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Journal articles on the topic 'North Korea, refugees from North Korea, refugees, Democratic People's Republic of Korea'
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1
Lankov, Andrei. "North Korean Refugees in Northeast China." Asian Survey 44, no. 6 (November 2004): 856–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2004.44.6.856.
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The current crisis in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has resulted in an explosive increase in the illegal migration of North Koreans to Northeast China. The refugees' presence is seen as a nuisance by all sides involved, but their experience is increasingly influencing domestic policy in North Korea.
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Cathcart, Adam, and Charles Kraus. "The Bonds of Brotherhood: New Evidence on Sino-North Korean Exchanges, 1950–1954." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 3 (July 2011): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00141.
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Drawing on recently declassified documents from the archive of the Foreign Ministry of the People's Republic of China (PRC), this article looks at China's relationship with North Korea during and immediately after the Korean War. Although previous scholarship has touched on PRC-North Korean military ties during the war, this article is the first in-depth analysis of issues that are less well understood, notably China's efforts to cope with a huge influx of refugees from North Korea, the PRC's economic assistance during the war and in the early postwar reconstruction, and Chinese educational and ideological support for North Korean professionals and party cadres. The article shows that the extensive military coordination between Beijing and Pyongyang was only one way in which the war brought North Korea and the PRC into a closer relationship.
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LEE, Choonkyu. "DIALECTS AT THE BORDER BETWEEN KOREA AND CHINA." International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences 2 (November 1, 2016): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kr.2016.02.08.
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In this paper, we seek a closer comparative dialectological study of the dialects of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the Korean dialects of the ethnically Korean Chinese near the Korea-China border. Accessible resources published in English and other languages besides Korean are particularly necessary in these times of increasing instability in the North Korean regime and foreseeable cases of asylum seekers. Speech samples are discussed to illustrate the relative difficulty of distinguishing between North Korean and Korean-Chinese speakers, compared to distinguishing between North Korean and South Korean speakers. Based on an over-view of previous literature, some guidelines are developed for identifying some distinguishing characteristics of these speech communities. Continuing dialectological research with refugees and field research making direct comparisons between these communities are necessary for further and up-to-date insight.
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Song, Jiyoung. "The Right to Survival in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea." European Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (2010): 87–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805810x517689.
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AbstractFor the past decade, the author has examined North Korean primary public documents and concludes that there have been changes of identities and ideas in the public discourse of human rights in the DPRK: from strong post-colonialism to Marxism-Leninism, from there to the creation of Juche as the state ideology and finally 'our style' socialism. This paper explains the background to Kim Jong Il's 'our style' human rights in North Korea: his broader framework, 'our style' socialism, with its two supporting ideational mechanisms, named 'virtuous politics' and 'military-first politics'. It analyses how some of these characteristics have disappeared while others have been reinforced over time. Marxism has significantly withered away since the end of the Cold War, and communism was finally deleted from the latest 2009 amended Socialist Constitution, whereas the concept of sovereignty has been strengthened and the language of duties has been actively employed by the authority almost as a relapse to the feudal Confucian tradition. The paper also includes some first-hand accounts from North Korean defectors interviewed in South Korea in October–December 2008. They show the perception of ordinary North Koreans on the ideas of human rights.
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Sabitov, Timur, Irina Zhilko, and Artem Gilyov. "Criminal Code of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea: Recent Trends." Russian Journal of Criminology 15, no. 1 (March 9, 2021): 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-4255.2021.15(1).124-132.
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Criminal law of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is not stagnant, it is developing under the influence of international community, and this dynamics is of special interest for research that analyzes changes to the Criminal Code of the DPRK with the goal of understanding if there is a trend in North Korea for getting closer to the world community. Naturally, the reclusiveness of the DPRK does not make any speedy changes in its criminal policy likely, and we can only expect an evolutionary transformation of the policy in this sphere. At the same time, there is no denying the fact that the criminal law of the DPRK is converging more and more with the international standards. The examination of the CC of the DPRK included the analysis of the following: norms-principles and norms-declarations within the law; the structure of North Korean criminal law; its specific legal institutes; the system of punishments under the CC of the DPRK; the responsibility for some types of crimes under this Code. The current CC of the DPRK, adopted in 1950 and amended fifteen times since then, fits harmoniously with the policy of the DPRK. A study of key clauses of the CC of the DPRK, which reveal the attitude of North Korean lawmakers to universally recognized legal values, showed that there is a clear indication of the DPRK’s rapproachment with the international community. It is evident that the criminal law of North Korea is improving. At the same time, although some trends observed in North Korean lawmaking can be viewed as positive from the standpoint of universally recognized legal values, some of its criminal law’s features still make it impossible to conclude that the country has radically changed its criminal policy.
