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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'North Korea'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Kim, Kwonwoo. "Preparing for upheaval in North Korea: assuming North Korean regime collapse." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/38963.

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This thesis will attempt to provide the optimal policy prescription for the Republic of Korea (ROK) Army on how to disarm, demobilize and reintegrate (DDR) the North Korean people in the case of their regime collapse. It is important to know how the likelihood of environment in which post-conflict reconstruction efforts will be implemented. The viability of any contingency plan should be assessed, based on an assumption about the environment being in probable upheaval. However, little analysis of the viability of the contingency plan, including the DDR program, has been undertaken in the context of North Korean regime collapse. Especially, the research about expectations and assumptions related to the possible North Korean attitude and probable post-regime collapse environment has been rare. The contingency planning, thus, needs further research and empirical supporting data, which can enhance its viability in practice. Given this perspective, this thesis attempts to predict the North Korean peoples possible attitude in their upheaval, based on analysis about the current regimes control system and recent changes. This thesis also assumes different scenarios in which DDR would be implemented to reconstruct a post-conflict society, by differentiating critical uncertainties in each case.

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2

Mildenberg, Mary E. "The North Korea Problem: US policy toward North Korea from 2001-2013." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/748.

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Few countries have presented a policy problem for the United States with the consistency and longevity that North Korea has. The opacity of the regime that runs the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has served as a barrier to deciphering the policy perspective that Kim Jong-un, and his father before him, have pursued. This thesis analyzes the policy decisions of the US towards North Korea in an attempt to decipher which policies were pursued and what there effects have been. Modern US policy in regards to North Korea started with the signing of the Agreed Framework in 1994. US policy was largely consistent under the Clinton administration, which is the reason this paper will begin with the George W. Bush administration and will continue all the way up until the current Obama administration (2001-2013). Using the fundamental policy theories of “hawk engagement” and “strategic patience” this paper assesses the policy responses by examining a number of key events, personnel, and contextual issues. There have been a number policy responses toward North Korea but there has yet to be a permanent solution to the central concerns.

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3

Yu, Youngmin. "Musical performance of Korean identities in North Korea, South Korea, Japan and the United States." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1417807691&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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4

Kim, Ji Young. "Security issues on the Korean Peninsula : the impetus for peaceful coexistence in the 1990s." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112066.

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This dissertation sets out to examine the prospects for security and peaceful coexistence on the Korean penisula. It must be noted that the research for the main points of this dissertation was largely completed in 1989-1990, and was based largely on materials available at that time. Since then, the world's political picture has changed substantially. The fall of Communism in the Soviet Union and the great changes in Eastern Europe have therefore meant that some of the assumptions, particularly those concerning North Korea and its external support, are no longer as valid as they were when the research for this dissertation was undertaken. In spite of this, the internal engine of North Korean policy on the Korean peninsula remains almost unchanged and may remain that way until the end of Kim II Sung's regime.

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5

Kwon, Young Ill. "The change of South Korean image of North Korea after the Cold War Identity, image and policy /." Online access for everyone, 2008. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Dissertations/Spring2008/y_kwon_032708.pdf.

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6

Rucci, Josh. "A hard or soft approach? reconfiguring South Korean relations with North Korea /." Click here for download, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1288668421&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3260&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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7

Schwekendiek, Daniel. "Human welfare in North Korea /." [Tübingen] : [s.n.], 2007. http://aleph.unisg.ch/hsgscan/hm00191230.pdf.

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8

Yoon, Liv Gi-He. "‘Nice Korea, Naughty Korea’ : media framings of North Korea and the inter-Korean relationship in the London 2012 Olympic Games." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/45981.

