc in eastern Slovakia), we are undoubtedly dealing with naturalistic representations of horse heads set on arching necks, with species characteristics clearly discernible. In the approach to stylistic analysis of zoomorphic representations formulated by A. R Kantorovich (2016), these two representations were inspired by the «natural prototype» («природный прототип»), an actual existing animal «model», whose characteristics were imitated by the artist-metallurgist to an extent determined by limitations imposed by the bronze casting technology on the one hand and the artist’s own skills on the other. They are the result of reproducing in bronze either a visual impression elicited by observation of characteristic features of a specific animal, or an image of these animals engrained in common consciousness. The realism of representation is emphasised by elements of harness (straps or perhaps reins) depicted on the necks of both figurines. This is particularly evident when we look en face at the horse head adorning the sceptre from Sбrviz. In contrast, there are absolutely no elements there that would depict in the same realistic manner the head or beak of a bird. The important element in the rendering of the horse head, one which I noted some time ago (Chochorowski 1993), is the clearly marked imitation of the short, stiff mane running along the arching neck.
 The diversity of forms among the remaining sceptres known from the Carpathian Basin and adjacent areas is also very telling, in particular with respect to the modelling of the horse head. Relatively similar to each other, the specimens from Prьgy and Sоnmihai de Pădure show simplification and certain reduction of species characteristics in the head itself, although the mane crowning the massive neck is still well-discernible. As in the pair of sceptres discussed above, they also have clearly marked pointed ears. In the sceptres from Batina and Předměřice, the head is almost undiscernible from the neck in outline, and the mane modelling is all but vestigial. In the artefact from Batina it is only marked as a narrow ridge running along the curved neck all the way from the shaft hole to the end of the «head», with the ears (?) marked by two small knobs, one on each side. If we follow Т. Kemenczei (2005) in including to this group a stray find from Bйkйs-Hagymбsi, we have an example which, while maintaining the overall morphological form of a sceptre with a «blunt» head, shows total disappearance of the zoomorphic motif. Apart from the mushroom-shaped butt and a similar termination of the curved «socket», the only similarity between this artefact and the naturalistically modelled examples discussed above is the fact that the «base» of the neck or mane (?) seems to be distinguished by mouldings. As a result, at the end of the process the original idea becomes represented by the very shape of a sceptre, and it expresses the same symbolism as the naturalistic artefacts.
 The above analysis seems to prove that the collection of bronze sceptres from the Carpathian Basin represents an autonomous phenomenon, revealing internal changeability consistent with logical principles of a «typological sequence / line». Gradual departure from the naturalistic manner in representing the «natural prototype» of a horse head was probably due to the trivialisation of the motif which, initially innovative, with time became common and lost its «communicative freshness» in social narration. The owners of sceptres maintained their status by the very fact of their ownership, without a need for manifesting the iconographic symbol of the role and social function attached to the sceptre.
 Thus, the bronze sceptres from the Carpathian Basin are a fully autonomous phenomenon, one which emerged at some point point at the second half or end of the 10th century as a sort of indicator of the new social-cultural order. The main characteristics of this new order included a pastoral economy with an important role (important enough to influence the European system of distribution of goods — Sherratt 1993) of selective breeding of horse breeds of steppe origins, and hierarchic social structures with distinct status markers. These characteristics are rooted in the cultural identity of Great Steppe communities, shaped by specific environmental conditions and a long — sometimes reaching as far back as the Eneolithic — accumulation of existential experience. As a result of migrations of aggressive groups of steppe shepherd-warriors looking for ecological niches advantageous to their pastoral economy, these characteristics were «implanted» into the Carpathian Basin in the second half of the 10th century. With time, the newcomers became integrated with local populations, contributing to the integration process with their own package of social-cultural behaviours. Their contribution was particularly evident in the sphere of specialised horse breeding and outstanding skills in using these animals, both for riding and traction (Chochorowski 1987). This package of achievements and cultural experience was an important innovation in the European spectrum of economic strategies and, in a short time (maximum two generations), allowed for full integration of the «steppe people», and for the adoption of a significant portion of their civilisational package in the local environment.

The Institute of Plant Protection of NAAS developed methods of plant selection for resistance to major pathogens and assessment methodology the resistance of winter wheat, potatoes, clover and alfalfa to pests to create complex resistant varieties. Donors of potato resistance to cancer, Alternaria, Phomosis and cyst-forming nematodes were identified. Methods for determining the resistance of cereals to high and low temperatures were developed. A collection of the Aegilops biuncialis L. wild wheat samples as sources of new resistance genes to plant diseases and pests was compiled. The soft winter wheat resistance genes to diseases by DNA markers were identified at the Institute of Plant Production named after V. Ya. Yuriev. The V. M. Remeslo Myronivka Institute of Wheat formed a set of winter wheat cultivars with group and complex resistance to diseases and pests. The Institute of Oilseed Crops of NAAS established physiological and biochemical mechanisms of resistance of sunflower, soybean, crown flax to pathogens. Collections of sunflower lines based on complex resistance to sunflower broomrape, dry rot, downy mildew and soybean lines based on complex resistance to white rot and Anthracnose were also created. In the National Scientific Center "Institute of Agriculture of NAAS", the fodder lupine resistance to the most important pathogens was investi-gated. The Institute of Agriculture in the Carpathian Region of NAAS revealed the spring barley, oat, rape, fiber flax varieties and selection numbers resistant to basic diseases; and the Institute of Rice of NAAS – rice cultivars resistant to diseases and pest pathogens. The resistance to main phytophagous insects of the modern genotypes of hemp, fiber flax and crown flax was assessed by the Institute of Agriculture of the North-East of NAAS. The assessment method of breeding value for the initial material of the main vegetables on the basis of disease resistance was developed by the Institute of Vegetables and Melons Growing of NAAS. Scientists of the Institute of Agroecology and Environmental Management of NAAS and V. M. RemesloMyronivka Institute of Wheat of NAAS revealed the cucumber and barley resistance to viral diseases. Key words: crops, pests, pathogens, resistance, resistance gene, resistance source.