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Kim, Yoon Hee. "North Korean defectors seeking health certification to take the national medical licensing examination in the Republic of Korea: figures and procedures." Journal of Educational Evaluation for Health Professions 9 (December 1, 2012): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3352/jeehp.2012.9.12.
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In May 2011, the Ministry of Unification of the Republic of Korea (Korea) announced that 21,165 defectors from Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) had settled in Korea. Since healthcare workers are counted among these defectors, it is necessary to provide them with a pathway to certification to work in Korea. This report summarizes the vetting and approval process defectors from North Korea must pass through to be eligible to take the national medical licensing examination. Defectors must pass an oral test conducted by the National Health Personnel Licensing Examination Board to be eligible to sit for the exam. From 2002 to August 2011, 41 North Korean defectors applied for the approval process to take the exam. Twenty-nine were approved (70.7%): 23 physicians, 1 dentist, 2 oriental medical doctor, 1 nurse, and 2 pharmacists. Out of 29 approved, 11 passed the licensing examination (39.3%). This report also highlights the difficulty in assessing North Korean defectors' eligibility by oral test, and suggests that adequate competency should be emphasized to recognize their unique abilities as healthcare personnel.
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K. Armstrong, Charles. "Trends in the Study of North Korea." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 2 (May 2011): 357–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811000027.
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North Korean leader Kim Jong Il can be criticized for many failings, but if one of his goals has been keeping his country in the global media spotlight, he has been wildly successful. Of course, North Korea gets this international attention for all the wrong reasons: military provocations, a clandestine nuclear program, a bankrupt economy, an atrocious record on human rights, and an eccentric if not deranged leadership. Some of the accusations leveled against North Korea in the Western media and popular press may have a basis in fact, others are more questionable. But until recently, substantive knowledge of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) was notable mainly for its absence. Before the 1990s, little was written about the DPRK beyond official North Korean propaganda and its opposite, anti-North Korean propaganda from the South. Much of this has changed, both because of new sources of information (including material from North Korea's former communist allies), but more importantly because of the growing interest in the subject after South Korean democratization in the late 1980s and the first US-North Korean nuclear crisis of the early 1990s.
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Hur, Aram. "ADAPTING TO DEMOCRACY: IDENTITY AND THE POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF NORTH KOREAN DEFECTORS." Journal of East Asian Studies 18, no. 1 (January 24, 2018): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2017.30.
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AbstractDefection from North Korea to South Korea has increased dramatically, but little is known of its political consequences. Do North Korean defectors successfully adopt democratic norms, and if so, what factors aid this process? Through a novel survey of defectors, I find that national identification plays a significant role in motivating their fledgling sense of democratic obligation. Greater feelings of national unity with South Koreans lead to a stronger duty to vote and otherwise contribute to the democratic state. This effect is more powerful than that of conventional contractual factors, on which most state resettlement policies are based, and is surprising given that defectors’ nationalist socialization mostly took place under the authoritarian North. The findings suggest the need to reconsider integration approaches toward North Korean defectors and similarly placed refugees elsewhere.
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Son, Sarah A. "Watching North Korea from the sky: Remote sensing and documenting human rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea." Political Geography 92 (January 2022): 102525. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2021.102525.
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Phipps, John. "North Korea—Will it be the ‘Great Leader’s’ Turn Next?" Government and Opposition 26, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01123.x.
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OF ALL THE REMAINING COMMUNIST PARTY STATES THE Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) would appear to have the most to fear from the 1989 democratic revolutions that swept Eastern Europe. The regime of Kim I1 Sung remains unmoved and unreformed, but is certainly not unconcerned about the events that have taken place among its former socialist bloc allies. To an outside observer the Pyongyang regime gives the impression of being almost frozen in time, with no real progress having taken place in either the economic or political spheres over the last twenty years. When the Ceauaescu regime in Romania crumbled amid bloodshed in the closing days of the 1980s, many analysts’ attention turned in great expectation to the autocratic regime of the world's longest-serving political leader. The epitaph of the Kim regime was being prepared in earnest. Although the last twelve months have hardly been reassuring for the Kim Regime, communist party rule has been maintained and Kim's personal standing inside North Korea remains intact.
