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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'North Korea (the DPRK)'
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1
Mildenberg, Mary E. "The North Korea Problem: US policy toward North Korea from 2001-2013." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/748.
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Few countries have presented a policy problem for the United States with the consistency and longevity that North Korea has. The opacity of the regime that runs the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has served as a barrier to deciphering the policy perspective that Kim Jong-un, and his father before him, have pursued. This thesis analyzes the policy decisions of the US towards North Korea in an attempt to decipher which policies were pursued and what there effects have been. Modern US policy in regards to North Korea started with the signing of the Agreed Framework in 1994. US policy was largely consistent under the Clinton administration, which is the reason this paper will begin with the George W. Bush administration and will continue all the way up until the current Obama administration (2001-2013). Using the fundamental policy theories of “hawk engagement” and “strategic patience” this paper assesses the policy responses by examining a number of key events, personnel, and contextual issues. There have been a number policy responses toward North Korea but there has yet to be a permanent solution to the central concerns.
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Ovšonka, Pavol. "NUCLEAR WEAPONS AS A TOOL OF NORTH KOREAN FOREING POLICY." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113618.
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In 1990's, the North Korean leaders opened the military nuclear program in order to avoid the collapsing trend which affected many totalitarian regimes at that time. Thanks to the specific geographical position, Inter-Korean dispute became a very important issue of foreign policy of many great powers such as United States of America, People's Republic of China, Japan, or Russian Federation. This nuclear program is generally considered as a tool of threatening in order to maintain the regime and secure the food and energy assistance. In this thesis, the North Korean threatening policy is applied to various concepts dealing with the deterrence theory introduced by many authors.
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Lee, Ergene. "The 1993 North Korean Nuclear Crisis: A Foreign Policy Analysis." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/33477.
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In this paper I apply the Rational Actor model to the 1993-1994 North Korean
Nuclear Crisis. I begin with two hypotheses: 1) North Korea attempted nuclear armament
because of its perception of threat from South Korea and the United States; 2) North
Korea attempted nuclear armament because it wanted to use its nuclear program as
leverage to obtain economic assistance from the United States. I conduct a diplomatic
historical analysis based on the Rational Actor model to determine which was North
Koreaâ s primary objective, and conclude that the primary objective of North Korea was
obtaining economic concessions, but that threat perception did seem to play a role in the
decision to start the nuclear program. In this process, I show that the Rational Actor
model was insufficient in the analysis and that it must be complemented by cultural
factors, â thickeningâ the rationality.Master of Arts
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Bolton, Derek. "Identity maintenance & foreign policy decision-making : the quest for ontological security in the DPRK." Thesis, University of Bath, 2018. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.760979.
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This thesis analyzes how the need for ontological security (OS), the ‘security of being’,impacts the foreign policy decision-making of states. Traditional security studies focus primarily on physical threats to the state. By contrast, an OS framework argues individuals feel secure when they are able to maintain communal narrative. This narrative in turn becomes the lens through which policymakers, and thus states, analyze events, while also becoming a potential source of conflict if challenged. Therefore, while physical security is still important, one is better positioned to account for perceptions of physical (and non physical) threats, and subsequent policies seemingly contradictory to traditional security studies, by employing an OS framework. While this will be explored within the context of the DPRK, the applicability of such a framework is far greater, holding key insights for International Relations and Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA). DPRK narrative formed out of the postcolonial nationalism of Japanese occupation, culminating into the hyper-nationalist ideology of Juche. North Korea’s seemingly ‘abnormal’ behavior might in turn be indicative of its unique national narrative and history of colonization and humiliation, leading to a different set of behavioral expectations than states whose narratives do not encompass such stories or reference points. While not all states are expected to act in the same manner as North Korea, the framework would expect them to defend and promote their respective national narratives. Moreover, while narratives can double as sources of legitimacy, as seen increasingly in the DPRK, this in no way detracts from, and merely compounds, the emphasis on narrative maintenance. Examining the historical record, it is argued the OS framework is consistently better at accounting for DPRK policies than traditional security studies. Therefore, more broadly in FPA, by taking seriously group narrative as a key component of OS, one can better account for perceptions and foreign policy decision-making.
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Drahorád, Vojtěch. "Čínský pohled na Korejský poloostrov: současnost a budoucnost." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-10554.
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The thesis focuses on the relationship between China and the Korean Peninsula. It examines China's view on the peninsula, its ties to and influence over this region and its conceptions for the future of the peninsula. The thesis concentrates on the relations between the People's Republic of China and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Nevertheless, the relationship between them is analyzed in the context of the Chinese long-term strategy for the Korean Peninsula. The primary Chinese interests related to North Korea are identified together with instruments that can China use to accomplish them. Special focus is given to the assessment of the economic influence that China has over North Korea. However, the Chinese economic leverage is examined in connection with political and military relations between those two countries and in broader context of the development of international relations in Northeast Asia.
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Yoon, Seongwon. "Distorted security discourses : the ROK's securitisation of the Korean nuclear crisis, 2003-2013." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/15865.