Abstract The position of the Gemeric Superunit within the Western Carpathians is unique due to the occurrence of the Lower Palaeozoic basement rocks together with the autochthonous Upper Palaeozoic cover. The Gemeric granites play one of the most important roles in the framework of the tectonic evolution of this mountain range. They can be observed in several small intrusions outcropping in the western and south-eastern parts of the Gemeric Superunit. Moreover, these granites are particularly interesting in terms of their mineralogy, petrology and ages. The comprehensive geological and geophysical research of the Gemeric granites can help us to better understand structures and tectonic evolution of the Western Carpathians. Therefore, a new and original 3D density model of the Gemeric granites was created by using the interactive geophysical program IGMAS. The results show clearly that the Gemeric granites represent the most significant upper crustal anomalous low-density body in the structure of the Gemeric Superunit. Their average thickness varies in the range of 5–8 km. The upper boundary of the Gemeric granites is much more rugged in comparison with the lower boundary. There are areas, where the granite body outcrops and/or is very close to the surface and places in which its upper boundary is deeper (on average 1 km in the north and 4–5 km in the south). While the depth of the lower boundary varies from 5–7 km in the north to 9–10 km in the south. The northern boundary of the Gemeric granites along the tectonic contact with the Rakovec and Klátov Groups (North Gemeric Units) was interpreted as very steep (almost vertical). The results of the 3D modelling show that the whole structure of the Gemeric Unit, not only the Gemeric granite itself, has an Alpine north-vergent nappe structure. Also, the model suggests that the Silicicum–Turnaicum and Meliaticum nappe units have been overthrusted onto the Golčatov Group.

Abstract A small group of Tithonian planktonic ciliates, little-known in the area of the Polish Outer Carpathians, has been recorded in exotic limestones from the western part of the Silesian Nappe. Eleven species of the family Chitinoidellidae Trejo, 1975, belonging to the genera Chitinoidella, Daciella, Dobeniella, Longicollaria and Popiella are described here. The majority of studied samples have been assigned to the Boneti Subzone of the Chitinoidella Zone. Exotics with chitinoidellids represent environments which can be interpreted as platform margin reefs, slope of platform and inner platform

This study describes Isophya nagyi sp. n. from the Caliman Mountains (Eastern Carpathians, Romania). This species wasdiscovered on the basis of the special rhythmic pattern of its male calling song. Regarding morphology Isophya nagyi issimilar to the species of the Isophya camptoxypha species-group (I. ciucasi, I. sicula, I. posthumoidalis, I. camptoxypha),however the male stridulatory file contains more stridulatory pegs (105–130) compared to the other members of thespecies group (50–80 pegs). Calling males produce a long sequence of evenly repeated syllables (repetition rate variesbetween 60–80 syllables at 21–24o C), and most importantly syllables are composed of three characteristic impulse groupscontrary to songs of the other species where syllables are composed of two elements or the song consists of two syllabletypes. Besides the description of the basic morphological features and pair-forming acoustic signals of the new species, a calling song based key is given for the I. camptoxypha species group.

The Căliman Mountains are the highest volcanic mountains in Romania, being positioned on the western side of the Eastern Carpathians, between their central strip (north and east), south – the Harghita Mountains, and west – the Transylvanian Depression. This positioning gives special features of the water drainage, with both spatial and temporal differentiations. This paper analyzed the trend of average drainage from rivers in the studied group for the period 1950-2010, both multi-annually and seasonally and in the extreme months; the months taken into account being those with the lowest flows (January), respectively the largest (May). To evaluate the mentioned parameters, we used the help of Excel MAKESENS (Mann-Kendall test for trend and Sen’s slope estimates), which identified the type of drainage trend (positive or negative), and using the Sen nonparametric method to estimate the slope of the trend. Based on the type of trend obtained, 9 trend classes were obtained, and with the help of the slope, the net change rate was obtained.

Abstract We describe an articulated partial leg of an Oligocene bird. It is one of the smallest avian fossils ever recorded. Its slender and exceptionally short tarsometatarsus, hallux as long as the tarsometatarsus and stout moderately curved claws agree with stem-group Apodidae (swifts), stem-group Trochilidae (hummingbirds), and stem-group Upupidae/Phoeniculidae (hoopoes/woodhoopoes). Unfortunately, due to the poor preservation of the specimen its more precise affinities remain unresolved. The specimen differs in many details from all other tiny Palaeogene birds and therefore most probably it represents a new taxon but it is too fragmentary to describe it. It is just the twelfth avian fossil from the Oligocene marine deposits of the Outer Carpathians and Central Palaeogene Basin — a huge area that covers south-eastern Poland, north-eastern Czech Republic and northern Slovakia — and therefore it adds to our very limited knowledge on the avifauna of that region. The remains of land birds from Jamna Dolna and other sites of the region can be attributed to the general sea level fall at that time, which led to limitation of the connection with the open ocean and resulted in many shallow shoals, temporary islands and exposed dry land areas along the coast.

The article presents preliminary results of research carried out in 2018 near Skhidnytsya (Eastern Carpathians), where series of Paleolithic stone artifacts was found in slope Holocene deposits. According to technical and morphological indicators, these materials can be defined as belonging to Lower Paleolithic. Finding of new location of materials with Lower Paleolithic features on the outskirts of Skhidnytsia, again actualize results of researches, carried out by O. Chernysh in the area of this village during late 1980s – early 1990s. Recently discovered location of stone artifacts Skhidnitsya II is interesting and potentially important for the study of series of issues related to research of possible ways of settling of ancient communities. Although examination of sites has just begun, the following conclusions can be made. Technical and typological features of collection of tools make it possible to determine preliminary Skhidnytsya II as belonging to group of pebble industries, which in the western part of Eastern Europe are now dated back to 0,4–1,2 million years ago. According to available mediated data, chronological position of Skhidnytsya II tends to the first half – lower limit of mentioned interval. Volcanic rock was a raw material for production of some artifacts.Their outcrops are probably located in the area of Vihorlat-Gutin volcanic strata. Detected evidences of remote transportation of raw materials clearly indicate potential importance of materials from Skhidnitsya II for discussion of the time and ways of penetration of the Lower Paleolithic population to the territory of Europe. Key words: Lower Paleolithic, stone artifacts, pebble industry, volcanic rocks.

