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Journal articles on the topic 'North Korea (DPRK)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

KIM, Sung Chull. "North Korea 2019–2020." East Asian Policy 12, no. 02 (2020): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s179393052000015x.

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While the nuclear negotiations between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the United States reached a stalemate in 2019, North Korea has advanced its missile capability and strengthened its alignment with China. In 2020 and beyond, the security of the Korean peninsula will depend on China’s influence on the DPRK–US game amid the US–China rivalry; the modality of Kim Jong-un’s actions, i.e. whether they are provocations or restraints; and the sanctions’ effect on North Korea’s foreign currency reserves.
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2

Sabitov, Timur, Irina Zhilko, and Artem Gilyov. "Criminal Code of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea: Recent Trends." Russian Journal of Criminology 15, no. 1 (2021): 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-4255.2021.15(1).124-132.

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Criminal law of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is not stagnant, it is developing under the influence of international community, and this dynamics is of special interest for research that analyzes changes to the Criminal Code of the DPRK with the goal of understanding if there is a trend in North Korea for getting closer to the world community. Naturally, the reclusiveness of the DPRK does not make any speedy changes in its criminal policy likely, and we can only expect an evolutionary transformation of the policy in this sphere. At the same time, there is no denying the fact that t
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3

K. Armstrong, Charles. "Trends in the Study of North Korea." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 2 (2011): 357–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811000027.

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North Korean leader Kim Jong Il can be criticized for many failings, but if one of his goals has been keeping his country in the global media spotlight, he has been wildly successful. Of course, North Korea gets this international attention for all the wrong reasons: military provocations, a clandestine nuclear program, a bankrupt economy, an atrocious record on human rights, and an eccentric if not deranged leadership. Some of the accusations leveled against North Korea in the Western media and popular press may have a basis in fact, others are more questionable. But until recently, substanti
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Wright, Amanda, Lynn Pyun, Eunhee Ha, et al. "Critical Review of North Korean Women and Children's Health, 2000-2019: Physical and Mental Health Challenges with a Focus on Gender." International Studies Review 20, no. 2 (2019): 95–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-02002005.

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Women account for over eighty percent of recent North Korean defectors arriving in South Korea, yet there is dearth of gender-based research. Given the speed with which the dialogue on denuclearization with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, North Korea) has progressed since 2017, there is a surprising gap in research on possible health threats. If sanctions are eased, interactions with these previously isolated people will increase leading to potential health problems. This article reviews studies published since 2000 to understand physical and mental health faced in DPRK, among
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Johnson, John A., Wojciech J. Cynarski, and Sunjang Lee. "ITF Taekwon-Do pedagogy in North Korea: A case study." Revista de Artes Marciales Asiáticas 14, no. 2s (2019): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/rama.v14i2s.6017.

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<div><p><em>Background</em>. Despite the style of Taekwon-Do taught by the International Taekwon-Do Federation (ITF) being founded in the Republic of Korea (ROK; South Korea), it is known predominately as “North Korean Taekwon-Do.” <em>Problem and Aim</em>. Taekwon-Do was introduced to the People’s Democratic Republic of Korea (DPRK; North Korea) in 1980, but since then no studies have reported how it is practiced in that country due to the DPRK government’s restricting access to its populace. This research aims to begin establishing if there are differences
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6

Batchimeg, Migeddorj. "Mongolia's DPRK Policy: Engaging North Korea." Asian Survey 46, no. 2 (2006): 275–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2006.46.2.275.

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Since the end of the 1990s, in order to improve relations, Mongolia has intensified its engagement policy with North Korea. This article analyzes the overall development and future prospects of bilateral relations and various aspects of this policy.
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Gauthier, Brandon K. "A Tortured Relic." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 22, no. 4 (2015): 343–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02204002.