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In this study, I analyze mainstream news-media framings of North Korea and the inter-Korean relationship in the London 2012 Olympic Games. I explore the role that media plays in promoting particular understandings of North and South Korean nations and relationships. My research was guided by the following questions: 1) How did mainstream news-media in South Korea and other national contexts frame the relationship between North Korea and South Korea in the London 2012 Games?; 2) How was North Korea’s involvement in the Games understood and portrayed within different news-media?; 3) To what extent were themes pertaining to the unity of and/or divisions between North and South Korea evident in the coverage?; 4) What differences were there, if any, between the South Korean coverage of these topics and other international news-media coverage?; and 5) What might these differences imply about subjectivity in decision-making processes in mainstream news-media, and/or about how journalists might be implicated in the promotion of stereotypes and/or xenophobia? This study draws on existing research on news-media coverage of conflict, sport, and nationalism with particular attention to the interrelated concepts of ideology, hegemony, and Orientalism (Said, 2003). Live-televised commentary and newspaper articles from South Korea and other English-speaking nations were collected and analyzed using Fairclough’s (1995) Critical Discourse Analysis to examine how language operates in framing events and topics in a manner that may make some points or perspectives more visible than others. The results illustrate that South Korean and international media covered North Korea’s involvement and the inter-Korean relationship during the Games differently. Namely, international media representations of North Korean performance were at times derogatory or dismissive, and included more discussions of the North Korean government and its associated conflicts and issues (as compared to South Korean coverage). As well, emphasis on division was found more often in international coverage when covering the inter-Korean relationship. The study concluded with commentary on the potential role of sport media producers in peace promotion and in the perpetuation of cultural violence, the potential impacts of the studied portrayals on audiences, and possibilities for developing more critically-informed approaches to creating media messages.

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9

Chang, Ik-Seong. "Evangelizing North Korea a comparative study of South Korean mission programs /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1999. http://www.tren.com.

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10

Lee, Giseong. "U.S. coercive diplomacy towards North Korea." Thesis, Available from the University of Aberdeen Library and Historic Collections Digital Resources, 2009. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?application=DIGITOOL-3&owner=resourcediscovery&custom_att_2=simple_viewer&pid=33426.

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11

Pang, Kelvin Ka Liong. "North Korea : transport and logistics scenarios and South Korean enterprises' location decisions." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/911.

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North Korea is one of the world’s last remaining communist countries. Insistence on self-sufficiency has resulted in the stagnation of its economy and collapse of its transport distribution system. This research project examines how various scenarios for North Korea and the implications of South Korean enterprises’ location decisions affect future transport and logistics developments in North Korea. In the foreseeable future, aside from Chinese companies, South Korean investors will probably be the only companies to invest heavily in the North, driven by political and economic motivations. The objectives of this study are four-fold. Firstly, it analyses the political and economic factors affecting North Korea. Secondly, it appraises the present conditions of transport and logistics infrastructure in North Korea. Next, in order to ascertain the implications of business organisations’ decisions to locate in North Korea, it is imperative to determine the probable scenarios surrounding North Korea due to its unique and reclusive nature. Finally, it identifies the factors that will affect potential investors’ location choices. In order to answer the above research question and objectives, a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods was used. In the absence of reliable data from North Korea, an exploratory study was undertaken with eight experts to gain deeper understanding of the issues surrounding North Korea. The insights gathered, together with the comprehensive literature review led to the development of eight sub-research questions. Next, in-depth qualitative interviews were conducted to help develop scenarios for North Korea. Quantitative surveys were concurrently conducted which engaged SMEs and logistics companies. The findings of the research uncovered new insights. Experts think that the status quo scenario is most likely to continue in the near future unless one of the wildcard situations, such as the death of Kim Jong-il occurs. Investors are likely to invest $1-9 million in North Korea, with Nampo and Sinuiju as probable investment locations. Four main factors will influence the location choices of potential South Korean investors including ‘legal’, ‘political economy’, ‘spatial’ and ‘infrastructure’. Road transport was found to be the choice of mode for both experts and investors and China and South Korea would be the mostly like export destinations for North Korean-made products.

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12

Park, Seo Hyun. "Tracing Transnational Identities of North Korean Refugee English Learners in South Korea." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1408694083.

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13

Lee, Min Young. "North Korean migrants in South Korea : policy, services and social work practices." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.684375.

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Since the 1953 truce following the Korean war the number of North Korean migrants coming to South Korea has risen sharply. These migrants have faced a number of legal, social and economic barriers to integration and, consequently, they have been a special target group for South Korean policy makers, service providers and practitioners. This thesis takes a qualitative approach to explore their policy and practice responses to North Korean migrants. It reveals that the goals and strategies of policy makers, service managers and practitioners are largely based on an assimilationist perspective and an assumption of meritocracy. Yet North Korean migrants struggle to achieve full citizenship. Their culture is not accepted or considered of equal value to that of South Korea. Moreover, they are required to learn what the host society considers to be the appropriate attitudes and behaviours for participating in a liberal, democratic, capitalist society. Ironically, the policy, services and social work practices do not tackle, but rather embed, the structural barriers to integration, including the marginalisation, ethnicisation and securitisation of the North Korean migrants. Consequently, I conclude that an intercultural and holistic social work approach to integration, beyond assimilation, and social justice is required if North Korean migrants are to lead better lives in South Korea. In particular, anti-discrimination measures and community-based, long-term social support interventions will be effective means to increase their equality and inclusion. In addition, a gendered, culturally sensitive and reflexive approach in social work education should be considered in order to develop the social work profession to improve the integration of North Korean migrants in South Korea.