The settlement of the territory of north-eastern Serbia by the representatives of the Co?ofeni culture began during the second half of the IV millennium, probably under the pressure of invading tribes from Euroasian steppe. This territory extended over Transylvania, Banat, Oltenia and Muntenia (Map 2). On the territory of Serbia they settled from the Djrerdap gorge up to the Mlava river to the west, and through Kucajske mountains, Bor, Zajecar and further to the south, up to Nis. Aspecific symbiosis occurred on the territory of Serbia between the Co?ofeni and the Kostolac cultures. According to the results of the latest project of re-identification, the number of Co?ofeni-Kostolac sites and settlements increased to 76. After all the sites were re-identified and georeferenced, with consideration of the surrounding landscape, hydrography, geomorphology of the terrain and the character of the ceramic production finds, we believe that there is a need for re-analyzing specific aspects of the cultural and geographic development not only of settlements, but of the entire Co?ofeni-Kostolac cultural phenomenon. In this paper we considered three archaeological sites in the Nisava valley, given that re-identification work over the past several years yielded new information (Bubanj-Staro Selo, Velika Humska cuka and Donja Vrezina). The topography of Co?ofeni-Kostolac settlements on the territory of north-eastern Serbia, the Serbian part of the Danube valley and its hinterland, is characterized by diversity of position (location above sea level and landscape placement), types of houses and economic survival. In the 70?s of the last century sites were identified that are located in very inaccessible terrain, which in particular cases has an slope incline of 45?, where the number of such settlements in the meantime increased to nine. They are represented by Kulmja Skjopuluji in Klokocevac and Pjatra Kosti in Crnajka (T. I/1-2; Map 1/9), followed by Vratna -Veliki most (T. I/ 7; Map 1/33), Bogovina-above a cave (T. I/ 4; Map 1/8), Jezero (T. I/ 3; Map 1/12), Kljanc (T. I/3; Map 1/11), Turija-Stenje (T. I/ 6; Map 1/22), Mokranjske stene-quarry (T. I/ 5; Map 1/39) and Bolvan (T. I/ 8; Map 1/66). These settlements have several other common elements, the most important being that each one of the elevated settlements is positioned on the rocky peak of a canyon, in places where smaller rivers or brooks flow into a larger river. We can suppose how the selection of such positions was of strategic importance, given that in the mountainous area of north-eastern Serbia the system of waterways and river valleys represents communicational links from prehistory to modern times. The second common characteristic of these settlements is the rocky massif which provided the foundation for their erection. The rock foundation in the majority of cases is of limestone origin and is well suited to artificial nivelation into terraces atop which surface structures could be built using wood covered with mud (Jezero, Kulmja Skjopuluji, Pjatra Kosti, Vratna, Bogovina). The third shared characteristic is that one or more caves are usually located in the immediate vicinity of settlements. An example of the symbiosis of cave and hill fort Co?ofeni-Kostolac settlements is the vicinity of the Zavojsko jezero near Majdanpek. So far two hill fort settlements, Jezero and Kljanc (T. I/3; Map 1/11-12), were identified in this area, built on limestone cliffs above the Mali Pek river. The Rajkova cave (Map 1/14), Paskova cave and Kapetanova cave (Map 1/13) are located in their immediate vicinity, in which the remains of anthropogenic activity were discovered. The Kapetanova cave provides stratigraphy of over 3 m high, which represents a rare case for Co?ofeni-Kostolac cultural sites. This fact does not only indicate its long-term use, but could provide the answer to the genesis and duration of this cultural phenomenon on the territory of the Serbian part of the Djerdap hinterland. The fourth shared characteristic which links these settlements is their dominant position in the landscape. Given that their position and appearance are readily visible from a considerable distance, they probably were not used for hiding, but for making their position prominent. We suppose that pastoral communities emphasized in this manner their control of mountain crosspass and roads, particularly in places where rivers exit narrow canyons in important communications paths to the Crni and Beli Timok, Pek and Danuber rivers. The other Co?ofeni-Kostolac type settlement on the territory of north-eastern Serbia is represented by settlements that are positioned on smaller hills or on gentle slopes that on the average range between 336 and 210 m above sea level. The only fortified hill fort settlement discovered so far, Coka lu Balas near Krivelj (Map 1/3) belongs to this group. The archaeological sites Velika Cuka i Neresnica (Map 1/23), Smiljkova glavica in Stubik (Map 1/31) and Cetace in Kovilovo (Map 1/38) are located on wide and flat, elevated plateaus that dominate up on river valleys. Judging by the considerable surface that they occupy, their position and surroundings for these two settlements, we can suppose that they could have been used for wintering places or points for gathering of flocks and shepherds during pauses between seasonal migrations. They are primarily characterized by the natural surroundings of smaller hills and larger river valleys, as well as the relatively low above sea level elevation on which they are located. Such ?seasonal stations or checkpoints? on which larger groups of shepherds could gather with their flocks during the winter months represented important locations in the lives of pastoral communities. During the warm summer period, homesteads with stable architecture are abandoned because of migrations into mountain areas, where favourable grazing areas area located. Certain groups of shepherds during autumn returned to these settlements en route to lowlands and river terraces, while other groups probably continued their journey to gathering centres in valleys near the Danube and the Timok rivers. The next type of settlement belongs to high, multi-layered settlements (Arija baba-Kosobrdo, Coka Kormaros, Field of Z. Brzanovic, Varzari and Smedovac-Grabar-Svracar) which represent sunbathed dominant positions, with a good view of the surrounding area, well suited to long-term occupation. Settlements on high elevations of this type are usually linked with landscapes that predominate in grazing areas and in which there are no large forests. The last type of Co?ofeni-Kostolac settlement is characteristic of lowland settlements positioned on river terraces. The settlements on the right bank of the Danube, around Kljuc (Kladovo- Brodoimpeks, Mala Vrbica, Zbradila-Fund, Korbovo- Obala, Vajuga-Pesak, Jakomirski potok estuary, Velesnica, Ljubic evac-river bank, Ljubicevac-Island, Brzi prun, Slatinska reka estuary, Knjepiste, Ruzenjka, Kusjak-Bordjej, Kusjak-Motel, Kusjak-Vrkalj), represented points at which shepherd?s flocks could remain for longer periods, waiting for favourable conditions for crossing to the other side of the river. This assumption is based on old maps predating the construction of the accumulation lake. These maps indicate that in the immediate vicinity of these settlements were located small sand islands linked to the river bank, pointing to shallows and crossing points. These sections of the river bank, during prolonged droughts or during cold winters, when ice was formed, could have been places where the river was crossed from one side to the other. Residential architecture cannot be precisely defined, given that the discovered remains of houses are very meagre and lack sufficient elements for reconstruction. The most recent excavations on the Bubanj-Staro Selo settlemant at Nis, indicate an identical type of architectural construction as discovered at Gomolava and Bordjej which represents structures that are characteristic for lowland areas. Houses in hill fort settlements built on artificial terraces have been mostly devastated by erosion, so that judging by the impressions of wooden structures and wattle and daub, as