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Drawing on national and local news stories, newly declassified documents, u.s. prisoner of war (pow) memoirs, and popular films, this article argues that the legacy of the Korean War in the United States from 1953 to 1962 dramatically shaped how Americans imagined the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (dprk). It specifically examines how media portrayals of North Korean atrocities, the alleged misconduct of u.s. captives, and the relationship between the People’s Republic of China and the dprk affected public perceptions of “North Korea” as a subjective construct. The painful legacy of the
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8

Clemens, Walter C. "North Korea and the World: A Bibliography of Books and URLs in English, 1997–2007." Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 2 (2008): 293–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800005336.

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This survey of books in English on North Korea, 1997–2007, identifies nearly 240 titles—mostly by US authors but also by authors in Australia, Europe, Japan, the Republic of Korea, and Russia. The books fall into eleven categories: history and culture; the Korean War revisited; the DPRK regime and its leaders; human rights and humanitarian issues; the economy: Juche, Songun, collapse, or reform; DPRK military assets and programs; relations with the United States; arms control negotiations and outcomes; regional and world security; prospects for North-South unification; and North Korea's future
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9

Grzelczyk, Virginie. "Hard, Soft, Smart? North Korea and Power: It’s All Relative." International Studies Review 18, no. 1 (2017): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01801007.

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North Korea is notable for its isolation, yet the Korean Central News Agency’s daily editions are filled with articles outlining international admiration for Pyongyang and its leader. Is Pyongyang actively promoting soft power as an integral part of not only its survival, but its development strategy? While scholarship on North Korea tends to focus on Pyongyang’s “high profile” relations with China or Russia (Shambaugh 2003, McCormack 2004, Wu 2005) or with nations seeking to cooperate on weapons of mass destruction (Henriksen 2001), little attention has been paid to how the DPRK engages in se
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10

Lee, Steven Hugh. "Negotiating the Cold War: The United States and the Two Koreas." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 9, no. 1-2 (2000): 85–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656100793645958.

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AbstractSince December 1997, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States have met in a series of talks aimed at promoting peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and in the region. According to a November 1998 U.S. Department of Defense report, the discussions have created a “diplomatic venue for reducing tensions and ultimately replacing the Armistice Agreement with a permanent peace settlement.”1 Amidst the tragic human suffering which has occurred in North Korea, there have been some encouragi
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Ivanov, A. Yu. "The Problem of Defining the Contemporary Border between the DPRK and China." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 34 (2020): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2020.34.90.

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When the Communist Party came to power in China and the People's Republic of China was established, the new Chinese leadership began to take steps to improve relations with North Korea. Immediately after the end of the Korean War (1950-1953), China and the DPRK entered into a number of agreements and treaties designed to strengthen the ties between the two states that embarked on the path of socialist development. One of the key agreements between China and North Korea was the conclusion of the “Border Treaty” in 1962, which became the guarantor of stability and security on the shared border;
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12

Chestnut, Sheena. "Illicit Activity and Proliferation: North Korean Smuggling Networks." International Security 32, no. 1 (2007): 80–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.32.1.80.

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Since public disclosure by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) of its uranium enrichment program in 2002 and the subsequent restarting of its plutonium reactor, policymakers and academics have expressed concern that the DPRK will one day export nuclear material or components. An examination of North Korea's involvement in nonnuclear criminal activities shows that the DPRK has established sophisticated transnational smuggling networks, some of which involve terrorist groups and others that have been able to distribute counterfeit currency and goods on U.S. territory. These networks
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13

Rinna, Anthony V. "Sanctions, Security and Regional Development in Russia's Policies Toward North Korea." International Studies Review 20, no. 1 (2019): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-02001007.

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In light of North Korean security provocations, the Kremlin has consistently supported the UN's punitive economic measures against Pyongyang; even as economic collaboration with the DPRK is part of a Russian bid to economically invigorate the Russian Far East. This paper argues that Moscow has faced a choice between pursuing its own interests in terms of bilateral relations with the DPRK and participating in a collaborative manner with other states involved in the Korean security debacle, opting for the latter. Even as North Korea is a crucial part of Russia's plans to economically develop its
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14

Steele, Peter. "The Soldiers of Songbun: Militarization, Human Rights Abuse and Childhood Experiences of North Korean Youth." Allons-y: Journal of Children, Peace and Security 3 (March 29, 2020): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15273/allons-y.v3i0.10063.