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South Korea’s security discourse on the nuclear threat posed by North Korea has been dichotomised by its position within the political spectrum between the progressives and conservatives. By drawing upon Securitisation Theory (ST), this study challenges the current security discourse in South Korea, which has divided and misled the public as well as securitising actors. This study examines the security discourses of the Roh Moo-hyun (2003–2008) and Lee Myung-bak (2008–2013) administrations, since they represent the archetypes of the progressives and conservatives respectively. The results of the analysis suggest that the current security discourses that have been prevalent in South Korea do not correspond with reality and, subsequently, the discourses were not able to deal with real challenges that the nuclear threat posed. This research also explains the root cause of the distorted security discourses by applying a ‘discursive chasm’ as a preliminary concept, which indicates a discursive structure that fundamentally impedes the performance of securitising actors’ articulation, and that distorts the discursive formation (securitisation processes). The chasms consist of three elusive discourses: first, a discourse on threats that cannot simply be said to be either imminent or not imminent (nuclear weapons as materiality and discourse); second, a discourse on the other that cannot easily be defined (the difficulty of representation of North Korea); and third, a discourse on measures that cannot easily be realised (intangible extraordinary measures).
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Yoon, Seongwon. "Distorted Security Discourses. The ROK’s Securitisation of the Korean Nuclear Crisis, 2003–2013." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/15865.
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South Korea’s security discourse on the nuclear threat posed by North Korea has been dichotomised by its position within the political spectrum between the progressives and conservatives. By drawing upon Securitisation Theory (ST), this study challenges the current security discourse in South Korea, which has divided and misled the public as well as securitising actors. This study examines the security discourses of the Roh Moo-hyun (2003–2008) and Lee Myung-bak (2008–2013) administrations, since they represent the archetypes of the progressives and conservatives respectively. The results of the analysis suggest that the current security discourses that have been prevalent in South Korea do not correspond with reality and, subsequently, the discourses were not able to deal with real challenges that the nuclear threat posed. This research also explains the root cause of the distorted security discourses by applying a ‘discursive chasm’ as a preliminary concept, which indicates a discursive structure that fundamentally impedes the performance of securitising actors’ articulation, and that distorts the discursive formation (securitisation processes). The chasms consist of three elusive discourses: first, a discourse on threats that cannot simply be said to be either imminent or not imminent (nuclear weapons
as materiality and discourse); second, a discourse on the other that cannot easily be defined (the difficulty of representation of North Korea); and third, a discourse on measures that cannot easily be realised (intangible extraordinary measures).
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Tegenfeldt, Hugo. "On the Effectiveness of Non-Proliferative Sanctions : Why have UN sanctions against North Korea failed?" Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-7232.
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The thesis argues that non-proliferation sanctions are effective primarily by their coercive effect, that is their power to change the target’s cost/benefit ratios. It does so by contrasting and comparing two key works in sanctions literature, authored by David Baldwin and the Targeted Sanctions Consortium respectively. In the case of the UN sanctions regime against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), it concludes that the reason why no sufficient coercive effect has been apparent, is due to the lack of costs shouldered by the actors who have implemented the sanctions, as this reflects an apparent lack of commitment. This in turn does not sufficiently increase the possible cost of the DPRK, in continuing its nuclear weapons program. Therefore it is not incentivized to cancel its program.
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Varpahovskis, Eriks. "SOCIALIST LEGACY: WEST GERMAN PERCEPTION OF EAST GERMANS AND SOUTH KOREAN PERCEPTION OF NORTH KOREANS." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23894.
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Opposition of socialist East and capitalist West in XX century led to division of nations andcreation of new states. Due to historical process Korea and Germany were divided intoDemocratic People’s Republic of Korea and Republic of Korea, and German DemocraticRepublic and Federal Republic of Germany, respectively. Development of states requiredconstruction of new ethnic identities/ethnicities. In this research through the prism of Cornell andHartmann’s constructivist approach and stereotype theory secondary and primary data isanalyzed.. On the basis of analysis of secondary data this research examines and comparesmeasures that were used by ruling parties of GDR and DPRK in order to create and develop newethnic identities. Further in paper on the basis of results of interviews and analysis of secondarydata is described and compared how West Germans perceive East Germans and how SouthKoreans perceive North Koreans. According to the results of the research it is possible to statewhich measures were undertaken by governments of GDR and DPRK in order to create anethnicity and it is possible to state that West German stereotypes about East Germans and SouthKorean stereotypes about North Koreans are partly based on ideological/political aspects ofdivisions of nations.
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Weissmann, Mikael. "Understanding the East Asian Peace : Informal and formal conflict prevention and peacebuilding in the Taiwan Strait, the Korean Peninsula, and the South China Sea 1990-2008." Doctoral thesis, University of Gothenburg, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-5166.