well as the remains of hearths, it can be asserted that these were residential structures. Numerous studies so far noted that based on the stylistic and typological characteristics of ceramics on archaeological sites in Timocka Krajina it is possible to distinguish between two phases of the Co?ofeni group, where the first is dominated by ornamental techniques of carving that are characteristic of the Co?ofeni group, and a later phase in which this style is mixed with the furchenstich, as well as other Kostolac cultural elements (furchenstich, certain types of ceramics, etc.). The fact is that the majority of Co?ofeni-Kostolac group sites in eastern Serbia have not been excavated, or have only been partially excavated, and that no vertical stratigraphy had been observed, where no stratigraphic relationship between stylistic-topological characteristics of older ceramics (Co?ofeni) and the more recent phase (Co?ofeni-Kostolac) have been established. These are mostly settlements in which ceramics were observed with elements both of the Kostolac and the Co?ofeni group, or only with elements of the Co?ofeni group, while settlements with only Kostolac ceramics have not been identified. Therefore, in Serbia it is only possible to distinguish between sites where furchenstich ornamentation has been observed and those where this type of ornamentation still has not been observed. Still, it is unclear whether this distinction can be applied to period assignment, or whether it is in fact caused by settlement of different populations in different regions of Eastern Serbia - the Kostolac region from the west and the Co?ofeni group from the East. In Romania, however, vertical stratigraphy was observed at several settlements where development phases were observed of the Co?ofeni group, so that based on the stratigraphy at those sites, with certain caution, it is possible to draw conclusions about the development of the Co?ofeni-Kostolac group in eastern Serbia. Settlements without any furchenstich ornamentation would be assigned to the older phase (Co?ofeni group) where ceramics characteristic of the Co?ofeni group have been observed, although observed shapes and ornaments are usually associated with the furchenstich technique and the more recent phase of the group. The most frequent type of vessels at sites in eastern Serbia are amphorae with extended funnel shaped necks, ornamented below the neck with carved lines or with stamped ornamentation (fig. 6, 21, 38, 64, 71, 89, 98-100, 104, 109, 115, 116, 134), fishbone shape impressions (fig. 4, 28), and in the more recent period furchenstich ornamentation or point impressions (fig. 9, 20, 25, 140), with a tongue shaped or vertically perforated handle, tunnel shaped or horse-shoe shaped handle below the rim (fig. 6, 9, 20, 21, 51, 63, 100, 126, 134, 88, 115 ). The second characteristic type of vessel are semi-spherical bowls with deeper recipients, with flat rims (fig. 11, 12, 23, 27, 29, 52-54, 57, 59-60, 74, 79, 81, 82, 90, 91, 95, 113, 124, 125, 131 and 145), or with shallower recipients, with a slanted, triangular rim or T-shaped profiled rim (14, 19, 133 and 146). Such vessels are characteristic for both phases, because they are ornamented, besides vertical ribs, with carves, and with furchenstich ornamentation (fig. 23, 68, 81 and 82). The third type of vessels are semi-spherical bowls with contracted rims creating a nearly spherical shape. They can be ornamented with vertical ribs on rims (fig. 148) in combination with pinholes (fig. 17), carves (fig. 61, 84, 85) or line impressions (fig. 132). Less frequent vessels on the territory of northeastern Serbia are biconical or spherical goblets, followed by pare-shaped goblets with a single handle, larger pare-shaped amphorae with an extended or conical neck, with small handles below the rim, ornamented with a series of carves (fig. 39, 86), as well as barrel or spherical pots ornamented with carves, horizontal tapes or circular impressions (fig. 45-47, 141, 142). The appearance of ropeshape ornaments is very significant, given that they appear in Rumanian finds in the second phase of the Co?ofeni group, and most frequently in the third phase. This ornament was sporadically observed in the far south, on the Dikili Tas site on the northern shore of the Aegean sea, in level 6, which according to the author belongs chronologically to the Bubanj-Hum II group and the Kostolac group. Its presence at sites in eastern Serbia can be linked to the older phase at the majority of settlements, except in the case of Grabar-Svracar, as these ceramics were not found alongside ceramics with furchenstich. The largest number of sites with only Co?ofeni elements on ceramics have been observed (34), but it is indicative that only a few have been excavated. 28 sites with Kostolac group elements were noted, while 17 unspecified sites in which the period cannot be precisely defined have been identified. According to the stratigraphy of several of the mentioned sites in western Bulgaria, in the Morava valley and in southern Romania it can be concluded that the Co?ofeni group (northeastern Serbia and Romania) and the Co?ofeni-Kostolac group (Morava valley and western Bulgaria), in all of the mentioned regions, was preceded by the Cernavoda III group, and was superseded by the Vucedol culture and the Bubanj-Hum II group in the Morava valle and the Struma valley, and the Glina II-Schnekenber group in Oltenija and the territory of Transylvania and the southern Carpathians. Analysis of the distribution of settlements and stylistictopological characteristics of ceramics from all of the settlements led to the conclusion that the oldest settlements, without ceramics with furchenstich ornamentation, were established in Kljuc in Negotinska Krajina, leading to the assumption that the representatives of the Co?ofeni group came from Oltenia and from the southern Carpathians. A large number fo sites west of Kljuc, along the Danube, at which ceramics with furchenstich ornamentation were noted, point to the direction of expansion of Kostolac elements, from Banat, Branicevo and Stig. The influence of the Kostolac group was very strong starting in the Co?ofeni II phase, even in Romanian sites, given that in Transylvania and in the southern Carpathians a large number of ceramic finds were found with furchenstich ornamentation, while it is interesting that only sporadic appearances were noted in Oltenia. It is clear that Co?ofeni group settlements represented a certain barrier to the expansion of these elements to the east. With the formation of the Co?ofeni-Kostolac group which was created through contacts between representatives of the Co?ofeni to the east and the representatives of the Kostolac group to the west and north-west a short period of coexistence occurred on this territory. Absolute dating of the chronological framework of the Co?ofeni-Kostolac group in the Danube valley and in eastern Serbia can only be assigned indirectly, as there is no carbon dating available from these sites. According to J. Bojacijev, phase II-III of the Co?ofeni group (4400-4300 bp) can be assigned chronologically approximately to the same period as the Kostolac group (4500-4100 bp), and if we suppose that the Co?ofeni-Kostolac group occurred a little while after the occurrence of the Kostolac group, it can be concluded that the Co?ofeni-Kostolac group existed at the end of the IV and the first half of the III millennium BC, although it is possible that it continued even later in particular regions. The results for the oldest and the middle phase of the Kostolac cultural group at Gomolava range between 3038-2903 BC and 3108-2877 BC, while the Kostolac culture at the Streim and Vucedol sits was dated 3310-2920 BC, as is the approximate dating of settlements of this group in Pivnica (3042-2857 BC). All the dating of Kostolac group sites indicate that this cultural group occurred and developed in the period of the last quarter of the IV and the first half of the III millennium BC, which would chronologically assign the Co?ofeni-Kostolac group in the Morava valley and Timocka Krajina to the end of the IV and the start of the III millennium BC, and to the ensuing period.

