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Journal articles on the topic 'North Korea'
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1
Yang, Chang-Seok. "Lessons of German Unification for Korea." International Bulletin of Mission Research 42, no. 2 (January 29, 2018): 106–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939318757166.
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Despite differences between Korea and Germany, German unification provides valuable lessons for Korean unification. Maintaining a dialogue channel between the two Koreas is critical for keeping peace and promoting reconciliation. It is also imperative that South Korean humanitarian work resume in the North. With humanitarian projects, South Korean NGOs can increase contact with ordinary North Korean people. “Change through contact” is a crucial method of demonstrating love for those in North Korea, promoting relationship-building and trust that may facilitate in creating a foundation for rebuilding North Korea and ultimately reuniting the Korean people.
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Cha, Minjoo, and Younhee Kang. "Analysis of Basic Nursing Textbooks in North and South Korea." Korean Association For Learner-Centered Curriculum And Instruction 23, no. 10 (May 31, 2023): 661–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.22251/jlcci.2023.23.10.661.
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Objectives The purpose of the study was to analyze and compare the nursing education on the basic nursing skills between South and North Koreas, and to understand the nursing education in North Korea so as to provide basic data for nursing education and research in Unificated Korea. Methods This study was a content analysis through qualitative and simple categorization to grasp the nursing education and nursing skills based on comparing both basic nursing textbooks in South and North Koreas. Data were collected through textbooks stored at the North Korean Resource Center under the Ministry of Unification, South Korea. Results Nursing skills in South and North Koreas were different in normal range and measurement methods for vital signs, intravenous injection, management of indwelling catheter, and type of disinfectant. For medical terms written in textbooks, English was often used in South Korea, but pure Korean and Latin were often used in North Korea. Conclusions Nursing skills described in nursing textbooks differed in North and South Korea. There were also differences in cultural, language, and ideological aspects other than nursing skills. After unification, in order to maintain the high nursing competence of the two Koreas, it is essential to integrate mutually understandable nursing skills and to develop a nursing textbook. In addition, it is significant to develop integrated nursing curriculum and teaching and learning materials in preparing to integrate the health systems in South and North Koreas.
3
Yoon, Jong-Han. "The Effect of US Foreign Policy on the Relationship Between South and North Korea: Time Series Analysis of the Post-Cold War Era." Journal of East Asian Studies 11, no. 2 (August 2011): 255–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800007189.
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In this study, I examine the effect of US foreign policy on the relationship between South Korea and North Korea. In particular, I analyze whether two different foreign policy approaches—the hard-line approach and the soft-line approach—have played a role in advancing or slowing steps toward peace in the Korean peninsula. I use the Integrated Data for Events Analysis dataset for the period 1990–2004. By employing a Vector Autoregression model, which analyzes the behavioral patterns of South and North Korea and the United States, I find that US foreign policy affects the relationship between the two Koreas by affecting North Korea's behavior toward South Korea. The triangular relationship among the United States, North Korea, and South Korea shows a reciprocal behavior pattern. This finding suggests that a soft-line and reciprocal US foreign policy toward North Korea is critical to maintaining peace in the Korean peninsula.
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Araz qızıHüseynova, Günay. "Analysis of similarities and differences between the economic systems of North and South Korea." SCIENTIFIC WORK 76, no. 3 (March 18, 2022): 148–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/76/148-152.