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The overall purpose of this dissertation is to provide an empirical study of the post-Cold War EastAsian security setting, with the aim of understanding why there is an East Asian peace. The EastAsian peace exists in a region with a history of militarised conflicts, home to many of the world'slongest ongoing militarised problems and a number of unresolved critical flashpoints. Thus, thepost-Cold War East Asian inter-state peace is a paradox. Despite being a region predicted to be ripefor conflict, there have not only been less wars than expected, but the region also shows severalsigns of a development towards a more durable peace. The dominant research paradigm –neorealism – has painted a gloomy picture of post-Cold War East Asia, with perpetual conflictsdominating the predictions. Other mainstream international relations theories, too, fail to accountfully for the relative peace. One of the greatest problems for mainstream theories, is accounting forpeace given East Asia's lack of security organisations or other formalised conflict managementmechanisms. Given this paradox/problem, this dissertation sets out to ask "Why is there a relativepeace in the East Asian security setting despite an absence of security organisations or otherformalised mechanisms to prevent existing conflicts from escalating into violence?" In order to answer this question, the case of East Asian peace is approached by comparingthree embedded case studies within the region: the Taiwan issue, the South China Sea, and theKorean nuclear conflict. It explores the full range of informal and formal processes plus the ConflictPrevention and Peacebuilding Mechanisms (CPPBMs) that have been important for the creation ofa continuing relative peace in East Asia between 1990 and 2008. The study furthermore focuses onChina's role in the three cases, on an empirical basis consisting of interviews conducted with keypersons during more than 1.5 years fieldwork in China. The three cases show that informal processes exist, and that they have furthermore beenimportant for peace, both by preventing conflicts from escalating into war, and by buildingconditions for a stable longer-term peace. Their impact on the persistence of peace has been tracedto a range of different CPPBMs. Returning to the level of the East Asian case, a common feature ofmany of the identified processes is that they can be understood as aspects or manifestations of theEast Asian regionalisation process. Specifically, elite interactions (personal networks, track twodiplomacy), back-channel negotiations, economic interdependence and integration, and functionalcooperation have together with (China's acceptance of) multilateralism and institutionalisation (ofpeaceful relations) been of high importance for the relative peace. Whereas formalised conflictmanagement mechanisms and the U.S. presence have also contributed to peace, this dissertationshows their contribution to be much more limited.
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Schwekendiek, Daniel. "Human welfare in North Korea /." [Tübingen] : [s.n.], 2007. http://aleph.unisg.ch/hsgscan/hm00191230.pdf.
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Clement, Theo. "China’s economic engagement strategies towards a reforming DPR Korea." Thesis, Lyon, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LYSE2051/document.
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Depuis le début des années 2000, la Chine et la RPDC (« Corée du Nord) ont tenté de mettre en œuvre des programmes de coopération économique et d’intégration transfrontalière. Ces programmes de coopération ont été facilité par des politiques réformatrices en Corée du Nord, la famine des années 1990 ayant fait prendre conscience à Pyongyang qu’un certain degré de réforme économique était nécessaire pour reprendre le contrôle et relancer une économie désorganisée et appauvrie. En conséquence, les échanges et les investissements entre la Chine et la RPDC ont connu une hausse spectaculaire. Ceci étant, les expérimentations politiques menées par Pyongyang, dont notamment les Zones Économiques Spéciales, n’ont pas réussi à attirer l‘attention des entrepreneurs et des officiels chinois.A travers l’étude empirique d’une selection de Zones Économiques Spéciales et de leurs environnements politiques et législatifs, des entretiens avec des hommes d’affaires chinois impliqués dans les relations économiques bilatérales à la frontière et des observations sur le terrain en Corée du Nord, l’auteur développe l’idée selon laquelle les stratégies d’engagement économiques chinoises et les politiques de développement économique nord-coréennes sont fondamentalement incompatibles, ce qui fait des actuellespratiques de coopération économique une source de tensions politiques. Il semblerait que la Chine a en effet essayé d’atteindre certains objectifs politiques et géopolitiques à travers des outils économiques, ce qui est vu par Pyongyang comme une ingérence dans ses affaires internes. Ces stratégies chinoises sont particulièrement intéressantes à étudier dans le contexte de l’initiative « One Belt, One Road ». Paradoxalement, l’auteur cherche à expliquer que les plus récentes générations de Zones Économiques Spéciales ne visent pas seulement à faciliter une certaine forme d’intégration économique bilatérale mais incarnent dans le même temps une forme de résistance à l’étreinte économique chinoiseSince the beginning of the 2000’s, China and the DPRK (North Korea) have tried to implement economic cooperation and crossborder-economic integration programs. These cooperation programs have been facilitated by reformist policies in the DPRK, as the 1990 decade famine that struck North Korea convinced the Pyongyang leadership that some degree of economic reform was needed to restart and regain control over a greatly damaged economy. As a result, trade and investment ties between China and North Korea soared. However, political experimentations by the Pyongyang leadership, such as Special Economic Zones, have attracted limited attention from Chinese entrepreneurs and officials.Through an empirical analysis of a selection of North Korean Special Economic Zones and related policies, interviews with Chinese businessmen active in the borderlands as well as anecdotal evidence gathered in the DPRK, the author argues that Chinese economic engagement policies and North Korea’s economic development strategy bear structural incompatibilities which makes the current economic cooperation patterns a source of diplomatic and political friction. It seems that China has indeed been trying to achieve different political and geopolitical objectives through economic means, which largely resonates with the larger Chinese-led “One Belt, one Road” initiative” but is seen as interfering from Pyongyang. Quite paradoxically, the author argues that later generations of Special Economic Zones do not only constitute institutions designed to foster economic integration between China and the DPRK but also embody political resistance to the Chinese economic embrace