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14

Ro, Hyuk Jin. "Prehistoric and protohistoric sociocultural development in the North Han River region of Korea." Thesis, University of Oregon, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11766.

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xvi, 341 p. : ill. A print copy of this title is available through the UO Libraries under the call number: KNIGHT GN855.K6 R6 1997
The primary purpose of this dissertation is to reconstruct sociocultural development in the North Han River Valley in Korea during the prehistoric and proto historic periods ( ca 6000 B .C.-A.D. 300). Based on theoretical ideas about the close relationship between cultural behavior and the natural environment as well as synthetical observation of archaeological data in the North Han River Valley, I have proposed the following testable hypothesis in regard to 'sociocultural development in the North Han River Valley : that its unique ecosystem brought about a subsistence pattern unique to the region. The North Han River Valley's specific geographical formation, connected with the Lower Han River Basin by way of the river system, brought it under the crucial influence of the latter's more advanced cultural elements. The circumscribed environment derived from the distinctively developed geomophological formation of the North Han River Valley influenced autochthonous sociocultural development in the region. Enumerating the most basic factors, the affluent riverine resources of the Valley enabled Chiilmun period inhabitants be heavily dependent on riverine fishing supplemented by the hunting and gathering of wild vegetation. Riverine fishing as well as hunting and gathering richly supplemented the agrarian economy which became dominant in the Valley after the appearance ofMumun people in later prehistoric times. Due to population saturation of limited arable lands, Mumun agrarian people became increasingly circumscribed and could not evolve into a state-level society. In association with this factor, the geographical proximity of the Valley to the Lower Han River inevitably brought it under the influence of advanced cultures emerging in the Lower Han River Basin. This process, which began in the later Mumun period, actually has continued to the present, passing through the protohistoric State Formation period and Paekche kingdom.
Committee in charge: Dr. C. Melvin Aikens, Chair; Dr. Song Nai Rhee; Dr. William S. Ayres; Dr. William G. Loy; Dr. Philip Young

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15

Lee, Hyon K. David. "Unification strategy for North and South Korea the most prudent U.S. policy option to solve the North Korean nuclear crisis." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1390.

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The North Korean nuclear issue reached a dangerous impasse in the recent months as North Korea continues to resist international pressure to halt its nuclear weapons and missile programs. North Korea watchers and nuclear experts estimate that North Korea could have up to six or seven plutonium-based nuclear bombs by now. Indeed, North Korea announced to the world in October 2003 that they now have the capability of "nuclear deterrence." All would agree that a nuclear-weaponized North Korea will have grave consequences on the Korean Peninsula and the East Asia region. Accordingly, this thesis contends that the Bush administration miscalculated in its policy on North Korea by letting their "preemption" doctrine cloud their judgment on what is the most feasible and prudent policy vis--Ì vis North Korea. So, what now? What should the US policy toward North Korea be going forward? Given the events in the last year or so, this paper makes the assumption that North Korea already possesses nuclear weapons. Indeed, the CIA has made formal statements saying that North Korea, in essence, already possesses nuclear weapons. The intelligence service believes that conventional explosives tests, conducted since the 1980s, have allowed the North Koreans to verify that their nuclear designs would work. The agency believes North Korea has one or two nuclear weapons similar to what the United States dropped on Hiroshima during World War II. Given these circumstances and the policy options available to the Bush administration, the best course of action and the most elegant solution to this messy problem, is to adopt a policy of unifying the two Koreas. A reunified Korea would satisfy most U.S. interests and would solve the most pressing and dangerous problem: the nuclear issue. Granted, it is not the most optimal option and there are some potential drawbacks but, nevertheless, it is the best option available. In this scenario, there is no "good" option; one has to choose the "least-worse" policy option. In essence, the U.S. has to make the best of a bad situation.
Major, United States Air Force

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16

Seiber, Lones B. "United States' engagement strategy for North Korea." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Jun%5FSeiber.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen. "June 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-76). Also available in print.

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17

Renner, Laura. "The growing relationship between South Korea and China consequences for North Korea." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FRenner.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen, Christopher P. Twomey. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 113-122). Also available online.

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18

Mrosek, David M. "China and North Korea a peculiar relationship." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5784.