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1910-cu ildə Yaponiya tərəfindən müstəmləkə halına salına salınmış vahid dövlət olan Koreya İkinci Dünya Müharibəsinin sonunda müvəqqəti olaraq ekvatorun şimal enliyinin 38-ci paraleli üzrə Sovet hakimiyyəti tərəfindən dəstəklənən Şimali Koreyaya və ABŞ tərəfindən dəstəklənən Cənubi Koreyaya bölündü. Ölkənin bölünməsindən beş il sonra, 1950-ci il 25 iyun tarixində Şimali Koreyanın kommunist lideri Kim İl Sonq Koreyanı öz nəzarəti altında birləşdirməyə məqsədi ilə Cənubi Koreyaya qəfil işğala başladı. Müharibə 27 iyul 1953-cü ildə Koreya Sülh Müqaviləsinin imzalanması iki ölkə arasında Demilitarizasiya zonası yaradılması və ilə başa çatdı. Açar sözlər: Cənubi Koreya, Şimali Koreya, “Gün işığı” siyasəti, iqtisadiyyat, mədəniyyət, media Gunay Araz Huseynova Analysis of similarities and differences between the economic systems of North and South Korea Abstract At the end of World War II, Korea, a unified state colonized by Japan in 1910, was temporarily divided into Soviet-backed North Korea and US-backed South Korea along the 38th parallel of the northern equator. Five years after the country's partition, on June 25, 1950, North Korean communist leader Kim Il Sung launched a surprise invasion of South Korea with the aim of uniting Korea under his control. The war ended with the signing of the Korean Peace Treaty on July 27, 1953, and the establishment of a demilitarization zone between the two countries. Key words: South Korea, North Korea, Sunshine policy, economy, culture, media
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SCHWEKENDIEK, DANIEL. "HEIGHT AND WEIGHT DIFFERENCES BETWEEN NORTH AND SOUTH KOREA." Journal of Biosocial Science 41, no. 1 (January 2009): 51–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002193200800299x.
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SummaryThis paper investigates height and weight differences between the two Koreas by comparing national anthropometric data published by the South Korean Research Institute of Standard and Science with United Nations survey data collected inside North Korea in 2002. For socioeconomic reasons, pre-school children raised in the developing country of North Korea are up to 13 cm shorter and up to 7 kg lighter than children who were brought up in South Korea – an OECD member. North Korean women were also found to weigh up to 9 kg less than their Southern counterparts.
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Kelly, Robert E. "In Defense of North Korea Sanctions." Korea Observer - Institute of Korean Studies 53, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 247–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2022.53.2.247.
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South Korean President Moon Jae-In's administration has sought sanctions relief for North Korea, but South Korea's allies have rejected those solicitations. This paper formalizes the allies' anti-relief impulses. It argues both against sanctions critiques and on behalf of sanctions. First, it disputes common sanction critiques, arguing that: 1) the humanitarian crisis in North Korea is the fault of the regime's choices, not sanctions; 2) sanctions have in fact been somewhat effective; and 3) North Korean leader Kim Jong Un is not a reformer. Second, this paper defends sanctions, because they: 1) express the international community's moral rejection of North Korean totalitarianism; 2) constrict North Korean economic growth in the strategic interest of South Korea and its partner democracies; 3) deter other states from following North Korea's nuclear and missile path; 4) give teeth to United Nations Security Council resolutions; and 5) punish North Korea for international law (UNSCR) violations.
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Yang, Hye Won, and Keun Hwan Yoo. "Analysis of policy changes from Denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula to North Korea's Denuclearization in response to the North Korean Nuclear Threat." Taegu Science University Defense Security Institute 8, no. 2 (April 30, 2024): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.37181/jscs.2024.8.2.033.
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The Joint Declaration on the Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula came into effect on February 19, 1992, after South Korea and North Korea agreed on December 31, 1991. North Korea unilaterally broke and did not keep the joint declaration on the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. The Yoon Seok-yeol government emphasized that it would push for North Korea's denuclearization and bring about practical changes based on principles. North Korea's denuclearization can be said to be a clear expression of the fact that North Korea is the one who caused the nuclear problem and that North Korea must get rid of its nuclear weapons. North Korea's denuclearization is a concept that clearly indicates that North Korea is the entity that must fundamentally change its position in order to uphold Article 1 of the Joint Declaration on the Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. By using the somewhat ambiguous expression 'denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula', concerns about South Korea's response ability that could lead to a security vacuum have been dispelled and it has been made clear that North Korea must give up its nuclear weapons. The more North Korea pours money into nuclear weapons, the more dangerous it is for the human rights of the North Korean people. The cost of North Korea making nuclear weapons and testing missiles should be spent on improving food and human rights for North Korean people. South Korea must denuclearize North Korea so that its people can escape from hunger and lead North Korea down the path of reform and openness.