Seit dem Beginn der 2000er Jahre haben China und die Demokratische Volksrepublik Korea (Nordkorea) versucht, eine wirtschaftliche Kooperation und grenzüberschreitende wirtschaftliche Integrationsprogramme zu implementieren. Diese Projekte wurden durch reformorientierte Politik in der DPRK ermöglicht, da die Hungersnot, welche Nordkorea in den 90er Jahren heimsuchte, die Pjöngjanger Führung überzeugte, dass ein gewisser Grad an wirtschaftlichen Reformen nötig sei, um die schwer beschädigte Wirtschaft neu zu starten und über sie Kontrolle auszuüben. Infolgedessen steigerten sich der Handel und die wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen insgesamt zwischen China und Nordkorea auf ein noch nie da gewesenes Niveau. Jedoch haben politische Experimente der Führung in Pyongyang, einschließlich eines direkten „Policytransfers“, welche chinesischen Erfahrungen nachempfunden waren, wie zum Beispiel Sonderwirtschaftszonen, eingeschränkte Aufmerksamkeit von chinesischen Unternehmern und Beamten erfahren.Auf Basis einer empirischen Analyse einer Auswahl von nordkoreanischen Sonderwirtschaftszonen und damit verbundenen „Policies“, Interviews mit im Grenzgebiet aktiven, chinesischen Unternehmern und in Nordkorea gesammelten Einzelberichten, argumentiert der Autor, dass die chinesischen wirtschaftlichen Engagement Strategien und die wirtschaftliche Entwicklungsstrategie Nord-Koreas strukturellen Unvereinbarkeiten aufweisen, welche die derzeitigen wirtschaftlichen Entwicklungsmuster zu eine Quelle diplomatischer und politischer Spannungen werden lassen. Es scheint, dass China in der Tat versucht hat, verschiedene politische und geopolitische Ziele auf wirtschaftlichem Wege zu erreichen, was größtenteils in der bedeutenden, von China angeführten, „One Belt, one Road“ Initiative seinen Nachhall findet, jedoch von Pjöngjang als Einmischung gesehen wird. Paradoxerweise sind, so die Argumentation des Autors, spätere Generationen der Sonderwirtschaftszonen nicht nur Institutionen zur Förderung der wirtschaftlichen Integration zwischen China und der Demokratischen Volksrepublik Korea, sie verkörpern auch den politischen Widerstand gegen die chinesische wirtschaftliche Umklammerung
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Lee, Giseong. "U.S. coercive diplomacy towards North Korea." Thesis, Available from the University of Aberdeen Library and Historic Collections Digital Resources, 2009. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?application=DIGITOOL-3&owner=resourcediscovery&custom_att_2=simple_viewer&pid=33426.
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Kwon, Young Ill. "The change of South Korean image of North Korea after the Cold War Identity, image and policy /." Online access for everyone, 2008. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Dissertations/Spring2008/y_kwon_032708.pdf.
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Renner, Laura. "The growing relationship between South Korea and China consequences for North Korea." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FRenner.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen, Christopher P. Twomey. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 113-122). Also available online.
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Kim, Kwonwoo. "Preparing for upheaval in North Korea: assuming North Korean regime collapse." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/38963.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.This thesis will attempt to provide the optimal policy prescription for the Republic of Korea (ROK) Army on how to disarm, demobilize and reintegrate (DDR) the North Korean people in the case of their regime collapse. It is important to know how the likelihood of environment in which post-conflict reconstruction efforts will be implemented. The viability of any contingency plan should be assessed, based on an assumption about the environment being in probable upheaval. However, little analysis of the viability of the contingency plan, including the DDR program, has been undertaken in the context of North Korean regime collapse. Especially, the research about expectations and assumptions related to the possible North Korean attitude and probable post-regime collapse environment has been rare. The contingency planning, thus, needs further research and empirical supporting data, which can enhance its viability in practice. Given this perspective, this thesis attempts to predict the North Korean peoples possible attitude in their upheaval, based on analysis about the current regimes control system and recent changes. This thesis also assumes different scenarios in which DDR would be implemented to reconstruct a post-conflict society, by differentiating critical uncertainties in each case.
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Seiber, Lones B. "United States' engagement strategy for North Korea." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Jun%5FSeiber.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen. "June 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-76). Also available in print.
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Mrosek, David M. "China and North Korea a peculiar relationship." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5784.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.Since Beijing organized the six-party talks in 2003 and persuaded North Korea to participate, much of the international community has applauded China's leadership in attempting to stabilize the region. However, some U.S. policymakers and regional experts have mistaken China's preference for a nonnuclear Korea as indication that Beijing's policy goals are more similar to U.S. policy goals than is accurate. Some mistake China's policy priorities in the region and, therefore, do not understand why Beijing does not take a more hard-line stance against North Korea. Others overestimate China's ability to influence North Korea. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a clearer understanding of Beijing's short-term and long-term policies toward North Korea and the limits of Beijing's ability to influence Pyongyang's behavior, in order to assist U.S. policymakers in formulating realistic strategies toward interaction with China on Korean peninsula issues.