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Since Beijing organized the six-party talks in 2003 and persuaded North Korea to participate, much of the international community has applauded China's leadership in attempting to stabilize the region. However, some U.S. policymakers and regional experts have mistaken China's preference for a nonnuclear Korea as indication that Beijing's policy goals are more similar to U.S. policy goals than is accurate. Some mistake China's policy priorities in the region and, therefore, do not understand why Beijing does not take a more hard-line stance against North Korea. Others overestimate China's ability to influence North Korea. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a clearer understanding of Beijing's short-term and long-term policies toward North Korea and the limits of Beijing's ability to influence Pyongyang's behavior, in order to assist U.S. policymakers in formulating realistic strategies toward interaction with China on Korean peninsula issues.

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19

Lee, Sinhea. "A Reconciliation between North and South Korea." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1471345862.

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20

Lim, Jae-Cheon. "Kim Jong Il's leadership of North Korea /." London : Routledge, 2009. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?u20=9780415481953.

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21

Pedrini, Paolo <1989&gt. "The Mobile Telecommunication System In North Korea." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/10040.

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Quando sfogliamo le notizie di cronaca ci capita ciclicamente di leggere articoli sulla Corea del Nord: le follie legate al dittatore, i campi di prigionia, le minacce dei missili atomici e via dicendo. Quello che invece a noi non fruisce è cosa realmente vedono i Nord Coreani, i vari strati che compongono la loro società, il loro stile di vita e le diverse sfaccettature che caratterizzano la loro quotidianità. Certo, non è un facile compito cercare di penetrare con i nostri occhi nel paese più inaccessibile del mondo, ma al giorno d’oggi fonti accessibili dalle quali trarre informazioni utili sono alla portata di tutti. Di segreti celati tra quei confini ce ne sono in abbondanza, rendendo la nostra avventura ancora più interessante. La mia ricerca ha come obbiettivo quello di presentare e descrivere un elemento penetrato in Corea del Nord solo negli ultimi anni: la telecomunicazione mobile. Cominceremo il nostro viaggio dando un’occhiata alla storia dell’introduzione del servizio e ai rapporti internazionali che hanno dato la possibilità a quest’ultimo di svilupparsi nel paese. In seguito analizzeremo come il network realmente funzioni e quali sono le caratteristiche uniche che lo differenziano da quello degli altri paesi del mondo. Mentre nelle moderne società digitare su uno smartphone caratterizza la vita di tutti i giorni, scopriremo come nel paese dei Kim la possibilità di accedere a tale servizio sia una fortuna che solo pochi si possono permettere. Scopriremo in che modo i Nord Coreani possono usufruire di tale benessere e di come effettivamente il possesso di un telefonino possa modificarne la posizione sociale. Nonostante la grande crescita e la vasta popolarità che la comunicazione mobile ha riscontrato nello stato Nord Coreano al momento della sua introduzione, il possesso di un telefonino (o addirittura di uno smartphone) non conferisce tutte le libertà e possibilità che un normale utente dovrebbe aspettarsi. Il regime di Kim, come vedremo, mantiene la presa stretta sul suo popolo, sorvegliando le comunicazioni telefoniche allo scopo di identificare il circolo di informazioni sensibili. Come si potrebbe supporre, i Nord Coreani tramite la telefonia locale non hanno alcuna possibilità di comunicare con l’estero e di ricevere informazioni da altre fonti che non siano quelle di regime. Esamineremo in oltre, le varie peripezie che vengono compiute per potersi allacciare alla linea internazionale e contattare i famigliari che risiedono in altre parti del globo, e i vari metodi di censura e punizione che il governo del Nord infligge a chi non rispetta le regole. Per compiere al meglio questa ricerca utilizzeremo le varie fonti che sono a nostra disposizione. Nonostante l’argomento Corea del Nord sia poco conosciuto e poco seguito, nel mondo ci sono molti esperti che dedicano la loro vita allo studio del regime. Siti specializzati e pubblicazioni di studiosi ci daranno un aiuto a visualizzare in modo completo il contesto in cui svilupperemo la ricerca. Ascolteremo la voce di chi in Nord Corea ci ha vissuto ed in ultima istanza analizzeremo le varie testimonianze di chi dal paese dei Kim è fuggito.

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22

Foley, Eric P. "Narrative Shock: Helping North Korean Defectors Narrate their Lives Fully in South Korea." Case Western Reserve University Doctor of Management / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=casedm1619784455709974.