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Han, Sukhee, and Mason Richey. "North Korea in 2022." Asian Survey 63, no. 2 (March 2023): 235–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2023.63.2.235.
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North Korea’s 2022 was largely a continuation of the political/economic, military, and diplomatic dynamic from 2020–21, but with different accents. Given the path dependence of military/nuclear modernization, domestic political/economic structural constraints, and the geostrategic situation in East Asia, 2023 in North Korea is likely to continue these same trends. Two big questions loom. (1) How will North Korea open up from COVID border closures, which might make better economic performance possible? (2) How will North Korea manage inter-Korean relations, and is the Korean Peninsula headed for a situation in which the security dilemma of a long-term deterrence relationship between the US–South Korea alliance and North Korea spills over into kinetic conflict?
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Kim, Taehun. "A Study on the Feasibility of Collection Litigation Against North Korea as a Debtor." Unification and North Korean Law Studies 28 (December 31, 2022): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31999/sonkl.2022.28.79.
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Judgment on North Korea's capacity as a party in civil proceedings must be based on North Korea's dual status according to the theory of special relations between the two Koreas. In the domain of norms acting as a partner for dialogue and cooperation, North Korea can be seen as an organization equivalent to a foreign country, so the capabilities of the parties can be recognized. On the other hand, in the domain of norms that operate as an anti-state organization, North Korea is considered an unrecognized country, and its capabilities may be denied. At this time, in relation to whether North Korea can be recognized as a non-incorporated association under domestic law, the requirement for a corporation under the civil law, which is mainly reviewed by the target judgment, is suitable for a general organization that exists in Korea and lacks registration, but has the same corporate character. It is reasonable to evaluate whether an unapproved country has the characteristics of a legal entity based on whether or not it meets the conditions for establishment of a country.
According to the terms and conditions of the contract for the use of copyrighted works, the Inter-Korean Copyright Center, a copyright agency in South Korea, can be seen as a copyright agency brokerage business between “North Korean copyright holders” and “South Korean users.” And since North Korea's Copyright Office is not a copyright trustee, but only a copyright agent, it cannot be seen that North Korea has a copyright claim. However, In some cases, it is necessary to individually determine whether the royalties receivable belong to North Korea, such as ‘5. Chosun Central TV video production.
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Oh, Hyung Keun, and Hyun Chul Yeo. "Improving the System for Early Settlement of North Korean Refugees." Korean Association of Area Studies 42, no. 1 (March 30, 2024): 115–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.29159/kjas.42.1.115.
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North Korea under the socialist system has a structure in which the type and site of work are determined according to the central policy rather than employment other than individual ability in choosing jobs for its residents. Since it is important for North Korea, which is pursuing a planned economy, to achieve production goals set in accordance with each economic sector's plan, groups take precedence over individual abilities at the work site, and there are few changes in the working environment, such as turnover or relocation of work, so efforts or activities to equip individuals with competitiveness in their activities are of little significance. Most of the North Korean defectors who entered South Korea were subordinated in such a working environment at the time of their repatriation. South Korea is making great efforts to increase the competitiveness of individuals seeking employment because economic activities are determined according to the principle of marketism. North Korean defectors who were accustomed to the socialist planned economy system had jobs, but it is difficult to settle smoothly in that employment for adaptation to South Korean society is mainly achieved through competition with the general public. With 34,000 North Korean defectors now, their successful settlement in South Korean society as a priming water for the unification of the Korean Peninsula is drawing attention as a very important issue. This is because economic independence and income are achieved through employment, and the settlement of economic stability leads to stable participation in South Korean society. The economic activities of North Korean defectors will reduce the loss of social costs for them in South Korean society as a whole, which will further benefit the South Korean economy, and serve as a cornerstone for future unification of the two Koreas. Therefore, this study aims to suggest the possibility of obtaining compulsory employment-type qualifications in consideration of educational background and career in North Korea as an institutional improvement plan for early settlement based on economic stability in South Korea.