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North Korea is an enigma. The United Nations (UN) states that it is “…without parallel in the contemporary world …” in terms of abuse, exploitation and lack of civil rights. No other rogue state commands the attention and mystique as the isolated nation of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). Despite an increasingly prevalent international front, including warming relations with South Korea and the threat of nuclear weapons, everyday citizens remain hidden. Public displays of Olympic cheerleaders or the admittance of “K-Pop” stars across the Korean Demilitarization Zone (DMZ) dist
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15

Cynarski, Wojciech Jan, and John Arthur Johnson. "North Korea’s emerging martial arts tourism: a Taekwon-Do case study." International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research 14, no. 4 (2020): 667–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijcthr-07-2019-0133.

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Purpose This descriptive, non-experiment case study addresses the little-studied topic of martial arts tourism within the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK; i.e., North Korea) to determine if it is a form of non-entertainment tourism. Design/methodology/approach The current research focusses on a single subject (Singaporean female; 36 years of age (at time of interview); Taekwon-Do 4th degree black belt) who travelled to the DPRK three times to practice the Korean martial art Taekwon-Do. After the initial contact, a questionnaire was used and direct interviews via Skype and Facebook
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16

Zhang, Chi, Jun He, and Guanghui Yuan. "An Empirical Analysis on DPRK: Will Grain Yield Influence Foreign Policy Tendency?" Sustainability 12, no. 7 (2020): 2711. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12072711.

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Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is the hub of Northeast Asia and its geopolitics is of great significance, whose foreign policy trend is not only related to the peace and stability of the region, but also one of the major variables affecting cooperation in Northeast Asia. According to the data on North Korea’s grain yield collected by the Korea National Statistical Office, supplemented by the data on international food aid to North Korea collected by the World Food Programme, and combined with the judgment of 10 experts from China, South Korea and the United States on the Hawk and Dove I
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17

YUAN, Jingdong. "China’s Core Interests and Critical Role in North Korea’s Denuclearisation." East Asian Policy 11, no. 03 (2019): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000242.

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China remains an indispensable player in the peninsular denuclearisation process. Beijing seeks to foster peace and stability in the region, maintain a balanced two-Korea policy, and manage the North Korean nuclear challenge in the broader contexts of growing strategic rivalry with the United States, including disputes over trade, Taiwan and the South China Sea. Recent developments in China-DPRK relations indicate that Beijing continues to view North Korea as a strategic asset.
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18

Zakharova, L. V. "Implications of UN Security Council Sanctions for Russia – North Korea Economic Relations." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 34 (2020): 67–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2020.34.67.

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The UN Security Council imposed tough economic sanctions against the DPRK in response to Pyongyang's nuclear and missile tests in 2016-2017. They placed considerable strain on economic relations with North Korea. Prior to the introduction of the new international restrictions, economic relations between the Russian Federation and the DPRK had been mainly represented by trade, the Hasan-Rajin joint transport and logistics project, temporary labor migration of North Korean citizens to work in Russia, and humanitarian assistance from the Russian Federation. New investment cooperation projects had
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19

Agov, Avram. "“The East Asian Frontier of the Socialist World: North Korea in the 1950s”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 24, no. 2-3 (2017): 160–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02402001.

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The decade of the 1950s was a formative period for the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (dprk), one that shaped its integration into the international socialist system. This article examines the interaction between North Korea’s internal (institutional) and external (international) integration into the socialist system that, at this time, the Soviet Union and its East European bloc allies dominated. It argues that North Korea was more integrated into the socialist world than its nationalist ideology implied. The 1950s marked the culmination of the dprk’s connectivity to the international
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Gainullina, Liailia Aidarovna, Rustem Ravilevich Muhametzyanov, Bulat Aidarovich Gainullin, and Nadiia Almazovna Galiautdinova. "DPRK'S nuclear program." Laplage em Revista 6, Extra-A (2020): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020206extra-a550p.15-22.