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Lim, Jae-Cheon. "Kim Jong Il's leadership of North Korea /." London : Routledge, 2009. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?u20=9780415481953.
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Lee, Sinhea. "A Reconciliation between North and South Korea." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1471345862.
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Trifoi, Bianca. "Kim was Korea and Korea was Kim: The Formation of Juche Ideology and Personality Cult in North Korea." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3275.
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Juche ideology, created by founder Kim Il-Sung, governs all aspects of North Korean society. This thesis attempts to answer the questions of why and how Juche ideology and the cult of personality surrounding Kim Il-Sung were successfully implemented in North Korea. It is a historical analysis of the formation of the North Korean state that considers developments from the late 19th century to the late 20th century, with particular attention paid to the 1950s-1970s and to Kim’s own writings and speeches. The thesis argues that Juche was successfully implemented and institutionalized in North Korea due to several factors, including the rise of Korean nationalism, the personal history of Kim Il-Sung, the Korean War and resulting domestic strife, and the influence of the international socialist movement. It provides a historical explanation of Juche and its importance within North Korea, which in turn is necessary for understanding North Korea as a whole.
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Chah, Niel. "North Korea : cyber threat perception and metadata analysis." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/50082.
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Since the turn of the century, the increasing relevance of the Internet and non-traditional security concerns has been visible in the East Asian context. On the Korean peninsula, there have been starkly different approaches to cyberspace. South Korea, a developed economy and liberal democracy has made significant strides in adopting the Internet while its northern counterpart still remains largely unconnected. In such a context, this paper uses metadata and big data sources to delve into the American threat perception of North Korean cyberspace. Recent trends indicate that the American government and media have a growing interest in cyber security issues. As the target of historical North Korean cyber attacks, the United States should have considerable interest in the cyber attack capabilities of North Korea. A theoretical framework on threat perception is used to estimate that the American threat perception of North Korean cyber capabilities is high. However, an analysis of data that was collected with Python scripts and web APIs shows that the American government and media often associate the threat from North Korea with nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles rather than cyber warfare. As a result, the use of big data and metadata technologies reveal nuances in the American threat perception of North Korea. For the United States, North Korea’s cyber attack capabilities should be seen as an emerging threat in objective terms, but nuclear weapons and missile capabilities still dominate in threat perceptions.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Stephens, Nick. "The North Korean conundrum and the deficiencies of western-rational social theory." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/1060.
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Rucci, Josh. "A hard or soft approach? reconfiguring South Korean relations with North Korea /." Click here for download, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1288668421&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3260&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Kim, Dong Hui. "An analysis of tank gap in military balance between Republic of Korea and North Korea." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/25682.
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Yu, Youngmin. "Musical performance of Korean identities in North Korea, South Korea, Japan and the United States." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1417807691&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Yoon, Liv Gi-He. "‘Nice Korea, Naughty Korea’ : media framings of North Korea and the inter-Korean relationship in the London 2012 Olympic Games." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/45981.
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In this study, I analyze mainstream news-media framings of North Korea and the inter-Korean relationship in the London 2012 Olympic Games. I explore the role that media plays in promoting particular understandings of North and South Korean nations and relationships. My research was guided by the following questions: 1) How did mainstream news-media in South Korea and other national contexts frame the relationship between North Korea and South Korea in the London 2012 Games?; 2) How was North Korea’s involvement in the Games understood and portrayed within different news-media?; 3) To what extent were themes pertaining to the unity of and/or divisions between North and South Korea evident in the coverage?; 4) What differences were there, if any, between the South Korean coverage of these topics and other international news-media coverage?; and 5) What might these differences imply about subjectivity in decision-making processes in mainstream news-media, and/or about how journalists might be implicated in the promotion of stereotypes and/or xenophobia? This study draws on existing research on news-media coverage of conflict, sport, and nationalism with particular attention to the interrelated concepts of ideology, hegemony, and Orientalism (Said, 2003). Live-televised commentary and newspaper articles from South Korea and other English-speaking nations were collected and analyzed using Fairclough’s (1995) Critical Discourse Analysis to examine how language operates in framing events and topics in a manner that may make some points or perspectives more visible than others.
The results illustrate that South Korean and international media covered North Korea’s involvement and the inter-Korean relationship during the Games differently. Namely, international media representations of North Korean performance were at times derogatory or dismissive, and included more discussions of the North Korean government and its associated conflicts and issues (as compared to South Korean coverage). As well, emphasis on division was found more often in international coverage when covering the inter-Korean relationship. The study concluded with commentary on the potential role of sport media producers in peace promotion and in the perpetuation of cultural violence, the potential impacts of the studied portrayals on audiences, and possibilities for developing more critically-informed approaches to creating media messages.
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Shinn, Richard J. "The United Nations monitoring system - applications for North Korea." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/1995/Sep/95Sep_Shinn.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Systems Technology (Scientific and Technical Intelligence)) Naval Postgraduate School, Sept. 1995.Thesis advisor(,):Peter Lavoy, Vicente Garcia. "September 1995" Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-82). Also available online.
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Derewiany, Andrew. "U.S. foreign policy toward North Korea 1945 to present." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/369.