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Roehrig, Terence. "North Korea and Reunification." Asian Survey 60, no. 5 (September 2020): 859–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2020.60.5.859.
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Efforts to denuclearize North Korea continue, but it is highly doubtful whether this goal will be reached. An often-expressed fear of a nuclear-armed North Korea is that it might use this capability to coerce reunification with the South on its terms. Though its leaders often speak of the desire for reunification, North Korea will not and could not pursue a successful nuclear coercion strategy because it carries an inordinate amount of risk, even for Pyongyang, which raises serious doubts about the credibility of its nuclear threats, the possibility of success, and the likelihood of pursuing such a strategy in the first place. And even if North Korea were to succeed, its efforts to integrate the South Korean economy would be a disaster, leading to the end of the North Korean regime.
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Kim, Jung-nam. "A review of the current status of North Korean calligraphy culture to restore the homogeneity of inter-Korean culture.(2): 'A Study on North Korea's Calligraphy Origin and Juche Calligraphy(주체서예) Growth and Establishment Process'." Korean Society of Calligraphy 44 (March 30, 2024): 147–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.19077/tsoc.2023.44.6.
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This study is a review of the second sub-topic of the research project of the Korea Research Foundation, 'A Study on North Korea's Calligraphy Origin and Juche Calligraphy Growth and Establishment Process'.
Regarding Calligraphy Origin, contrary to the general point of view, North Korea established Korean calligraphy and created another concept of calligraphy called 'Juche Calligraphy(主體書藝)'. The content related to Calligraphy Origin, this research project, has a greater gap between the two Koreas than any other field.
This study aims to objectively grasp the reality of North Korea as it is and accurately derive the reality before the problem of right and wrong. This is a shortcut to knowing North Korean calligraphy properly. It was judged that its academic value was great. The logic was developed by making some criticisms on this.
North Korea established the origins of Korean calligraphy and Juche calligraphy based on the Juche ideology(主體思想). First, North Korea said that 'Korean calligraphy origin was Shinji letter (including Garimto letter) from the Gojoseon period. It is more than 1,000 years earlier than the first Chinese letter, Gapgolmun(甲骨), and Pyongyang is the origin of oriental calligraphy. Through the evidence, excavated relics, and historical ruins, North Korea tried to prove its existence. The representative data are the 16 Shinji letters in “Yeongbyeonji” and the 38 Garimto letters in “Dangunsegi”, as the standard for claiming the origin of Korean calligraphy. And Shinji letters is the model(典範) of the Hunminjeongeum typeface, and it is the world's longest-standing typeface with Korean national calligraphy in the ancient period.
However, there is a problem in that South Korean academia does not recognize academic value, such as Taebaekilsa, Dangunsegi, and Gyuwonsa, which are presented as evidence in North Korea. In addition, various theories exist in South Korea regarding the Hunminjeongeum font, and after the discovery of the Hunminjeongeum Haerye version(훈민정음 해례본) in the 1940s, the origin of the Hangeul creation was placed on the theory of hieroglyphics. These are still areas that require continuous discussion between the two Koreas.
Second, the birth background of Juche calligraphy is that our own national calligraphy took place in the context of Chinese character worship of the ruling class and the Japanese national culture extinction policy. The Juche calligraphy theory seems to have started with Kim Jong-il's Juche art theory in 1992 and was formalized in Oh Kwang-seop's『Juche calligraphy』in 1997.
In North Korea, it is regarded as “Joseon Independence” by handwritten by Kim Il-sung five years old as the origin of Juche calligraphy. With the emergence of “Joseon Independence”, a new stage has unfolded in the revolutionary calligraphy development of the working class. It is said that it opened the way for the development of independent and revolutionary calligraphy that is fundamentally different from the calligraphy of the previous period. In particular, the calligraphy shape during the anti-Japanese revolutionary struggle is a tradition of Juche calligraphy and is the original.