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Historically, in the eyes of the Korean people, Japan is an antagonistic state that has brought them many troubles in the past century. Relations between Japan and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are fundamental in terms of security in the Northeast Asia (NEA) region, since the decision on the DPRK nuclear missile program and on the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is one of the pillars of achieving that very security throughout the region. The period, we consider in this study, from 1996 to 2006, is of significant importance, since a thorough analysis of the events of
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Danielewski, Mateusz. "Polityka zagraniczna Związku Socjalistycznych Republik Radzieckich i Federacji Rosyjskiej wobec Koreańskiej Republiki Ludowo-Demokratycznej (1948–2016)." Poliarchia 5, no. 9 (2019): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/poliarchia.05.2017.09.01.

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Foreign Policy of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Russian Federation toward the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (1948–2016) Foreign relations between the Soviet Union and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) during the Cold War were based on support of the North Korean regime and a distrustful attitude toward Kim Il‑sung, who remained neutral in the Soviet‑Chinese split. After the political transformation, the Russian Federation is pursuing pragmatic policy toward the DPRK. Moscow seeks to deepen economic cooperation in order to maintain security in Northeast
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22

Choi, Jina, and Brendan Howe. "United Nations Contributions to Promoting Human Rights in the DPRK: Impetus for Change." International Studies Review 19, no. 2 (2018): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01902006.

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The United Nations (UN) has been the key contributor to the diffusion of human rights norms and practices in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). The process of promoting human rights in the DPRK has been beset with challenges. The UN has had to steer its way through a complex web of international politics in order consistently to apply pressure on Pyongyang to amend its human rights norm-violating behavior. While achievements to date have been limited, this paper identifies the processes of socialization rather than coercion or inducements, as constituting the most promising aven
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DYACHKOV, Ilya Vladimirovich. "UN SANCTIONS AGAINST THE DPRK: AN ASSESSMENT OF EFFICIENCY." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 177 (2018): 173–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-177-173-179.

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The last decade and a half we saw the gradual forming of a sanctions regime against the DPRK in connection with Pyongyang’s nuclear and missile programs. United Nations Security Council resolutions have disconnected North Korea from the global financial system, cut all foreign military ties with the country, introduced considerable sectoral sanctions on imports and exports, blocked major channels Pyongyang used to acquire foreign currency. Besides, the United States, South Korea and Japan have simultaneously enforced unilateral restrictions. Early 2018 offers an opportunity to solve the Korean
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Jordan, Klara Tothova. "United Nations Security Council Resolution 2094 on Nuclear Nonproliferation in North Korea." International Legal Materials 52, no. 5 (2013): 1196–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.52.5.1196.

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On March 7, 2013, the United Nations Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 2094 (2013), bolstering the scope of United Nations (UN) sanctions against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). The Resolution represents the international community’s latest attempt at applying diplomatic and economic pressure to the DPRK so as to curb its nuclear weapons program. The resolution is also a response to the DPRK’s third nuclear test on February 12, 2013 and its subsequent threat to carry out preemptive nuclear strikes against the United States and South Korea. Acting under Chapter VI
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Shen, Zhihua, and Yafeng Xia. "Chinese–North Korean Relations and China's Policy toward Korean Cross-Border Migration, 1950–1962." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 4 (2014): 133–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00518.

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Making use of Chinese Foreign Ministry archives and provincial and municipal archives, this article traces the history of cross-border migration of ethnic Koreans from 1950 to 1962, especially the illegal migration of ethnic Koreans to North Korea (DPRK) in 1961. A historical examination of Koreans in northeast China demonstrates that the Chinese Communist Party attempted to achieve a workable policy toward Korean border crossers as well as a disposition to accommodate the DPRK's concerns and imperatives in defining nationality, handling cases of Sino-Korean marriages and exit procedures for e
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Cohen, Roberta. "An r2p Framework for North Korea." Global Responsibility to Protect 8, no. 4 (2016): 410–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00804006.