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23

Hough, Jennifer. "North Koreans in South Korea : humanitarian subjects and neoliberal governance." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:90087d8d-22d3-42a7-a681-905a8ea52287.

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This thesis uses the narratives of North Koreans living in South Korea (t'albungmin) to understand how they make sense of their positioning in South Korean society. Based on 21 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Seoul, this study attempts to illuminate the contradictory nature of citizenship for young t'albungmin living under the dictates of neoliberal humanitarian governance in contemporary South Korea. As a result of the specific geopolitical configuration of the Korean peninsula, there are contradictory perceptions of North Koreans as compatriots, victims, and enemies: perceptions both affecting and affected by the role of t'albungmin in South Korea's political economy. I consider citizenship a site of negotiation, influenced by South Korean modes of neoliberal humanitarian governance, which encourage t'albungmin to become autonomous, self-managed subjects at the same time as subjecting them to humanitarian reason which, conversely, rewards passivity and compliance. There is a further contradiction between their automatic entitlement to South Korean citizenship and the neoliberal imperative to demonstrate productivity and deservingness. In light of these contradictory imperatives, perceptions and discourses surrounding issues such as accent, deservingness, and responsibility come to take on significant explanatory power in the lives of young t'albungmin. In this context, South Korean policies and NGOs both discursively and practically construct t'albungmin as different and naturalise them as dependent, with this sense of unequal relations structuring their subsequent relations with South Koreans. I argue that this sense of differentiation reflects a particular mode of governance, which in turn illuminates the workings of citizenship in the South Korean context. I also consider the implications for t'albungmin when supporting them is conceptualised as a humanitarian act. While South Koreans portray their society as a 'community of value' in which t'albungmin are constructed as humanitarian subjects, this thesis illustrates how the narratives of t'albungmin contest this interpretation.

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24

Stephens, Nick. "The North Korean conundrum and the deficiencies of western-rational social theory." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/1060.

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25

Trifoi, Bianca. "Kim was Korea and Korea was Kim: The Formation of Juche Ideology and Personality Cult in North Korea." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3275.

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Juche ideology, created by founder Kim Il-Sung, governs all aspects of North Korean society. This thesis attempts to answer the questions of why and how Juche ideology and the cult of personality surrounding Kim Il-Sung were successfully implemented in North Korea. It is a historical analysis of the formation of the North Korean state that considers developments from the late 19th century to the late 20th century, with particular attention paid to the 1950s-1970s and to Kim’s own writings and speeches. The thesis argues that Juche was successfully implemented and institutionalized in North Korea due to several factors, including the rise of Korean nationalism, the personal history of Kim Il-Sung, the Korean War and resulting domestic strife, and the influence of the international socialist movement. It provides a historical explanation of Juche and its importance within North Korea, which in turn is necessary for understanding North Korea as a whole.

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26

Chah, Niel. "North Korea : cyber threat perception and metadata analysis." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/50082.

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Since the turn of the century, the increasing relevance of the Internet and non-traditional security concerns has been visible in the East Asian context. On the Korean peninsula, there have been starkly different approaches to cyberspace. South Korea, a developed economy and liberal democracy has made significant strides in adopting the Internet while its northern counterpart still remains largely unconnected. In such a context, this paper uses metadata and big data sources to delve into the American threat perception of North Korean cyberspace. Recent trends indicate that the American government and media have a growing interest in cyber security issues. As the target of historical North Korean cyber attacks, the United States should have considerable interest in the cyber attack capabilities of North Korea. A theoretical framework on threat perception is used to estimate that the American threat perception of North Korean cyber capabilities is high. However, an analysis of data that was collected with Python scripts and web APIs shows that the American government and media often associate the threat from North Korea with nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles rather than cyber warfare. As a result, the use of big data and metadata technologies reveal nuances in the American threat perception of North Korea. For the United States, North Korea’s cyber attack capabilities should be seen as an emerging threat in objective terms, but nuclear weapons and missile capabilities still dominate in threat perceptions.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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27

Fife, Katheryn C. "Making friends and enemies : North Korea's stratagem for economic gain." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Mar%5FFife.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen, H. Lyman Miller. Includes bibliographical references (p. 111-124). Also available online.

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Kim, Taewan. "The Korean paradox of the 1972 Sino-American rapprochement an East Asian perspective /." Diss., Connect to online resource, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3178353.