Third, as a process of developing Juche calligraphy, ① played a role as a strong ideological weapon of Kim Il-sung's revolutionary struggle and construction projects after liberation. ② Kim Jong-il created monument calligraphy and opened a new era of calligraphy. ③ It solidified the institutional and educational conditions related to calligraphy that have taken root in today's North Korean calligraphy.
As such, it is confirmed that the calligraphy culture between the two Koreas is very differentiated.
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Kim, Jung-nam. "A review of the current status of North Korean calligraphy culture to restore the homogeneity of inter-Korean culture.(2): 'A Study on North Korea's Calligraphy Origin and Juche Calligraphy(주체서예) Growth and Establishment Process'." Korean Society of Calligraphy 44 (March 30, 2024): 147–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.19077/tsoc.2024.44.6.
Full textAbstract:
This study is a review of the second sub-topic of the research project of the Korea Research Foundation, 'A Study on North Korea's Calligraphy Origin and Juche Calligraphy Growth and Establishment Process'.
Regarding Calligraphy Origin, contrary to the general point of view, North Korea established Korean calligraphy and created another concept of calligraphy called 'Juche Calligraphy(主體書藝)'. The content related to Calligraphy Origin, this research project, has a greater gap between the two Koreas than any other field.
This study aims to objectively grasp the reality of North Korea as it is and accurately derive the reality before the problem of right and wrong. This is a shortcut to knowing North Korean calligraphy properly. It was judged that its academic value was great. The logic was developed by making some criticisms on this.
North Korea established the origins of Korean calligraphy and Juche calligraphy based on the Juche ideology(主體思想). First, North Korea said that 'Korean calligraphy origin was Shinji letter (including Garimto letter) from the Gojoseon period. It is more than 1,000 years earlier than the first Chinese letter, Gapgolmun(甲骨), and Pyongyang is the origin of oriental calligraphy. Through the evidence, excavated relics, and historical ruins, North Korea tried to prove its existence. The representative data are the 16 Shinji letters in “Yeongbyeonji” and the 38 Garimto letters in “Dangunsegi”, as the standard for claiming the origin of Korean calligraphy. And Shinji letters is the model(典範) of the Hunminjeongeum typeface, and it is the world's longest-standing typeface with Korean national calligraphy in the ancient period.
However, there is a problem in that South Korean academia does not recognize academic value, such as Taebaekilsa, Dangunsegi, and Gyuwonsa, which are presented as evidence in North Korea. In addition, various theories exist in South Korea regarding the Hunminjeongeum font, and after the discovery of the Hunminjeongeum Haerye version(훈민정음 해례본) in the 1940s, the origin of the Hangeul creation was placed on the theory of hieroglyphics. These are still areas that require continuous discussion between the two Koreas.
Second, the birth background of Juche calligraphy is that our own national calligraphy took place in the context of Chinese character worship of the ruling class and the Japanese national culture extinction policy. The Juche calligraphy theory seems to have started with Kim Jong-il's Juche art theory in 1992 and was formalized in Oh Kwang-seop's『Juche calligraphy』in 1997.
In North Korea, it is regarded as “Joseon Independence” by handwritten by Kim Il-sung five years old as the origin of Juche calligraphy. With the emergence of “Joseon Independence”, a new stage has unfolded in the revolutionary calligraphy development of the working class. It is said that it opened the way for the development of independent and revolutionary calligraphy that is fundamentally different from the calligraphy of the previous period. In particular, the calligraphy shape during the anti-Japanese revolutionary struggle is a tradition of Juche calligraphy and is the original.
Third, as a process of developing Juche calligraphy, ① played a role as a strong ideological weapon of Kim Il-sung's revolutionary struggle and construction projects after liberation. ② Kim Jong-il created monument calligraphy and opened a new era of calligraphy. ③ It solidified the institutional and educational conditions related to calligraphy that have taken root in today's North Korean calligraphy.
As such, it is confirmed that the calligraphy culture between the two Koreas is very differentiated.