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North Korea has long been considered a country where r2p’s application would not be a practical option. Its major abuses are largely hidden from view and its reclusive nature has made it appear impervious to outside influence. But with the publication of the un Commission of Inquiry report and the response of the dprk, opportunities have arisen. Building on these, this article proposes an r2p framework for North Korea with the strong involvement of the Secretary-General and the entire un system. It argues that despite the challenges, there are persuasive reasons for the new Secretary-General t
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Hymans, Jacques E. C. "Assessing North Korean Nuclear Intentions and Capacities: A New Approach." Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 2 (2008): 259–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800005324.

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This article develops a novel assessment of the nuclear program of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Using a theory-driven approach rooted in comparative foreign policy analysis, the article undermines two common assumptions about the DPRK nuclear threat: first, that the North Korean leadership's nuclear intentions are a measured response to the external environment and, second, that the DPRK has developed enough technical capacity to go nuclear whenever it pleases. In place of these assumptions, the article puts forth the general theoretical hypotheses that (1) the decision to go nuc
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Emery, Clifton R., Jieun Yoo, Amia Lieblich, and Randall Hansen. "After the Escape: Physical Abuse of Offspring, Posttraumatic Stress Disorder, and the Legacy of Political Violence in the DPRK." Violence Against Women 24, no. 9 (2017): 999–1022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801217731540.

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What is the relationship between victimization by political violence against women in North Korea and later physical abuse of offspring? This article examines the relationships between victimization by political violence, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), alcohol abuse/dependence, and abuse of offspring after arrival in South Korea. A random sample of 204 female North Korean defectors was used to test hypotheses. An oral history conducted with a survivor of North Korean political violence is provided in an appendix to contextualize the results. Analyses established a significant link betwe
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Chen, Cheng, and Ji-Yong Lee. "Making sense of North Korea: “National Stalinism” in comparative-historical perspective." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 40, no. 4 (2007): 459–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2007.10.003.

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This paper examines the striking institutional parallels between the seemingly inexplicable DPRK (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea) and Ceausescu’s Romania. It argues that in both cases, the role of strong anti-liberal ideology that combined both far left and far right nationalist elements was highly significant in sustaining the regime and therefore should not be underestimated. While developments elsewhere in the Soviet bloc deprived the Ceausescu regime of potential nationalist cards it could play and thus precipitated regime change, the DPRK regime was able to hold on to power by usin
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Zadeh-Cummings, Nazanin, and Lauren Harris. "The Impact of Sanctions against North Korea on Humanitarian Aid." Journal of Humanitarian Affairs 2, no. 1 (2020): 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/jha.033.

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The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, or North Korea) has been a recipient of international humanitarian aid from international organisations (IOs) and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) since 1995. In recent years, multilateral and unilateral sanctions in response to the DPRK’s nuclear programme have created a new layer of difficulty for humanitarians looking to engage with the authoritarian state. This paper explores how sanctions are affecting humanitarian work in practice, utilising interviews with practitioners. The research first surveys documentation, particularly from IOs
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Samuels, Richard J. "Kidnapping Politics in East Asia." Journal of East Asian Studies 10, no. 3 (2010): 363–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800003660.

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In this article, I examine two contemporary cases in which the same foreign adversary, North Korea (DPRK), violated the sovereignty of neighboring states. I use a comparison of South Korean and Japanese reactions to political captivity to assess institutional performance in democratic states and ways in which these dynamics are connected to international politics. We see how “captivity narratives” can be differentially constructed and deployed and howpolicycapture can be achieved by determined political actors. Civic groups in both countries worked to mobilize political support, frame the issu
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Husenicova, Lucia. "U.S. Foreign Policy Towards North Korea." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 22, no. 1 (2018): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.22.05.