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29

Lee, Hyun. "An analysis of size and structure of the Army of Reunified Korea." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Mar/10Mar%5FLee.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Hildebrandt, Gregory ; Franck, Raymond. "March 2010." Author(s) subject terms: South Korea, North Korea, Korean Unification, Korean Reunification, Republic of Korea Army, People's Republic of China, People's Liberation Army, German unification, TASC score, Military Integration, Korean People's Army. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-69). Also available in print.

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30

Bluth, Christoph. "Crisis on the Korean peninsula." Potomac Books, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5816.

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31

Kim, Dong Hui. "An analysis of tank gap in military balance between Republic of Korea and North Korea." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/25682.

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32

Shinn, Richard J. "The United Nations monitoring system - applications for North Korea." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/1995/Sep/95Sep_Shinn.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Systems Technology (Scientific and Technical Intelligence)) Naval Postgraduate School, Sept. 1995.
Thesis advisor(,):Peter Lavoy, Vicente Garcia. "September 1995" Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-82). Also available online.

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33

Derewiany, Andrew. "U.S. foreign policy toward North Korea 1945 to present." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/369.

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The foreign policy of the United States of America toward the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), commonly known as North Korea, has an important role in maintaining the peace, stability, and security of Eastern Asia. From the partition of the Korean peninsula following World War II to the country's development of nuclear weapons, the foreign policy of the U.S. had to evolve based on the circumstances in North Korea. The United States, along with China, Japan, Russia, and South Korea, have key roles surrounding the discussions with North Korea. The thesis focuses solely on the presidential administrations of Harry S. Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Lyndon B. Johnson, Richard Nixon, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama; these men had the greatest impact on U.S. foreign policy with North Korea. The thesis takes a qualitative approach of research by using primarily government documents, historical records from presidential administrations, articles from foreign policy journals, and books by foreign policy experts. Throughout the research, two common themes of U.S. relations toward North Korea emerge, uncertainty and defiance. North Korea's secretive regime makes it difficult for U.S. presidential administrations to determine the intentions of North Korea's actions. Furthermore, the uncertainty often leads to defiant and aggressive actions by North Korea. From the USS Pueblo crisis to the bombing of Yeonpyeong Island, presidential administrations had to walk a fine line of responding with aggression, negotiations, or appeasement. The thesis examines not only the options and implementations of each presidential administration, but also looks toward possible solutions for maintaining peace and stability in Eastern Asia by improving relations with North Korea.
B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science

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Hollenbaugh, Shaun D. "Human rights and U.S. Foreign Policy in North Korea." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/13438.

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In an effort to maintain peace and stability in the East Asia region, and more specifically on the Korean peninsula, the U.S. faces an enormous challenge. The collapse of the Soviet Union, repeated natural disasters, and gross regime mismanagement of economic and social resources have left thousands of North Koreans starving, while at the same time the DPRK spends exorbitant amounts of money on its military. To maintain both its legitimacy and security, the Pyongyang regime purposely and willfully commits many human right violations against its own citizens. Current U.S. foreign policy toward North Korea is centered on the nuclear "Agreed Framework" and the perceived military threat that the DPRK poses to South Korea and the region. To date, human rights issues have not been a viable part of U.S. foreign policy toward North Korea. In response, this thesis proposes foreign and security policies that clearly address the connections between human rights issues and the North Korean military threat.

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Jeong, Dongjin. "China's foreign policy toward North Korea: the nuclear issue." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/27847.

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China has had different reactions to North Korean nuclear provocations. When North Korea announced its withdrawal from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and provoked the first nuclear crisis in 19931994, China responded relatively softly and preferred to remain a bystander. However, in 2003, when North Korea withdrew from the NPT and provoked a nuclear crisis again, China reacted quite differently. The country actively intervened to settle the crisis and cooperated with the international community. This research examines what factors have affected Chinas foreign-policy change toward the North Korean nuclear issue. This research argues that Chinas general foreign-policy change had affected Chinas attitude change toward the North Korean nuclear issue. Since the Tiananmen incident, China had maintained a passive attitude in international affairs, until the mid-1990s. However, Chinas attitude toward international affairs changed in the late 1990s. China started to resume its diplomatic relationship with the West and successful economic development gave China confidence in its comprehensive national power. While trying to limit U.S. influence in the Asian region, China has also tried to increase its influence in the region and involvement in international affairs. This precipitated change in Chinas attitude change in the North Korean nuclear issue.

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Robotti, Michael Patrick. "The Future of American Foreign Policy Towards North Korea." Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/439.