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Clemens, Walter C. "North Korea's Quest for Nuclear Weapons: New Historical Evidence." Journal of East Asian Studies 10, no. 1 (April 2010): 127–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800003246.
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Soviet and East European documents provide significant revelations about the interactions of North Korea and its allies. First, they show Pyongyang's longstanding interest in obtaining nuclear technology and probably nuclear weapons. Second, they reveal that North Korea's leadership consistently evaded commitments to allies on nuclear matters—particularly constraints on its nuclear ambitions or even the provision of information. Third, North Korea's words and deeds evoked substantial concerns in Moscow and other communist capitals that Pyongyang, if it obtained nuclear weapons, might use them to blackmail its partners or risk provoking a nuclear war. When aid from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was not forthcoming, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea sought to bypass Moscow and obtain assistance from the Kremlin's East European clients and, when that proved fruitless, from Pakistan. The absence of international support reinforced the logic of self-reliance and “military first,” pushing North Korea to pursue an independent line with respect to its nuclear weapons. These patterns cannot be extrapolated in a linear way, but they surely suggest reasons for caution by those hoping to engage North Korea in a grand bargain.
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Yushkevych, Volodymyr. "Assistance of the USA to refugees during the Korean War (1950 – 1953)." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.82-90.
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The article reveals a set of measures taken by the United States of America to assist “the refugees of war” in the context of local conflict in the Korean Peninsula. It is underlined that securing assistance to hundreds of thousands of Korean refugees has become a unique experience for the United States and the international community in providing financial support, assistance programs, combat operations, and organized troop deployment. Particular attention was paid to the decisions and actions of the US Armed Forces Command aimed at avoiding panic among refugees from the North, evacuating civilians, setting up and operating Refugee Camps. The unprecedented scale of the Hungnam rescue operation carried out during the offensive of the Chinese and North Korean troops in December 1950 is examined. The first exampled experience was the work of the United Nations Civil Aid Command in Korea, whose field teams distributed clothing, supplies, consumer goods and large-scale vaccinations against smallpox and typhoid during the second half of 1950. In addition, it reviewed the work of UNCURK, which was to help rebuild the country. As part of the program, Korean refugees received rice, used clothing and shoes, and medical equipment. At the same time, the establishment and activities of the UNKRA, to whom the United States has been the major donor, have played a leading role in assisting the forced migrants. The relief programs subsequently became a significant factor in the Westernization and economic revival of the Republic of Korea. It has been shown that in the context of the military conflict in Korea, US assistance to refugees was provided not only through a profile UN agency but also through the active involvement of US military structures and non-governmental organizations. The role of volunteer organizations and private initiatives of the American public in support of the Korean Refugee was noted.
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Mencel, Marian. "Konsekwencje spotkania Donalda Trumpa i Kim Dzong Una w Singapurze." Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość XV (June 15, 2019): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0395.
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As a consequence of the intensification of nuclear tests and long-range mis-siles, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has become the subject of debates and pressure from the international environment, which is mani-fested by the increasingly stringent sanctions imposed by the UN Security Council, complemented by diplomatic pressures and intensified political influence on Pyongyang by the United States and China. As a result of their application, the relations between the two Korean states were warmed up, and the North Korean leader, Kim Jong Un, proposed to implement the process of denuclearization of North Korea and a direct meeting with the US President, Donald Trump. Why was there an unprecedented meeting and what are the consequences? How was the meeting perceived by the American regional allies? What is the position of China in connection with the events? What are the prospects for progress in contacts between North Korea and the United States, South Korea, China and Japan? Is it possible to fully denuclearise the Korean Peninsula? An attempt to answer these ques-tions has been made in this article.
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Frolova, Elena Vladimirovna. "Healthcare of South Korea." Spravočnik vrača obŝej praktiki (Journal of Family Medicine), no. 8 (July 12, 2021): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/med-10-2108-10.