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The U.S. relations to Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are since the end of the Cold War revolving around achieving a state of nuclear free Korean peninsula. As non-proliferation is a long term of American foreign policy, relations to North Korea could be categorized primarily under this umbrella. However, the issue of North Korean political system also plays role as it belongs to the other important, more normative category of U.S. foreign policy which is the protection of human rights and spreading of democracy and liberal values. In addition, the North Korean issue influences U.
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Pugacheva, O. S. "Inter-Korean Relations: Factors and Prospects." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 1 (2021): 151–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-1-8.

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The relations between South Korea and North Korea were improved in 2018 on the basis of the Sunshine policy ideational platform and the inter-Korean agreements reached between the two countries under the progressive administrations of Kim Dae-jung in 2000 and Roh Moohyun in 2007. However, inter-Korean relations had been at a lull since the US-North Korea summit in Hanoi in February 2019 despite the intentions of the parties to develop diverse forms of cooperation. After that, the month of June saw a severe deterioration in the Inter-Korean relations. The aim of this article is to analyze the i
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Jin, Jinxiu. "Political News Discourse Analysis Based on an Attitudinal Perspective of the Appraisal Theory—Taking the New York Times’ Report China-DPRK Relations as an Example." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 9, no. 10 (2019): 1357. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0910.15.

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The relationship among China, the United States and North Korea has already been a focus of international politics. From June 19 to 20, North Korea leader Kim Jong-un ended his third visit to China within 100 days. This is also his three consecutive visits to China since he took office in December 2011. The high density and frequency are not only rare in the history of China-DPRK relations, but also seem to be unique in the history of international relations, indicating that China-DPRK relations are welcoming new era. This paper selects the New York Times’ report on China-DPRK relations as an
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Oppenheim, Robert. "Introduction to the JAS Mini-Forum “Regarding North Korea”." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 2 (2011): 333–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811000052.

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As Charles Armstrong notes in beginning his review essay that follows, deliberately or not North Korea has been in the headlines. Over the past two decades, and notwithstanding the publication timelines that affect our business, it has rarely been a risk for an academic author to start any piece by stating just that. While the articles that comprise this Journal of Asian Studies “mini-forum” on North Korea had already been commissioned, it will surprise no reader to learn that their framing and urgency shifted in response to recent events. As this issue goes to press, such events have included
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Fedorovsky, A., and V. Shvydko. "Inter-Korean Relations: Political Role of Regional Powers." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2014): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-2-83-91.

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Missile launches and nuclear tests by DPRK in 2013 undermined inter-Korean cooperation and regional stability. The primary purpose of these activities was to strengthen legitimacy of Kim Jong Un’s administration. South Korean president Park Geun-Hye’s trustpolitik policy focused on improving mutual understanding and developing step-by-step inter-Korean cooperation. Regional powers jointly opposed North Korea’s missile and nuclear programs, but failed to elaborate common understanding on policies to promote security in the Korean peninsula as well as on prospects for the unification of Korea.
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Denisov, V. I., and A. S. Pyatachkova. "The Future of the Korean Peninsula: Topical Issues and Possible Solutions." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 1 (2019): 86–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-1-86-101.

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The DPRK has become one of the most striking news-maker of 2018. Kim Jong-un took decisive steps to establish cooperation with the ROK – the parties had quite coordinated interaction during the Olympic Games in Pyeongchang, and hold three Inter-Korean summits in April, May and September 2018. Kim Jong-un have hold three meetings with Xi Jinping. The summit of Kim Jong-un and Trump in Singapore was equally resonant. The President of the Russian Federation during the WEF invited Kim Jongun to Russia, earlier the leader of North Korea had a meeting with S.V. Lavrov and V.I. Matvienko. These steps
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Husarski, Roman. "Towards a Supernatural Propaganda. The DPRK Myth in the Movie The Big-Game Hunter." Studia Religiologica 53, no. 2 (2020): 149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844077sr.20.011.12514.