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The foreign policy of the United States of America toward the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), commonly known as North Korea, has an important role in maintaining the peace, stability, and security of Eastern Asia. From the partition of the Korean peninsula following World War II to the country's development of nuclear weapons, the foreign policy of the U.S. had to evolve based on the circumstances in North Korea. The United States, along with China, Japan, Russia, and South Korea, have key roles surrounding the discussions with North Korea. The thesis focuses solely on the presidential administrations of Harry S. Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Lyndon B. Johnson, Richard Nixon, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama; these men had the greatest impact on U.S. foreign policy with North Korea. The thesis takes a qualitative approach of research by using primarily government documents, historical records from presidential administrations, articles from foreign policy journals, and books by foreign policy experts. Throughout the research, two common themes of U.S. relations toward North Korea emerge, uncertainty and defiance. North Korea's secretive regime makes it difficult for U.S. presidential administrations to determine the intentions of North Korea's actions. Furthermore, the uncertainty often leads to defiant and aggressive actions by North Korea. From the USS Pueblo crisis to the bombing of Yeonpyeong Island, presidential administrations had to walk a fine line of responding with aggression, negotiations, or appeasement. The thesis examines not only the options and implementations of each presidential administration, but also looks toward possible solutions for maintaining peace and stability in Eastern Asia by improving relations with North Korea.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Hollenbaugh, Shaun D. "Human rights and U.S. Foreign Policy in North Korea." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/13438.
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In an effort to maintain peace and stability in the East Asia region, and more specifically on the Korean peninsula, the U.S. faces an enormous challenge. The collapse of the Soviet Union, repeated natural disasters, and gross regime mismanagement of economic and social resources have left thousands of North Koreans starving, while at the same time the DPRK spends exorbitant amounts of money on its military. To maintain both its legitimacy and security, the Pyongyang regime purposely and willfully commits many human right violations against its own citizens. Current U.S. foreign policy toward North Korea is centered on the nuclear "Agreed Framework" and the perceived military threat that the DPRK poses to South Korea and the region. To date, human rights issues have not been a viable part of U.S. foreign policy toward North Korea. In response, this thesis proposes foreign and security policies that clearly address the connections between human rights issues and the North Korean military threat.
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Jeong, Dongjin. "China's foreign policy toward North Korea: the nuclear issue." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/27847.
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China has had different reactions to North Korean nuclear provocations. When North Korea announced its withdrawal from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and provoked the first nuclear crisis in 19931994, China responded relatively softly and preferred to remain a bystander. However, in 2003, when North Korea withdrew from the NPT and provoked a nuclear crisis again, China reacted quite differently. The country actively intervened to settle the crisis and cooperated with the international community. This research examines what factors have affected Chinas foreign-policy change toward the North Korean nuclear issue. This research argues that Chinas general foreign-policy change had affected Chinas attitude change toward the North Korean nuclear issue. Since the Tiananmen incident, China had maintained a passive attitude in international affairs, until the mid-1990s. However, Chinas attitude toward international affairs changed in the late 1990s. China started to resume its diplomatic relationship with the West and successful economic development gave China confidence in its comprehensive national power. While trying to limit U.S. influence in the Asian region, China has also tried to increase its influence in the region and involvement in international affairs. This precipitated change in Chinas attitude change in the North Korean nuclear issue.
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Lee, Suck-Ho. "Party-military relations in North Korea : a comparative analysis /." Seoul : Research center for peace and unification of Korea, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35531201p.
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Robotti, Michael Patrick. "The Future of American Foreign Policy Towards North Korea." Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/439.
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Thesis advisor: Donald HafnerThis thesis is aimed at determining an efficient American foreign policy for resolving the current North Korean nuclear crisis. It examines the current nuclear proliferation debate; the specifics of the North Korean case; the past successes and failures of American foreign policy towards North Korea; several key policy issues; and, finally, lays out a plan for American foreign policy to follow. This thesis is intended to develop a peaceful and permanent resolution to the crisis
Thesis (BS) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Mason, Ra. "Japan's recalibration of risk : the framing of North Korea." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2012. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2151/.
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Fife, Katheryn C. "Making friends and enemies : North Korea's stratagem for economic gain." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Mar%5FFife.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen, H. Lyman Miller. Includes bibliographical references (p. 111-124). Also available online.
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Kim, Taewan. "The Korean paradox of the 1972 Sino-American rapprochement an East Asian perspective /." Diss., Connect to online resource, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3178353.
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Lee, Hyun. "An analysis of size and structure of the Army of Reunified Korea." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Mar/10Mar%5FLee.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Hildebrandt, Gregory ; Franck, Raymond. "March 2010." Author(s) subject terms: South Korea, North Korea, Korean Unification, Korean Reunification, Republic of Korea Army, People's Republic of China, People's Liberation Army, German unification, TASC score, Military Integration, Korean People's Army. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-69). Also available in print.
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KIm, Ju Hyun. "State succession in the case of a unified Korea resulting from the collapse of North Korea." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FKimJ.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, the Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.Thesis Advisor(s): Miller, Alice Lyman. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 30, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-96). Also available in print.
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Ro, Hyuk Jin. "Prehistoric and protohistoric sociocultural development in the North Han River region of Korea." Thesis, University of Oregon, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11766.