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Thesis advisor: Donald Hafner
This thesis is aimed at determining an efficient American foreign policy for resolving the current North Korean nuclear crisis. It examines the current nuclear proliferation debate; the specifics of the North Korean case; the past successes and failures of American foreign policy towards North Korea; several key policy issues; and, finally, lays out a plan for American foreign policy to follow. This thesis is intended to develop a peaceful and permanent resolution to the crisis
Thesis (BS) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program

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Lee, Suck-Ho. "Party-military relations in North Korea : a comparative analysis /." Seoul : Research center for peace and unification of Korea, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35531201p.

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38

Mason, Ra. "Japan's recalibration of risk : the framing of North Korea." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2012. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2151/.

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39

Lee, Jong Sung. "Football in North and South Korea c.1910-2002 : diffusion and development." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/8054.

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Politics has been an integral part of Korean football since the Japanese colonial era when the game became a vehicle for the Korean independence movement. The split between North and South Korea following the Korean War further accentuated the intrusion of politics into the domain of Korean football. As Koreans residing on either side of the border followed the game with intense interest and often regarded performance in international competition as a signifier of national prestige, the governments of both North and South Korea attached more importance to football than to any other sport and became its foremost patrons. In these circumstances it is not surprising to find that the relative performance of the national teams of North and South Korea mirrored changing economic and political conditions. Thus the rapid rise of North Korean football in the 1960s was a reflection of the state’s systematic and successful postwar reconstruction. Since the 1980s, however, South Korea, with its booming economy, has clearly surpassed its increasingly impoverished northern counterparts in the football field. Undoubtedly, the most two important events pertaining to the development of Korean football were the 1966 and 2002 World Cups. They provided occasions when nationalist sentiment could be expressed through football in both North and South Korea. They also provided opportunities for Korean footballers, through their achievements on the field, to show that the gap between the traditional periphery and core of world football was narrowing. At the same time, participation in competition at this level, whether by teams from North or South Korea, suggested that there was a recognizable and distinctive Korean football style nurtured in training camps where the emphasis was on producing players with sufficient stamina to run at their opponents for ninety minutes. Tireless running football has been the characteristic of successful teams from both North and South Korea. Thus, while recognizing the profound ideological differences that separate North and South Korea, this thesis also emphasizes the football tradition and culture that ethnically homogenous Koreans have in common.

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Straily, Katy Ann. "Simmering Strife: Mt. Paektu and Sino-Korean Relations." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1524075524289608.

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41

Stallings, Bethany Ann. "Discourse of Defection: Political Representation of North Koreans." OpenSIUC, 2013. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/1186.

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This paper uses theoretical frameworks from Critical Discourse Analysis to analyze articles from a South Korean English-print newspaper (the Korea Times), one humanitarian group's website (Liberty in North Korea), and an article in The Economist as examples of the two major discursive styles of representation(s) of North Korea and its people. In mapping the two major representations of North Korea and its people: 1) as "defectors" and 2) as "refugees," I examine the discursive themes employed in each of the three texts. I conclude by describing some of the implications of a discourse of defection and suggest that for future interactions with North Korea to be mutually fruitful, major English media sources must re-examine the terminology used and how it charges North Koreans with a political incentive that belies the underlying reasons for their displacement. Alternative representations and conceptions of North Korea should look to its people in order to see how they are representing themselves. In addition, international diplomacy and news media should learn about the history of relations between North and South Korea since the end of the Korean War in order to develop a culturally contextual representation of North Korea.

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Asuelime, Bernadette O. "Why Korean Reunification Will Be Good, Necessary, and Different From Germany." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/706.

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Much of the literature pertaining to North and South Korean reunification is written under the presumption that the two nations will—and more importantly, that they should— eventually reunify. Rather than assuming that reunification is inevitable and hypothesizing how it might come about, I examine political, social, and economic ramifications of reunification in order to discuss why Korean unification should occur, if it all.

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Gu, Weiqun. "Conflict in transpolital relations the cases of the Chinas and the Koreas /." access full-text online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 1994. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?9500060.

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44

Chung, Yoo Jin. "Who cares about one blood in this global society?: a qualitative study of South Korea's reunification curriculum." Thesis, Boston University, 2010. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/31964.