We attempt herein, based on archaeological finds, to analyse brooches of type Almgren VII, Series I, the headknob and external chord variation from territories east and south-east of Romania. The authors discuss a number of 46 such brooches. The typological analysis of the finds as well as the approach of the other issues these raise, also considered similar specimens diffused on a vast geographical area and a chronological time span comprised between the last decades of the 2nd century – early 4th century AD. Out of the total analysed exemplars, 35 were discovered in settlements and 11 in cemeteries, of which four were identified in inhumations. Out of the total brooches, only three are in silver, while with respect to the spring making type, 24 are single springed, five are provided with a double spring while in the case of 17 exemplars, it was impossible to say with certainty whether they had a single spring and chord inserted through the second hole of the support or were double-springed. Subsequent to the analysis of these type brooches and the contexts and features where they were discovered, the authors concluded that chronologically, the specimens date in the area under discussion mainly to stage C1b – early stage C3 (AD 230-320/330), though emerging in the late period of stage C1a. The authors noted, based on finds yielded by certain graves, that these were often worn in pairs, a custom specific mainly to the Germanic world, ascribing their wear to women. Based on the examination of the finds, the authors further noted that in the area discussed here it may be currently assumed that brooches of the sort were manufactured only at Bucharest-Străulești, reminding though both their making in several other sites within territories located outside the Roman empire and by possible travelling artisans. Also, it is mentioned again that these brooches of type Almgren, group VII, series I, emerged in the Przeworsk and Wielbark culture environments, where many such brooch finds are found, together with most numerous subvariants. The authors also conclude that the presence of these brooches may be related to the territories north and north-east of the Upper Dniester and that they are indicative, beside other artefacts, of the arrival and settlement in the discussed area, starting with the end phase of stage C1a – early stage C1b, of certain groups of Germanic populaces from the region of the Upper Dniester and territories north of it. Last but not least, the authors construe that in the current state of research, it is impossible to reach more definite conclusions on who were the bearers of these brooches, mentioning though that it is not excluded that their emergence is connected to the arrival of the bearers of the early stage (beginning) of the Sântana de Mureș-Chernyakhov culture on the territory east and south of the Carpathians.

Almost four decades after its discovery was initially announced, the Celtic necropolis in Karaburma, a suburb of Belgrade, is still one of the most important archaeological sites for the interpretation of the historical, economic, and cultural processes taking place in the central Balkans from the 4th to the end of the 1st centuries B.C. Most of all, it represents a wide-ranging source for explaining the chronology of the oldest Celtic presence in this area, also illustrating cultural exchanges in the network in which they were included. In this necropolis, belonging to the regional military elite, there are several graves in which, in addition to standard offerings relating to the regional material culture, items originating from a wider cultural area were found. Amongst these, grave number 22, the subject of our research, is especially important. In this grave were found objects mainly made of bronze and iron, with a smaller fragment of pottery. The iron items represent the attire of the deceased and his offensive weapons, while bronze items are characteristically imported vessels and a smaller bronze ring (figs. 1, 2). The imported vessels are represented by the well-known situla and cup. According to the basic typological scheme, we can classify the situla within the large group of ovoid situlae with the leaf-shaped or the so-called heart-shaped ornament under the attachment (figs. 1, 9; 2; 3, 7). According to the typological scheme here suggested, the situla found in Karaburma belongs to the first group, namely to its variant b (Ib), which is characterized by situlae with a leaf-shaped ornament on the attachment, separately cast and then pinned down or soldered to the body of the vessel (fig. 3, 7). Also belonging to this group are situlae from Skillountia, Goce Delcev (fig. 3, 8), V?rbica (fig. 3, 9) and from Chirnogi (fig. 3, 10). Situlae from Budva (fig. 3, 11) and Belgrade (fig. 3, 12) should also be included here, probably the one from Bitola as well. According to the analysis here presented, we have attributed the situla to the work of Macedonian workshops of the 4th century, to which other situlae, initially recorded in the contexts of Celtic provenance, have finally been included, and which ended up in the graves of Celtic dignitaries as exclusive imports of particular social conditions and ideological features. The other bronze vessel, considering its size, metric relations, technical and stylistic execution, we interpret as a cup, or at least as some kind of transitional form, since it is somewhat more shallow when compared to actual cups, and significantly taller compared to phiale (figs. 1, 10; 2). The context in which it was found indicates that it must have been used as a drinking cup in a set, together with the ovoid situla. Similar phiale were a very popular form in Thrace in the 4th century (fig. 7, 2-3), but the greatest resemblance can be seen in the phiale from Peretu, from the Thraco-Getian area to the north (fig. 7, 1). Characteristics of the form and style of the cup from Karaburma enabled its classification among the later variants or transitional forms of cups, seen in the context of the bronze production of Northern Greece, i.e. Macedonia. It is important for the period of the midto late 4th century, in other words, it completely matches with the chronological background and location of the ovoid situla with the leaf-shaped ornament under the attachment. In the analysis of weapons belonging to a Celtic warrior buried in grave 22, an iron sword with preserved fragments of a scabbard made of iron sheet (fig. 1, 1-2) stands out. Comparative analysis has characterized the sword as an exceptionally late form of the group Kosd D, attributed to the phase Lt B2. However, the slightly accentuated biconical shape of the scabbard?s end also points to certain elements of the group Kosd C. In the Carpathian basin the group Kosd C represents a rather rare form, which as a cultural innovation spread westwards, thus the Karaburma necropolis in Belgrade represents their southeastern, furthest point of expansion. To this same time frame also belongs the sword belt chain set (fig. 1, 5-6). Typological and spatial analysis has shown that chain belts with single figure-ofeight links, exactly the same as the ones found in grave 22, are relatively rare in that region. Asimilar sword belt set was found in the Benacci necropolis in Bologna, also containing a sword inside a scabbard decorated with a pair of dragons of the II type according to Jose-Maria De Navarro. Alongside it was also found a spear-butt with a spike which by its workmanship, closely resembles precisely the spear-butt with a long spike and the massive conical lower part from grave 22 (fig. 1, 4). Unlike the complete sword belt chain set and the sword, the spear-butt was isolated, but perhaps we can connect the bronze ring with it (fig. 1, 3). Given its size, it was probably the grip which was strengthening the spot at which the spear-butt was inserted into it. Aspecial feature of grave 22 are two highly fragmented remains of fibulae (fig. 1, 7-8). The spring of the larger fibula stands out, with two winders on each side, and with an external arch (fig. 1, 7), which dates from the late Lt B2 phase and the transitional horizon B2/C1. It has long been accepted as fact that the Celts inhabited the area between the rivers Sava and Danube from as early