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xvi, 341 p. : ill. A print copy of this title is available through the UO Libraries under the call number: KNIGHT GN855.K6 R6 1997The primary purpose of this dissertation is to reconstruct sociocultural development in the North Han River Valley in Korea during the prehistoric and proto historic periods ( ca 6000 B .C.-A.D. 300). Based on theoretical ideas about the close relationship between cultural behavior and the natural environment as well as synthetical observation of archaeological data in the North Han River Valley, I have proposed the following testable hypothesis in regard to 'sociocultural development in the North Han River Valley : that its unique ecosystem brought about a subsistence pattern unique to the region. The North Han River Valley's specific geographical formation, connected with the Lower Han River Basin by way of the river system, brought it under the crucial influence of the latter's more advanced cultural elements. The circumscribed environment derived from the distinctively developed geomophological formation of the North Han River Valley influenced autochthonous sociocultural development in the region. Enumerating the most basic factors, the affluent riverine resources of the Valley enabled Chiilmun period inhabitants be heavily dependent on riverine fishing supplemented by the hunting and gathering of wild vegetation. Riverine fishing as well as hunting and gathering richly supplemented the agrarian economy which became dominant in the Valley after the appearance ofMumun people in later prehistoric times. Due to population saturation of limited arable lands, Mumun agrarian people became increasingly circumscribed and could not evolve into a state-level society. In association with this factor, the geographical proximity of the Valley to the Lower Han River inevitably brought it under the influence of advanced cultures emerging in the Lower Han River Basin. This process, which began in the later Mumun period, actually has continued to the present, passing through the protohistoric State Formation period and Paekche kingdom.
Committee in charge: Dr. C. Melvin Aikens, Chair; Dr. Song Nai Rhee; Dr. William S. Ayres; Dr. William G. Loy; Dr. Philip Young
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Lee, Jong Sung. "Football in North and South Korea c.1910-2002 : diffusion and development." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/8054.
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Politics has been an integral part of Korean football since the Japanese colonial era when the game became a vehicle for the Korean independence movement. The split between North and South Korea following the Korean War further accentuated the intrusion of politics into the domain of Korean football. As Koreans residing on either side of the border followed the game with intense interest and often regarded performance in international competition as a signifier of national prestige, the governments of both North and South Korea attached more importance to football than to any other sport and became its foremost patrons. In these circumstances it is not surprising to find that the relative performance of the national teams of North and South Korea mirrored changing economic and political conditions. Thus the rapid rise of North Korean football in the 1960s was a reflection of the state’s systematic and successful postwar reconstruction. Since the 1980s, however, South Korea, with its booming economy, has clearly surpassed its increasingly impoverished northern counterparts in the football field. Undoubtedly, the most two important events pertaining to the development of Korean football were the 1966 and 2002 World Cups. They provided occasions when nationalist sentiment could be expressed through football in both North and South Korea. They also provided opportunities for Korean footballers, through their achievements on the field, to show that the gap between the traditional periphery and core of world football was narrowing. At the same time, participation in competition at this level, whether by teams from North or South Korea, suggested that there was a recognizable and distinctive Korean football style nurtured in training camps where the emphasis was on producing players with sufficient stamina to run at their opponents for ninety minutes. Tireless running football has been the characteristic of successful teams from both North and South Korea. Thus, while recognizing the profound ideological differences that separate North and South Korea, this thesis also emphasizes the football tradition and culture that ethnically homogenous Koreans have in common.
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Stallings, Bethany Ann. "Discourse of Defection: Political Representation of North Koreans." OpenSIUC, 2013. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/1186.
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This paper uses theoretical frameworks from Critical Discourse Analysis to analyze articles from a South Korean English-print newspaper (the Korea Times), one humanitarian group's website (Liberty in North Korea), and an article in The Economist as examples of the two major discursive styles of representation(s) of North Korea and its people. In mapping the two major representations of North Korea and its people: 1) as "defectors" and 2) as "refugees," I examine the discursive themes employed in each of the three texts. I conclude by describing some of the implications of a discourse of defection and suggest that for future interactions with North Korea to be mutually fruitful, major English media sources must re-examine the terminology used and how it charges North Koreans with a political incentive that belies the underlying reasons for their displacement. Alternative representations and conceptions of North Korea should look to its people in order to see how they are representing themselves. In addition, international diplomacy and news media should learn about the history of relations between North and South Korea since the end of the Korean War in order to develop a culturally contextual representation of North Korea.
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O'Driscoll, Kevin Michael. "Bomb, sanction, or negotiate understanding U.S. policy towards North Korea /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2010. http://worldcat.org/oclc/645638365/viewonline.
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Nam, Sung Wook. "Prospects of grain production, consumption and trade in North Korea /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9904862.
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Hough, Jennifer. "North Koreans in South Korea : humanitarian subjects and neoliberal governance." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:90087d8d-22d3-42a7-a681-905a8ea52287.