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South Korea is one of the most developed Asian states, located in the northeastern part of the Asian continent. This country has a powerful economy and highly developed industry, being one of the world's major suppliers of computer technology. Korean statehood traces its history from the 4th-3rd centuries BC, when the country was under the control of the Japanese Empire. As a result of the Second World War, Korea was divided into the northern part, controlled by the USSR, and the southern part, under US patronage. The Republic of Korea was founded on August 15, 1948, after which the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (better known as North Korea) was proclaimed on the territory of the Soviet zone on September 9. The subsequent Korean War, which lasted for three years (1950-1953), only consolidated the division of the country. Over the 70 years of its existence, South Korea has achieved tremendous economic progress, and the changes could not but affect the health sector. Despite the fact that compared to other highly developed countries, South Korea spends not so much on the development of medicine — about 7.6 % of GDP, this figure is slowly but steadily growing. More than half of the capital that goes to meet the needs of the healthcare system is of private origin. In addition to compulsory medical insurance, which covers 96 % of the country's population, non-state sources of funding include the system of voluntary medical insurance, payment for treatment received, as well as funds from charitable foundations. On average, each Korean spends about 5 % of their income on healthcare annually.
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Chestnut, Sheena. "Illicit Activity and Proliferation: North Korean Smuggling Networks." International Security 32, no. 1 (July 2007): 80–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.32.1.80.
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Since public disclosure by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) of its uranium enrichment program in 2002 and the subsequent restarting of its plutonium reactor, policymakers and academics have expressed concern that the DPRK will one day export nuclear material or components. An examination of North Korea's involvement in nonnuclear criminal activities shows that the DPRK has established sophisticated transnational smuggling networks, some of which involve terrorist groups and others that have been able to distribute counterfeit currency and goods on U.S. territory. These networks provide North Korea with a significant amount of much-needed hard currency, but the DPRK regime's control over them has decreased over time. These developments suggest that North Korea has both the means and motivation for exporting nuclear material, and that concerns over nuclear export from the DPRK, authorized or not, are well founded. When placed in the context of the global nuclear black market, the North Korea case suggests that criminal networks are likely to play an increased role in future proliferation. In addition, it raises the concern that proliferation conducted through illicit networks will not always be well controlled by the supplier state. It is therefore imperative to track and curtail illicit networks not only because of the costs they impose, but also because of the deterrent value of countersmuggling efforts. New strategies that integrate law enforcement, counterproliferation, and nonproliferation tools are likely to have the greatest success in addressing the risks posed by illicit proliferation networks.
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Ji, S., and Y. Lee. "Food security and agroforestry from the perspective of the SDGs: a case study of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea." International Forestry Review 23, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 437–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1505/146554821834777242.
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This study analyses the contribution of agroforestry to the achievement of SDGs based on the performance of agroforestry and North Korea's Voluntary National Review (VNR). Since the early 2000s, North Korea has promoted agroforestry and worked with the Swiss Agency for Development Cooperation (SDC), the World Agroforestry Centre (ICRAF), and the FAO to expand agroforestry projects. Agroforestry has contributed to the achievement of food security and land restoration in SDG2 and SDG15. The achievement of SDGs from individual agroforestry pilot projects since the early 2000s allows the assessment of agroforestry's contribution to SDGs. North Korea is likely to restore degraded forests by sustainable forest management (SDG15), which emphasises the need for new land cultivation in the VNR to strengthen food security (SDG2). Because agroforestry practices can simultaneously enhance food, nutrition, environmental, and energy security, agroforestry can further contribute to the achievement of other SDGs by discovering models that reflect local characteristics and inducing residents to participate through a strict evaluation of their effectiveness and the use of 'sloping land' management accompanied by the development of cultivation technologies suitable for mixed management with various trees and crops.
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Park, John J., Ah-Young Lim, Hyung-Soon Ahn, Andrew I. Kim, Soyoung Choi, David HW Oh, Owen Lee-Park, et al. "Systematic review of evidence on public health in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea." BMJ Global Health 4, no. 2 (March 2019): e001133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2018-001133.