as the second half and towards the end of the 4th century, while the Scordisci, as such, formed only after the defeat at Delphi. However, the process of the Celtic expansion was already happening at the beginning of the 4th century, and it spread along the main communication routes, the rivers, with strategic points first to be settled. Only after several decades of consolidation, or only upon the return from the military expedition to the south of the Balkan peninsula, was the whole area inhabited by the Celts by the end of the 4th century. This historically suggested claim always necessarily led to the question of chronological positioning and the distance between phases Lt B2 and Lt C2. Most authors dealing with this matter have held that phase Lt B2 was supposed to have finished after the Celtic invasion of the southern Balkans, i.e. some time in the 3rd century. However, this assessment does not seem entirely correct, since most objects of La T?ne cultural provenance found in the Aegean region and Asia Minor stem from the initial Lt C horizon, which means that the expedition to Delphi cannot represent an absolute chronological border between the Lt B2 and C1. The absence of indicative elements of the material culture of the Lt B horizon in the Aegean area and Anatolia indicates that they already had to be completely out of fashion by the time of the expedition. In brief - after the dissolution of Lisimachus? kingdom and the murder of Seleucus I in 281 B.C., there was a military and political power vacuum in the region of Macedonia and Thrace. The opportunity was seized by Celts from the region of the lower Danube, who set out towards ?the South?. In 279 B.C. one of the three groups, led by Bolgios (i.e. Belgius), defeated the Macedonian royal army, and Ptolemy Ceraunus himself got killed. In the summer of the same year, Brennus reached central Greece, i.e. Delphi; having suffered a defeat, the larger portion of the army was stationed in the region of Thrace, after a logical retreat. There they received an offer from Nicomedus I of Bythinia who hired 20,000 of them as mercenaries, hence their penetration into Asia Minor in 278 and 277 B.C. On the other hand, the archaeological findings from the mentioned area, connected with these events, indicate that it can and must be classified within the Lt C1 phase. An additional argument in favour of an earlier dating is also offered by a pair of two-part anklets, with eight hollow semispherical bosses with no ornaments, found in the Spanos well in the vicinity of Poseidon?s sanctuary in Isthmia. Previously, Rupert Gebhard had held that these findings should be brought into connection with the incursion of 279 B.C., dating from his horizon 5, i.e. between c. 290 and 260 B.C. However, Isabelle Raubitschek demonstrated the opposite, pointing to several details: firstly, since the remnants of the Celtic army after their defeat withdrew through the Thermopylae, it is unlikely that on the way back anyone would pass through Isthmia; secondly, similar anklets were also found in the Heraion of Perachora, and finally and most importantly, that they were found in an enclosed context, together with the kylix-krater, meaning that they must date from the third quarter of the 4th century. To her conclusions we can now add two other possible perspectives: 1. - regarding the chronology, the most important fact is that the pair of two-part anklets is evidently much older than previously thought. From the historical perspective, the information on the enclosed context, i.e. that similar findings were also found in the complexes of Greek sanctuaries, is of great importance. 2. - dating clearly shows that these anklets cannot be connected with war or looting, i.e. cannot be seen as spoil from the expedition to Delphi to be sacrificed by the victors. In fact, that context points to a small, but recognizable segment from the range of diplomatic gifts which circulated between the Greek world and the Celtic aristocrats from the region of the middle course of Danube. On the other hand, among the graves of the La T?ne cultural provenance containing findings which originated from Greek, i.e. Macedonian workshops, and which predate the time of the military expedition to the south of the Balkan peninsula, apart from the finding of a bronze cup from the end of the 4th century found in Szabolc in Hungary, only Karaburma grave 22 stands out. Both findings were included by Miklos Szab? among those which preceded the expedition to Delphi, although it is possible that they reached the Celtic world after that event. He also mentioned that it was becoming increasingly evident that this was more than just a case of military spoil or loot, which he concluded on the basis of the presence of less valuable items. This claim led M. Szab? into a trap: if the items, mostly from the 4th century, presupposed contacts of the Celtic inhabitants with the Aegean world, it would be necessary to date their settlement, i.e. the phase Lt B2, in the 4th century, and thus in the period significantly earlier than the expedition to Delphi. Furthermore, a bronze lekythos was found in a slightly younger grave 18/64 on the Hurbanovo site, in the same cultural and historical context. This is a lekythos of the Talcot type, frequently found in Greece, Thrace and Macedonia, dating back to the end of the 4th and the first half of the 3rd century. On the mentioned site it was chronologically classified in the transitional horizon Lt B2/C1, which according to Jozef Bujna was the period after the military expedition to the Balkans. The same researcher held that the grave 22 from Karaburma should also be included in that time frame. However, what if J. Bujna was wrong on this matter, given that he opted for a conservative dating of the set of vessels? Based on the above, we might actually consider placing the absolute dating of the Lt C1 phase in the 4th century - the century during which the production of such lekythoi flourished, as did their laying in Macedonian graves. Implicitly, such dating is also confirmed by the items of the La T?ne provenance, found in the region of the southern Balkans, i.e. the Aegean area. They all exhibit formal characteristics typical of the Lt C. Consequently, it can be concluded that the beginning of the Lt C horizon must be sought in the period immediately preceding the expedition to ?the South?. In connection with that, it was precisely J. Bujna who demonstrated that certain graves in the necropolises of the Lt C were found on the periphery, which he interpreted as a possible clue for recognizing the newcomers, i.e. those who returned from the Balkan expedition. Aurel Rustoiu also came to a similar conclusion, having systematically analyzed the equipment of the warrior elites, the socalled mercenaries from the Aegean world. The declining number of male graves in the period between Lt B1 and Lt C1, among other things, also led Peter Ramsl to hypothesize that numerous warriors hired as mercenaries never returned to their homes. Related to this, significant data in the analysis of the share of warrior graves in the necropolises of the Carpathian basin was provided by A. Rustoiu. He showed that the share of warrior graves, i.e. graves with weapons in Lt B2 phase, is higher than of those in the Lt C1. However, the Karaburma necropolis is an exception also in this respect, since the share of the warrior graves is significantly higher than in the other necropolises belonging to both phases. Thus in the Lt C1 it is 48%, while in the Lt B2 it is as high as 70%. On the basis of the collected data, he hypothesized that there were two types of societies in the Carpathian basin: agricultural communities with reduced military elites, and military communities which represented social aristocracy and which formed the core for military and war expeditions, and also constituted the basis for the recruitment of mercenaries. The latter transcended ethnic bounds, given that they were selected on an individual basis, which is clearly reflected in the changeability and different origin of the equipment of warriors. Findings of bronze vessels tie in with this neatly, if we interpret them as a result of contacts and a substitute for the traditional late La T?ne