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Thesis (Ed.D.)--Boston University
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
This qualitative study examined South Korean teenagers' views on North Korea and possible reunification. In-depth interviews conducted with fourteen (14) South Korean high school students reported that these teenagers were tom about whether or not they should support reunification. While students acknowledged the lack of dialogue and discussion on reunification in the classrooms and with family members, they particularly had a difficult time making sense of North Koreans as one people based on the same blood and ancestry. Rather than the same genealogy with North Koreans, cultural compatibility was identified as the most important criterion for these fourteen students who were raised in the consumerist, global society and identified themselves with westernized, pop culture to measure connect-ability with North Koreans. Interviews with six (6) teachers in civics, ethics, and history, and three (3) curriculum experts as well as textbook analysis corroborated these findings from the student interviews. Cultural psychology and institutional theory provided theoretical frameworks to gam a comprehensive understanding of how cultural elements and institutional resources and conditions helped or hindered these South Korean teenagers' understanding of their relationship with North Koreans and possible reunification. Overall, these findings have policy implications for revising South Korea's education for reunification curriculum to better prepare future generations of one Korea.
2031-01-02

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KIm, Ju Hyun. "State succession in the case of a unified Korea resulting from the collapse of North Korea." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FKimJ.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, the Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Miller, Alice Lyman. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 30, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-96). Also available in print.

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Han, Hongkoo. "Wounded nationalism : the Minsaengdan incident and Kim Il Sung in Eastern Manchuria /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10516.

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47

Verdier-Shin, Marie-Laure. "Contextualised mission : the South Korean evangelical response to the humanitarian crisis in North Korea (1995-2012)." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2014. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/18435/.

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The task of this research is to examine how South Korean evangelicals construct their mission strategy to North Korea. In order to respond to the humanitarian concerns in North Korea, South Korean evangelicals have established or used already existing humanitarian organisations (also known as faith-based organisations in the secular field) and carried out holistic mission in North Korea. This research seeks to demonstrate how they have responded to the perceived needs of the mission field while respecting the socio-political conditions imposed both by the South and North Korean governments. However, it is also argued that they are ready to challenge South Korean governments when necessary through advocacy and that they desire to transform North Korean society and challenge the state of division. Their aim is to work for the reconstruction and reunification of an imagined Christian nation. By comparing the Korean peninsula to biblical Israel, their goal is to restore God's glory in Pyongyang which was once called the Jerusalem of the East. However, some evangelicals reflect on mission strategies to North Korea and seek to understand the North Korean worldview better, this research suggests that they are considering implementing cross-cultural missiological principles to pursue their mission successfully. This research argues that evangelicals have been shaped by and have engaged with their context: evangelicals have never been apolitical, as they have always been driven by a strong sense of Christian nationalism. Equally, this research argues that in spite of the rhetoric, they have also been concerned to a certain extent with issues of poverty and injustices.

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Warner, Matthew. "A historical-critical examination of North Korea's Juche ideology using fantasy theme analysis a vision transformed /." Lynchburg, Va. : Liberty University, 2008. http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu.

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49

Holmgren, Simon. "Hawks and doves on the Korean peninsula : A content analysis of United States and South Korea policy vis-à-vis North Korea in 2013." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-27350.

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This study examines the South Korea President Park Geun-hye and United States President Obama respective administration's policy vis-à-vis North Korea. The scope is narrowed down to the year 2013, during which the regime in Pyongyang conducted its third nuclear test. How to perceive and engage the regime in Pyongyang have been debated in the post-cold war era, divided into progressive (doves) and hard liners (hawks). Periods of policy discrepancy have occurred between Washington and Seoul, that have been observed to bear effect on North Korean behavior vis-à-vis South Korea. This study ties on to the contemporary policy debate in Seoul and Washington on North Korean engagement strategies. Moreover, expanding the scope and examines the respective administration's policy through a analytical framework based on a content analysis from a system level perspective. Furthermore, how neo-realism, neo-liberalism and the concept of reciprocity can shed light upon respective policies and give a sense of notion of alignment or discrepancy between Seoul and Washington.

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Hendricks, Craig Darren. "Political culture and nuclear proliferation: Juche and North Korea’s foreign and nuclear policy." University of the Western Cape, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6687.

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Magister Commercii - MCom
North Korea has against the numerous warnings of the international community, protocols and sanctions tested nuclear and missile devices. The purpose of this study is to explain how the political ideology of Juche informs North Korea’s nuclear weapons programme. Using a qualitative analysis, this study analyzed the origin of Juche and its impact on North Korea’s foreign and nuclear policies through the years. The social values underlying Juche were found to be the foundation of North Korea’s nuclear and missile ambitions. Juche itself has evolved as a framework that informs North Korea’s international relations and the study traces this evolution through the different Kim presidencies.

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