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For a long time, the world thought that the collapse of the USSR in 1991 would lead to a similar outcome in North Korea. Although the Kim regime suffered harsh economic troubles, it was able to distance itself from communism without facing an ideological crisis and losing mass support. The same core political myths are still in use today. However, after the DPRK left the ideas of socialist realism behind, it has become clearer that the ideology of the country is a political religion. Now, its propaganda is using more supernatural elements than ever before. A good example is the movie The Big-G
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Husarski, Roman. "Towards a Supernatural Propaganda. The DPRK Myth in the Movie The Big-Game Hunter." Studia Religiologica 53, no. 2 (2020): 149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844077sr.20.011.12514.

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For a long time, the world thought that the collapse of the USSR in 1991 would lead to a similar outcome in North Korea. Although the Kim regime suffered harsh economic troubles, it was able to distance itself from communism without facing an ideological crisis and losing mass support. The same core political myths are still in use today. However, after the DPRK left the ideas of socialist realism behind, it has become clearer that the ideology of the country is a political religion. Now, its propaganda is using more supernatural elements than ever before. A good example is the movie The Big-G
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40

Leading Korean scholars, no name. "North Korea Facing Collapse: Domestic Political and Social and Economic Situation." World Economy and International Relations, no. 1 (2012): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-1-89-102.

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The paper deals with various aspects of economic and social crisis in the DPRK on the eve of 2010’s. Basically, there is an evident functional paralysis of the command economy that leads to its complete decay and breakdown. The result is emergence of a set of isolated sectors and segments living by different rules. Also, it triggers major social processes which undermine the stability of North Korean political system and its ideology. Different options of future developments are considered in the light of possible similarities with processes characteristic of the Soviet Union, East European co
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41

Ullah, Aman, Waseem Ishaque, and Muhammad Usman Ullah. "UNITED STATES-NORTH KOREA RAPPROCHEMENT: AVERTING A NUCLEAR HOLOCAUST." Global Political Review 2, no. 1 (2017): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(ii-i).09.

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The situation in the Korean Peninsula has generally remained uncertain since the time of the Korean war. President Trumps proverbs of fire and fury, Rocket Man and now a valuable partner are gradual transformations, which have been appreciated by the world at large, yet fragility and lack of trust among the key contenders North Korea (DPRK), USA and South Kora may lead to strategic miscalculation and undo the process of confidence-building. The efforts of Russia and China are commendable as these are contributing to a stable environment; however, the world is witnessing these developments with
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42

DiFilippo, Anthony. "History, Ideology, and Human Rights." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 2 (2020): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.2.153.

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This article will analyze the connection between history, countervailing ideologies, that is, the legacy of the Cold War, and the perceived identification of human rights violations as they pertain to countries with major security interests in Northeast Asia. This article will further show that the enduring nuclear-weapons problem in North Korea has been inextricably linked to human rights issues there, specifically because Washington wants to change the behavior of officials in Pyongyang so that the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) becomes a state that at least remotely resembles
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Hong, Suk-Hoon, and Yun-Young Cho. "Consistent pattern of DRPK’s policy on ROK: What shapes North Korea’s foreign policy?" International Area Studies Review 20, no. 1 (2016): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865916683602.

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Identity is the basis of North Korea’s regime legitimacy. As a divided country, North Korea’s legitimacy is forged in the inter-Korean comparison. This paper starts with the question of what factors influence whether North Korea chooses to implement risky or cooperative policies toward South Korea, as well as what role domestic politics and ideology play in The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s (DPRK) formation and enactment of foreign policy. This paper confirmed that the Pyongyang leadership’s policy priority has mostly depended on identity need. Also, we infer that Pyongyang tends to
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Hughes, Christopher W. ""Super-Sizing" the DPRK Threat: Japan's Evolving Military Posture and North Korea." Asian Survey 49, no. 2 (2009): 291–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.2.291.

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Japan's reemergence as a "normal" military power has been accelerated by the "super-sizing" of North Korea: a product of the North's extant military threat, multiplied exponentially by its undermining of U.S.-Japan alliance solidarity, views of the North as a domestic "peril," and the North's utilization as a catch-all proxy for remilitarization.
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45

Johnson, John Arthur, and Udo Moenig. "Furthering taekwondo as an academic discipline: A report on Youngsan University’s 1st International Academic Taekwondo Conference." Revista de Artes Marciales Asiáticas 14, no. 2 (2019): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/rama.v14i2.6035.