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BackgroundEngaging in public health activities in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, also known as North Korea) offers a means to improve population health for its citizens and the wider region. Such an engagement requires an understanding of current and future needs.MethodsWe conducted a systematic search of five English and eight Korean language databases to identify available literature published between 1988 and 2017. A narrative review of evidence was conducted for five major categories (health systems, communicable diseases (CDs), non-communicable diseases (NCDs), injuries, and reproductive, maternal, newborn and child health (RMNCH) and nutrition).FindingsWe found 465 publications on the DPRK and public health. Of the 253 articles that addressed major disease categories, we found under-representation of publications relative to proportion of disease burden for the two most significant causes: NCDs (54.5% publications vs 72.6% disability adjusted life years (DALYs)) and injuries (0.4% publications vs 12.1% DALYs), in comparison to publications on the third and fourth largest disease burdens, RMNCH and nutrition (30.4% publications vs 8.6% DALYs) and CDs (14.6% publications vs 6.7% DALYs) which were over-represented. Although most disease category articles were on NCDs, the majority of NCD articles addressed mental health of refugees. Only 165 articles addressed populations within the DPRK and among these, we found publication gaps on social and environmental determinants of health, CDs, and NCDs.ConclusionThere are gaps in the public health literature on the DPRK. Future research should focus on under-studied, significant burdens of disease. Moreover, establishing more precise estimates of disease burden and their distribution, as well as analysis on health systems responses aimed at addressing them, can result in improvements in population health.
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Clemens, Walter. "Negotiating to Control Weapons of Mass Destruction in North Korea." International Negotiation 10, no. 3 (2005): 453–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180605776087462.
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AbstractNegotiations to control and perhaps eliminate North Korea's weapons of mass destruction (WMD) appeared to achieve positive results in the 1990s. But these positive trends reversed direction in 2001–2004 under President George W. Bush. Why? This essay weighs six possible explanations. 1. progress in the 1990s as a mirage; 2. cultural differences; 3. distrust of international agreements; 4. perceptions regarding the utility of WMD; 5. internal divisions within each government and society; and 6. ulterior motives.The evidence suggests that the sixth explanation carries the most weight. Top leaders in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) as well as in the United States had priorities other than arms control. Each side used arms control negotiations as an instrument to promote its political and economic agenda in other realms. Pyongyang demanded large and certain rewards to give up its main bargaining chips. North Korea's negotiating behavior suggested some willingness to freeze or eliminate WMD programs if the price were right. But Kim Jong Il's regime clearly saw its nuclear and missile capabilities as major assets not to be traded away except for very substantial security and economic rewards. For its part, the Bush White House probably worried that any accord with Pyongyang would impede Washington's larger political, military, and economic ambitions, including deployment of a national missile defense (NMD). There was also a subjective element: President Bush probably loathed Kim Jong Il and did not relish the prospect of making any compromises with evil incarnate. For enlightened self-interest to prevail, the parties could benefit from greater empathy and a quest for mutual rather than one-sided gain.
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Kang, Jean S. "US Policy Dilemma: Food Aid to an "Enemy State"? The Case of Communist China, 1961-1963, and North Korea, 1993-2000." International Studies Review 6, no. 2 (September 28, 2005): 35–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-00602003.
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Both Communist China of the early 1960s and North Korea of the 1990s posed significant policy challenges to the United States revolving around the important question of food aid. The Clinton administration was faced with the task of responding to the height of the North Korean famine, which was estimated to have taken place between 1995-1998. Interestingly, the dilemma that confronted the Clinton administration of whether to provide US food assistance to a nation considered an "enemy state" was reminiscent of the circumstances faced by the Kennedy administration with regard to the famine that scoured Communist China in the early 1960s. Estimated to have claimed nearly 30 million lives, the details of the Chinese famine resulting from the Great Leap Forward of 1958 have only recently been examined, as foreigners were unable to gain access to the PRC until nearly twenty years after the events. Similarly, only time will bring to surface the details of the famine in North Korea (Democratic People's Republic of Korea, hereafter "DPRK") due to the country's present self-imposed isolation, comparable to that of the PRC in the 1960s. This study will examine the policy dilemma that confronted the United States with regard to the famine in Communist China following the Great Leap Forward in the 1960s and again in North Korea from 1993-2000. The divergent responses of the Kennedy administration and that of the Clinton administration will be studied, with a focus on Congressional discussions regarding the donation of US food aid to an "enemy state."
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Sreejith, K. M., Ritesh Agrawal, and A. S. Rajawat. "Constraints on the location, depth and yield of the 2017 September 3 North Korean nuclear test from InSAR measurements and modelling." Geophysical Journal International 220, no. 1 (October 9, 2019): 345–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gji/ggz451.