pottery set, consisting of a ceramic bowl (phiale), and a vessel for liquids (situla-like pot or lenticular bottle). Both situla and phiale are standard items, frequent, widespread, and the most indicative parts of solemn ritual banquets and feasts, as shown by numerous and explicit findings from the rich graves of Thracia and Anatolia. However, they were still an essential part of the Greek culture, commonly used in religious, mystical ceremonies. Although we frequently encounter them in hoards and, of course, temples, with rare exceptions mostly due to insufficient knowledge on the item?s context of finding, those situlae and phiale were, almost as a rule, part of luxury sets, indicating rich graves of those belonging to the highest social and political strata of the society. This is the reason why they were often interpreted as burial insignia, used to sanctify the burial space and to encourage eternal deification, divine vitality and the rebirth of a deceased dignitary; in other words, it is thought that they exhibited power and authority in both Thracian and Getian graves. However, the Celts could also have used these vessels at funeral feasts and banquets, just as they were used in their country of origin, since we know that in the graves of the Celtic dignitaries everything was laid that they possessed in their lifetime, especially sets of dishes, for the purpose of ensuring an unbroken cycle of rebirth. It has been further suggested that the bronze vessels were used for the ceremonies of libation, but also for trade and exchange, while the silver drinking cups and luxury sets made of precious metals were used for burial feasts and diplomatic banquets during negotiations and/or when concluding agreements, simply as keimelia or as a ritual device for expressing deeply held and widely accepted eschatological practices and new trends. However, both could have been quite practically used for bribing - both people and gods! Finally, the imported vessels from Karaburma, classified as Macedonian products from the 4th century, should now be viewed as the northernmost findings of a complete symposiastic set, but also in the context of other vessels imported from Macedonia found in the graves with the features of the La T?ne culture. It is unlikely that they represent war spoils from Greece or other parts. The idea that the situla and phiale from the grave 22 of the Karaburma necropolis inaugurated direct contact between the Celts and Macedonians seems more likely. The items could have reached the 4th century Celtic dignitaries of the Danube region as keimelia - diplomatic gifts, or could have simply arrived by a trade route from the northern parts of Macedonia. In that sense, we should also remember those modest, but for this case invaluable records found in the historical sources connected with this period. It has been thought that the Celtic presence dates back to as early as the time of the defeat and expulsion of the Ardiaei in 359/358 B.C., as recorded by Theopompus. However, there are reliable records of their embassy to Alexander the Great while he was engaged with the Tribali in 335 B.C., as reported by Arrian. Precisely those could have been the points of direct contact between the highest ranking military and political dignitaries of the Celts and the aristocrats and diplomats of the Macedonian state. From all this it can be concluded that the Karaburma necropolis is truly an exception, representing the southernmost point of Celtic militarized expansion, where the military social aristocracy was stationed. The region where the Sava and Danube meet thus became an area where technological innovations concentrated and developed, and also the space where the political, military and economic contacts filtered. All this is vividly illustrated by grave 22 in the necropolis, chosen precisely because of those features. Weapons, i.e. the sword of the Celtic dignitary who was buried there, indicate the technological tradition of the early La T?ne. In the same tradition were fashioned the fibulae which, in an unchanged form, remain in the repertoire of accessories at the beginning of the middle La T?ne period, just as, on the other hand, the sword and the shape of its scabbard indicate the beginning of re-fashioning of that same conservative tradition. The sword belt chain set and the spear-butt with its spike indicate the innovations which were yet to become the characteristic features of the middle La T?ne soldiers? equipment. Furthermore, the intertwining of traditions and innovations is also evident from the symbolic and semantic processes which were connected with the ritual of this burial. At the time when the cremation became the predominant type of burial in the Celtic world, the ritual of laying gifts in graves also changed. Instead of the complete equipment which the deceased used during life, only select items are found to represent the totality, which in our example can be seen in the deposited spear-butt. Thus the suum cuique principle was replaced by the pars pro toto principle. Based on the above, the famous warrior from the Karaburma grave 22 both in an abstract and also direct sense, confirms the intertwining of traditions and the circulation of cultural elements, and thus shows that he himself was one of the carriers of the avant-garde of the time, the forerunner of a new period in political and economic relations in the central Balkans of the third quarter of the 4th century.

AbstractCentral Europe in general is poor in Teloschistaceae lichen crusts (Caloplaca s. lat.). Diversity of these lichens is increased by the occurrence of some Arctic, Mediterranean and continental species, which are here close to the limits of their range. Examples include: 1)Caloplaca interfulgens, previously known from arid territories of northern Africa and western Asia, is recorded, surprisingly, from Austria, Czech Republic, Germany, Slovakia and southern Russia. In Central Europe, it is restricted to scattered xerothermic limestone outcrops.2)Caloplaca scabrosa, previously known only from Svalbard, is recorded from the Sudetes in the Czech Republic. It is similar to, but not conspecific with, C. furfuracea. Its diagnostic characters include a blastidiate thallus and the presence of atranorin. Our results show that atranorin is absent in the majority of taxa related to C. furfuracea with only two exceptions: the sample from Eastern Carpathians, here called C. aff. scabrosa, and in one Sudetan sample identified as C. crenularia.3)Caloplaca emilii, newly described below, is closely related to the Mediterranean C. areolata. We consider C. emilii a Mediterranean species rarely occurring in higher latitudes in Austria, the Czech Republic and Germany. It is distinguished from C. areolata mainly by the presence of vegetative diaspores (blastidia); a possible role of blastidia in the distribution pattern of C. emilii is discussed below. Status of the names Caloplaca areolata, C. isidiigera and C. spalatensisis, formerly used for the new taxon, is clarified.4)Caloplaca molariformis, newly described below, belongs to the Pyrenodesmia group (a lineage of Caloplaca without anthraquinones). It is a continental species, frequently collected on limestone or lime-rich tuffs in steppes or deserts in Turkey, Iran, western Kazakhstan and southern Russia, and is also known from eastern Ukraine and southern Slovakia. Caloplaca molariformis is characterized by its thick thallus with fungal and algal tissues arranged in high stacks.5)Caloplaca substerilis, newly described below, is distinguished from the closely related C. ulcerosa by its endophloeodal or minutely squamulose thallus with soralia formed in bark crevices or on margins of squamules. While C. ulcerosa has a maritime distribution in Europe, C. substerilis is typically a continental species. North American continental lichens called “C. ulcerosa” are phylogenetically closer and more similar to C. substerilis.The positions within Teloschistaceae of the taxa considered are demonstrated by ITS phylogenies. The distributions of C. areolata, C. emilii and C. interfulgens are mapped. The new species are fully described using more than a hundred phenotype characters, and diagnostic characters are indicated separately.