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<p>The 1<sup>st</sup> International Academic Taekwondo Conference Youngsan University was held on October 4, 2019 in Yangsan, Republic of Korea (ROK; i.e., South Korea). In an effort to bring together international researchers of taekwondo, three non-Korean presenters were invited and three accomplished academics, two non-Korean, made up the conference’s invited panelists. The topics presented were: 1) the shift in taekwondo’s peace promotion duties, 2) a discussion of <em>mudo</em> (“martial way” of life) in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK; i.e.,
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Park, John J., Ah-Young Lim, Hyung-Soon Ahn, et al. "Systematic review of evidence on public health in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea." BMJ Global Health 4, no. 2 (2019): e001133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2018-001133.

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BackgroundEngaging in public health activities in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, also known as North Korea) offers a means to improve population health for its citizens and the wider region. Such an engagement requires an understanding of current and future needs.MethodsWe conducted a systematic search of five English and eight Korean language databases to identify available literature published between 1988 and 2017. A narrative review of evidence was conducted for five major categories (health systems, communicable diseases (CDs), non-communicable diseases (NCDs), injuries,
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47

Song, Jiyoung. "The Right to Survival in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea." European Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (2010): 87–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805810x517689.

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AbstractFor the past decade, the author has examined North Korean primary public documents and concludes that there have been changes of identities and ideas in the public discourse of human rights in the DPRK: from strong post-colonialism to Marxism-Leninism, from there to the creation of Juche as the state ideology and finally 'our style' socialism. This paper explains the background to Kim Jong Il's 'our style' human rights in North Korea: his broader framework, 'our style' socialism, with its two supporting ideational mechanisms, named 'virtuous politics' and 'military-first politics'. It
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Asmolov, Konstantin. "Problems and Prospects for the DPRK’s Development: Forecasting Model-2021." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 4 (2021): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120016161-8.

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Since the 1990s, there have been many publications predicting an imminent "collapse of the North Korean regime" or a shift of the country’s political vector. However, this has not happened so far, and the DPRK’s political regime continues to exist. What leads to such chronically unrealistic forecasts for North Korea, and what are alternative options for the future of this country in the short and medium term? Revising a number of unfulfilled predictions, the authors try to explain the reason for these failures. They are usually closely related to an ideological framework, lac
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Trigubenko, Marina E., and Tatiana V. Lezhenina. "INNOVATIONS IN THE DPRK ECONOMY IN THE ERA OF KIM JONG-UN: RESULTS, THREATS AND RISKS." SCIENTIFIC REVIEW. SERIES 1. ECONOMICS AND LAW, no. 1-2 (2020): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.26653/2076-4650-2020-1-2-08.

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During the 8 years of the DPRK leadership, Kim Jong-un has been trying to position himself as a major reformer of the economy and the main military strategist in the development of the production of the latest intercontinental missiles directed towards the United States. Kim Jong-un presented the economic program for the first time at the VII Congress of the Labor Party of Korea in 2016 in the format of the three main tasks of the first five-year plan for 2016-2020. Tasks. To summarize Kim Jong-un's innovations in economic development and prove that they will be effective in the context of exp
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Ishiyama, John. "Assessing the leadership transition in North Korea: Using network analysis of field inspections, 1997–2012." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47, no. 2 (2014): 137–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.04.003.

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This paper examines changes in the in the composition of the North Korean elite from 1997 to 2012, a particularly tumultuous period in the history of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). Specifically, the paper assesses the changing composition of the leadership networks around both Kim Jong Il and Kim Jong Un, using data from the entourages that accompanied the great leaders on their “on the spot guidance” inspection tours. The paper finds that there have been significant changes in the leadership elite since the succession of Kim Jong Un. The paper offers some observations regar
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