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SUMMARY The Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) conducted its sixth and largest affirmed underground nuclear test on 2017 September 3. Analysis of Interferometric Synthetic Aperture Radar (InSAR) data revealed detailed surface displacements associated with the nuclear explosion. The nuclear explosion produced large-scale surface deformation causing decorrelation of the InSAR data directly above the test site, Mt. Mantap, while the flanks of the Mountain experienced displacements up to 0.5 m along the Line-of-Sight of the Satellite. We determined source parameters of the explosion using the Bayesian inversion of the InSAR data. The explosive yield was estimated as 245–271 kiloton (kt) of TNT, while the previous yield estimations range from 70–400 kt. We determined the nuclear source at a depth of 542 ± 30 m below Mt. Mantap (129.0769°E, 41.0324°N). We demonstrated that the Bayesian modelling of the InSAR data reduces the uncertainties in the source parameters of the nuclear test, particularly the yield and source depth that are otherwise poorly resolved in seismic methods.
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Choe, Rye Sun, Kum Sik Han, Se Chan Kim, Myong Hyok Ri, and Jae Nam Ri. "Preliminary investigation of Late Pleistocene fauna from Ryonggok Cave No. 1, Sangwon County, North Hwanghae Province, Democratic People's Republic of Korea." Journal of Quaternary Science 36, no. 6 (July 16, 2021): 1137–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jqs.3346.
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Won, Chol-Guk, and Kwang-Sik So. "Two new wasps (Insecta: Hymenoptera) from the Lower Cretaceous Sinuiju Formation of Ryonsang-dong, North Phyongan Province, Democratic People's Republic of Korea." Cretaceous Research 131 (March 2022): 105086. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cretres.2021.105086.
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Yufan, Hao, and Zhai Zhihai. "China's Decision to Enter the Korean War: History Revisted." China Quarterly 121 (March 1990): 94–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000013527.
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Thirty-seven years have passed since the Korean War ended in July 1953. The Korean War, which was one of the most dramatic events of the cold war, resulted not only in huge casualties on the two sides, but also in a deep wound in Sino–American relations which took more than two decades to heal. Vast amounts of research have been done on the war, but one important aspect–the motivation behind the decision of the People's Republic of China to enter the war – remains mysteriously masked, or at least unconvincingly explained.Why did Beijing involve itself in a military conflict with the United States, the world's most powerful country, at a time when the newly established regime needed to be consolidated? What were the factors that led the Chinese to decide that they had to enter the war on behalf of North Korea? It has been generally accepted in the west that the Chinese were motivated by a combination of Chinese xenophobic attitudes, security concerns, expansionist tendencies and the communist ideology. To what extent is this perspective historically correct? What is the Chinese perspective on this issue?The purpose of this article is to try to explain from a Chinese perspective the motivation of China's leaders in making such a momentous decision, as revealed by Chinese sources recently released in China.Historical RootsChina's decision to intervene in the Korean War on behalf of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) had its historical roots. It was the natural result of gradually developed animosity between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and what it regarded as the foreign imperialist powers, especially the United States, and of the fear of a threat from the latter.
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Robinson, W. Courtland, Myung Ken Lee, Kenneth Hill, Edbert Hsu, and Gilbert Burnham. "Demographic Methods to Assess Food Insecurity: A North Korean Case Study." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 16, no. 4 (December 2001): 286–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00043442.
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AbstractIn complex emergencies, especially those involving famine and/or wide-spread food insecurity, assessments of malnutrition are critical to understanding the population's health status and to assessing the effectiveness of relief interventions. Although the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) has benefited from some of the largest, most sustained appeals in the history of the World Food Program (WFP), the government in Pyongyang has placed restrictions on international efforts to gather data on the health and nutritional status of the affected population.Question: Lacking direct means to assess the nutritional status of the North Korean populace, what other methodologies could be employed to measure the public health impacts of chronic food shortage?The paper begins with a review of methods for assessing nutritional status, particularly in emergencies; a brief history of the North Korean food crisis (1995–2001), and a review of the available nutritional and health data on the DPRK. The main focus of the paper is on the results of a survey of 2,692 North Korean adult migrants in China. Recognizing certain biases and limitations, the study suggests that sample households have experienced an overall decline in food security, as evidenced by both the decline in government rations from an average of 120 grams per person per day to less than 60 grams per day, and by the increase in the percentage of households relying on foraging or bartering of assets as their principal source of food. It also is apparent that the period 1995–1998 has been marked by elevated household mortality, declining fertility, and steadily rising out-migration. Taken together, the signs point toward famine, whether that is defined as a discrete event—that is, as a regional failure in food production or distribution leading to elevated mortality from starvation and associated disease—or as a more complex social process whose sub-states include not only elevated mortality, but declining fertility, eating of alternative ‘famine foods’, transfer of assets, and the uprooting and separation of families.