The purpose of research. The current state of the tourism industry is characterized by growing demand for tourism services by using GIS technologies and increasing attraction for tourism. Specialists in this field are increasingly using geographic information technology to solve various problems of tourism. This article represents studies and possibilities of comprehensive information technology use in the field of tourism, such as, using of the avalanche pass for a tourist attraction. The information obtained from GIS technologies may have been used not only for travel agencies, but also to be useful for forestry workers but also (because it is an avalanche), should be taken by correspondent rescue services in the winter. Therefore, these studies currently remain relevant for scientific and practical issues. The goal of the work. Show how GIS technology performs the functions of spatial analysis and specific user tasks, such as, data processing, mapping, visualization of tourist routes and areas, etc. Thus, the most common usage of geographic information technologies for the formation of databases and filling mapping atributes about the tourist object and infrastructure of the tourist destination. Improving the informativeness is achieved by visualizing the various characteristics of the object, that is showing the avalanche area, avalanche path and power, which led to the destruction of the forest, and futher on. Method. A tourist route passing through the village of Chernyk, Nadvirna district, Ivano-Frankivsk region, north of Mount Polensky (Polenskaya) was used for this study. The research in this article is based on the use of the extremely destructive snow avalanche that came down from Polensky Mountain in the Ukrainian Carpathians on March 24, 2006 and led to destruction in a large part of the forest in the Gorgany Nature Reserve. Geoinformation modeling methods were used on the territory of the avalanche slope from Polensky Mountain. Results. A digital terrain model of the study area was created. Geotourism route was developed within Gorgan, also some additional studies were performed related to detailed mapping and surface modeling in terms of route safety. Experimental studies were performed based on materials (DEM) provided by the Research Institute, Geodesy and Cartography , also the SURFAR software package was used. On its way, the avalanche destroys not only a large amount of forest (lumber), but also young trees. By cutting and capturing the soil and forest, the avalanche carries all this material (vegetation, top soil, rocks, debris)to the foot of the mountain and changing the terrain as well. According to our estimates, the forest losses caused by this avalanche were as follows: about 2,500 trees were destroyed, or 1,575 cubic meters of lamber. Different models were created for Mount Polenska, which are shown in the relevant figures. The obtained visual images that will be interesting for tourists and enhance the attractiveness of the object. Scientific novelty and practical value. The performed researches doesn’t have only descriptive nature, but also can be applied for the rescue service to protect of tourists on the route. The development of modern transport information systems and the creation of tourist maps and guides are another goals of this research. The creation and accurate mapping of tourist routes with the use of digital electronic maps is especially important, as the existing cartographic material is very inaccurate and the information is outdated. The use of geographic information technologies in tourism will also expand to solve specific engineering problems related to tourism. In addition, the images shown can serve as a warning of possible dangers. Conclusions. Thus, the use of geological objects in the tourism industry is promising, specially for mountainous and upland areas, which are very attractive for tourism. Because the formation of geotourism routes on the basis of correspondent and trusted geological data, and also involves a detailed study of geolocations, the route of the group, taking into account the safety aspects of travel. These tasks are efficiently implemented with the help of geographic information systems and technologies.

1. Navigating on the Danube, from Ptolemy the son of Lagus to Neacșu of Câmpulung. The year 2021 marks the 500 anniversaries of the moment when Neacșu of Câmpulung wrote his letter, which many specialists considers to be the earliest attested document written in Romanian language. Since this is an important document for the history of Romanian literature, the following note will also be written in Romanian language. The sender of this letter, Neacșu of Câmpulung, was a merchant who was sending information to Hans Benkner, the mayor of Brașov, about the movements of Ottoman army along the Danube in the summer of 1521. Among the information are some regarding the way in which ships coming from the Bosphorus and the Black Sea navigated upstream on the Danube, through the Iron Gates, to Belgrade. This story echoes a quite similar one that happened eighteen centuries and a half earlier – the expedition of Alexander the Great to the Danube in 335 BC. The events were described by one witness who was part of the expedition: Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, a general of Alexander and future king of Egypt. The fragments describing the Danubian expedition are preserved in later works by Arrian and Strabo. According to them, while preparing the expedition to the east, Alexander the Great sought to first stabilize and pacify the northern territories of the kingdom. Therefore, in the spring of 335 BC, Alexander left Amphipolis to initiate a new expedition against the Triballi, who were chased up to the Danube. Led by king Syrmos, they took refuge on an island of the river, being also helped by the Getae living on the left bank of the Danube. Upon reaching the river, Alexander the Great met the “big ships” that came to help him from Byzantium, through the Black Sea and along the Danube (Arrian I, 3, 3). The alliance of the Getae and Triballi motivated Alexander to organize a one-day punishing raid to the north of the Danube. Several hypotheses have been proposed over time regarding the entire campaign and the location of the island on which the Triballi led by Syrmos took refuge, or the area where Alexander crossed the Danube (Fig. 1). F. Medeleţ had convincingly demonstrated that the army led by Alexander the Great reached the Danube near the Morava confluence. Al. Vulpe has objected to this hypothesis, mostly bringing into discussion the supposed difficulties encountered by the Macedonian fleet when attempting to navigate through the Iron Gates. However, the problem of passing through the Iron Gates cataracts was already solved in ancient time by towing the ships. The difficult conditions for the navigation through the cataracts were similar both before and after the Roman times, and until the modern age. Therefore, the information provided by Neacșu of Câmpulung about the Ottoman campaign along the Danube in 1521 is important. His description confirms that the Ottoman ships were towed, also indicating the way in which passage through the Danube’s Iron Gates was organized. Consequently, the idea suggesting that the “big ships” from Byzantium navigated upstream the Iron Gates while coming to support Alexander the Great in 335 BC is plausible. This hypothesis, proposed by Florin Medeleț, continues to be the most convincing one, ahead of all others proposed so far. 2. “Panoplies” of weapons and warrior identities from the “Celtic” to the “Dacian horizon” in Transylvania. The Late Iron Age in Transylvania was defined by two cultural and chronological horizons: the “Celtic horizon” (between ca. 350 and 190/175 BC) and the “Dacian horizon” (between ca. 190/175 BC and AD 106). One aspect that has seldom been discussed is the way these “panoplies” defined a particular social identity of these elites during each of the aforementioned cultural and chronological horizons which characterized the inner Carpathians region during the Late Iron Age. The comparison of the “standard” panoplies of weapons specific to the “Celtic” and the “Dacian horizon” indicates the existence of both similarities and differences. More precisely, these panoplies are quite similar in what concerns their functionality. In funerary contexts, these weapons are meant to define symbolically the warlike identity. However, the ways in which martial identity was constructed and expressed within the social environment differed from one horizon to another. The “Celtic” warrior was closely connected to the community within which he lived, being buried alongside other members of the community, in an area belonging to his group, clan or family, using all markers of his social status and identity. On the other hand, the “Dacian” warrior belonged to a hierarchic society that was defined by the emergence of hilltop fortresses surrounded by a dependent rural hinterland. Therefore, despite the apparent similarities in the functional structure of the panoplies of weapons, the warriors of these two horizons belonged to two very different models of social organization.