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This thesis uses the narratives of North Koreans living in South Korea (t'albungmin) to understand how they make sense of their positioning in South Korean society. Based on 21 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Seoul, this study attempts to illuminate the contradictory nature of citizenship for young t'albungmin living under the dictates of neoliberal humanitarian governance in contemporary South Korea. As a result of the specific geopolitical configuration of the Korean peninsula, there are contradictory perceptions of North Koreans as compatriots, victims, and enemies: perceptions both affecting and affected by the role of t'albungmin in South Korea's political economy. I consider citizenship a site of negotiation, influenced by South Korean modes of neoliberal humanitarian governance, which encourage t'albungmin to become autonomous, self-managed subjects at the same time as subjecting them to humanitarian reason which, conversely, rewards passivity and compliance. There is a further contradiction between their automatic entitlement to South Korean citizenship and the neoliberal imperative to demonstrate productivity and deservingness. In light of these contradictory imperatives, perceptions and discourses surrounding issues such as accent, deservingness, and responsibility come to take on significant explanatory power in the lives of young t'albungmin. In this context, South Korean policies and NGOs both discursively and practically construct t'albungmin as different and naturalise them as dependent, with this sense of unequal relations structuring their subsequent relations with South Koreans. I argue that this sense of differentiation reflects a particular mode of governance, which in turn illuminates the workings of citizenship in the South Korean context. I also consider the implications for t'albungmin when supporting them is conceptualised as a humanitarian act. While South Koreans portray their society as a 'community of value' in which t'albungmin are constructed as humanitarian subjects, this thesis illustrates how the narratives of t'albungmin contest this interpretation.
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Chang, Jacqueline Danielle. "Politics of North Korean refugees and regional security implications." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Jun/09Jun%5FChang.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, and The Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Twomey, Christopher. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 10, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: North Korean refugees, Six Party, Republic of Korea, ROK, South Korea, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, DPRK, North Korea, China, Japan, Russia, Northeast Asia regional stability, UNC, CFC, USFK, UNC Rear, UNC Sending States, Korean diaspora, assimilation, immigration, human rights, humanitarian assistance, stability and reconstruction operations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-70). Also available in print.
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Gu, Weiqun. "Conflict in transpolital relations the cases of the Chinas and the Koreas /." access full-text online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 1994. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?9500060.
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Chung, Yoo Jin. "Who cares about one blood in this global society?: a qualitative study of South Korea's reunification curriculum." Thesis, Boston University, 2010. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/31964.
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Thesis (Ed.D.)--Boston UniversityPLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
This qualitative study examined South Korean teenagers' views on North Korea and possible reunification. In-depth interviews conducted with fourteen (14) South Korean high school students reported that these teenagers were tom about whether or not they should support reunification. While students acknowledged the lack of dialogue and discussion on reunification in the classrooms and with family members, they particularly had a difficult time making sense of North Koreans as one people based on the same blood and ancestry. Rather than the same genealogy with North Koreans, cultural compatibility was identified as the most important criterion for these fourteen students who were raised in the consumerist, global society and identified themselves with westernized, pop culture to measure connect-ability with North Koreans. Interviews with six (6) teachers in civics, ethics, and history, and three (3) curriculum experts as well as textbook analysis corroborated these findings from the student interviews. Cultural psychology and institutional theory provided theoretical frameworks to gam a comprehensive understanding of how cultural elements and institutional resources and conditions helped or hindered these South Korean teenagers' understanding of their relationship with North Koreans and possible reunification. Overall, these findings have policy implications for revising South Korea's education for reunification curriculum to better prepare future generations of one Korea.
2031-01-02
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Han, Hongkoo. "Wounded nationalism : the Minsaengdan incident and Kim Il Sung in Eastern Manchuria /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10516.
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Warner, Matthew. "A historical-critical examination of North Korea's Juche ideology using fantasy theme analysis a vision transformed /." Lynchburg, Va. : Liberty University, 2008. http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu.
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Brown, Whitney Lauren. "Learning to live with a nuclear North Korea : strategies and likelihoods." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/43888.
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By identifying three key variables – international aid, international acceptance, and credible threat – that are significant in North Korean negotiations, this paper identifies several policy alternatives that present viable American concessions for a more secure Korean nuclear environment. Manipulation of these policy levers by the United States is intended to compel North Korea into concessions that will ultimately lessen the country’s humanitarian burden, improve bilateral relations, and create a more stable region by curtailing nuclear proliferation. For the United States to effectively extract concessions from North Korea, it must create incentives for compliance by changing the North Korea’s calculation of the three bargaining variables away from the equilibrium position. This paper finds that maintenance of the status quo is the most strategically secure policy for the United States if denuclearization by North Korea is improbable. Alteration of the status quo will result in a stronger North Korea (or at the very least, a strategically weaker United States), something that is both domestically unpalatable and not in their direct interest. Unless the United States can accept North Korea as a nuclear state and grant it the corresponding concessions needed to stabilize the region, it is unlikely that a new nuclearized direction will occur. Continuation of the current American foreign policy reflects the incompatibility of the two countries’ preferences and demands; it is a rationalist explanation for what seems an arbitrary strategy. In examining the United States’ current relationship with North Korea as a rational response to the regime’s noncompliance rather than a policy failure, this paper draws on bargaining theory and strategies of nuclear deterrence to consider the strategies available to engage other emerging nuclear powers.