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Gaebler, Peter, Lars Ceranna, Nima Nooshiri, Andreas Barth, Simone Cesca, Michaela Frei, Ilona Grünberg, et al. "A multi-technology analysis of the 2017 North Korean nuclear test." Solid Earth 10, no. 1 (January 15, 2019): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/se-10-59-2019.
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Abstract. On 3 September 2017 official channels of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea announced the successful test of a thermonuclear device. Only seconds to minutes after the alleged nuclear explosion at the Punggye-ri nuclear test site in the mountainous region in the country's northeast at 03:30:02 (UTC), hundreds of seismic stations distributed all around the globe picked up strong and distinct signals associated with an explosion. Different seismological agencies reported body wave magnitudes of well above 6.0, consequently estimating the explosive yield of the device on the order of hundreds of kT TNT equivalent. The 2017 event can therefore be assessed as being multiple times larger in energy than the two preceding North Korean events in January and September 2016. This study provides a multi-technology analysis of the 2017 North Korean event and its aftermath using a wide array of geophysical methods. Seismological investigations locate the event within the test site at a depth of approximately 0.6 km below the surface. The radiation and generation of P- and S-wave energy in the source region are significantly influenced by the topography of the Mt. Mantap massif. Inversions for the full moment tensor of the main event reveal a dominant isotropic component accompanied by significant amounts of double couple and compensated linear vector dipole terms, confirming the explosive character of the event. The analysis of the source mechanism of an aftershock that occurred around 8 min after the test in the direct vicinity suggest a cavity collapse. Measurements at seismic stations of the International Monitoring System result in a body wave magnitude of 6.2, which translates to an yield estimate of around 400 kT TNT equivalent. The explosive yield is possibly overestimated, since topography and depth phases both tend to enhance the peak amplitudes of teleseismic P waves. Interferometric synthetic aperture radar analysis using data from the ALOS-2 satellite reveal strong surface deformations in the epicenter region. Additional multispectral optical data from the Pleiades satellite show clear landslide activity at the test site. The strong surface deformations generated large acoustic pressure peaks, which were observed as infrasound signals with distinctive waveforms even at distances of 401 km. In the aftermath of the 2017 event, atmospheric traces of the fission product 133Xe were detected at various locations in the wider region. While for 133Xe measurements in September 2017, the Punggye-ri test site is disfavored as a source by means of atmospheric transport modeling, detections in October 2017 at the International Monitoring System station RN58 in Russia indicate a potential delayed leakage of 133Xe at the test site from the 2017 North Korean nuclear test.
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Rickerd, Donald S. "Early Warning: North Korean Refugees in China." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees, April 1, 1999, 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.22010.
Full textAbstract:
Very little is known about the tragic "flood" of poverty-stricken, starving refugees from North Korea who are seeking food and safety in the People's Republic of China. This article sheds some light on their plight and the emerging refugee crisis in that part of the world.
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Beal, Tim. "The Angler and the Octopus." Monthly Review, November 1, 2019, 18–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-071-06-2019-10_2.
Full textAbstract:
Ever since the United States divided the Korean peninsula in 1945, North Korea has had to cope with the existential challenge of U.S. hostility. Korea marks the western boundary of the empire, a border area where the sea power of the United States adjoins the land power of Russia and China. North Korea has been able to utilize this liminality to create a sovereign state—the Democratic People's Republic of Korea—whose independence is not welcomed by either Moscow or Beijing but tolerated because the alternatives, a client of the other or absorption into the U.S. empire, are considered worse. Washington, as global hegemon, has been less willing to tolerate this independence but has faced constraints. The result has been a policy of hostility, of unrelenting diplomatic and economic war of varying intensity, stopping short of actual kinetic war, though never far from it.