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Baek, Namseol. "Response Strategies Through Case Analysis and Reasons for Re-Entry of North Korean Defectors." J-Institute 8 (August 31, 2023): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22471/terrorism.2023.8.23.
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Purpose: As of December 2021, there are 33,819 North Korean defectors who have entered the Republic of Korea. To support their stable settlement, the public and private sectors are implementing a settlement support policy. However, due to discrimination in South Korean society and longing for family, there is a problem of re-entry to North Korea after leaving South Korea. After analyzing the causes of re-entry into North Korea, the purpose of this study is to provide policy suggestions to block re-entry into North Korea, such as improving the resettlement support system for North Korean refugees and Strengthening the pro-tection officer system.
Method: The concept of North Korean defectors and re-entry is defined, the current status of North Ko-rean defectors entering the country and re-entry is identified, and the causes and problems of re-entry are analyzed through case studies of re-entry.
Results: In the case of North Korean defectors who have entered South Korea, despite government poli-cy support, they are experiencing difficulties in adapting due to discrimination and neglect by South Kore-ans, difficulties in finding a job, and longing for their families in North Korea. Some of them were found to be re-entering North Korea to meet their families in North Korea.
Conclusion: Problems were derived by analyzing the causes and cases of re-entry of some North Korean defectors. Based on these problems, I would like to suggest policy implications such as improving the edu-cation system for North Korean defectors and a resettlement support system that fits the reality in order to block re-entry.
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Kyu, Nam Kwang. "The Moon Jae-in administration’s North Korea policy and Korea–US relations." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 1 (January 7, 2019): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-12-2017-0131.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to present the North Korea policy pursued by the Moon Jae-in administration and discuss the possibility of a weakened alliance between South Korea and the USA. Design/methodology/approach This paper compares the North Korean policies and the ROK–US alliance under the Moon administration, analyzing the recent inter-Korean and North Korea–US summits, with a focus on the issues of denuclearization and establishing a peace regime. Findings This paper reveals that the approach taken by the Moon administration regarding North Korea is similar to that of North Korea and China, and that the ROK–US alliance is likely to weaken should there be any change concerning the North Korean nuclear issue. Originality/value Denuclearization takes place in accordance with the agreement between North Korea and the USA, there is a high likelihood of the ROK–US alliance weakening.
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Levi, Nicolas. "Chondoist Religion in North Korea: Selected Aspects." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 80, no. 4 (2023): 227–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2023.80.13.
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Chondoism is a 20th-century Korean pantheistic religion, based on the 19th-century Tonghak movement. Originally, Chondoism was recognized as the national religion of Korea, unlike Buddhism and Christianity. Being a patriotic movement, Chondoism was able to develop itself in North Korea when North Korea was liberated from the Japanese occupation (1910–1945). Despite the nature of the North Korean regime, Chondoism is still present in the North Korean society. Like other religious groups in North Korea, the Chondoist religion today serves political aims in this country as the Chondoist Chongu Party belongs to the Democratic Front for the Reunification of Korea. On the other side, its influence cannot be neglected when understanding the society of North Korea.
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Lee, Joohyun. "North Korean Art, North Korean Art of 1950s, North Korea and East Europe, Art Exchange of North Korea." Korean Journal of Art History 305 (March 31, 2020): 109–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31065/ahak.305.305.202003.004.
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Song, Yosung, and Justin E. Freedman. "The Construction and Embodiment of Dis/Ability for North Korean Refugees living in South Korea." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 124, no. 7 (July 2022): 201–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01614681221111459.
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Background/Context: Every year, an unknown number of North Koreans flee their homeland. As of 2020, 33,752 North Koreans had arrived in South Korea. The political positioning of North Korean refugees in South Korean society is unique from other immigrants, in that they receive immediate South Korean citizenship and are considered members of the same ethnic group as South Koreans. However, North Korean refugees face discrimination in South Korea, including in schools. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: This paper extends the use of the intersectional analytical framework, disability critical race theory (DisCrit), outside of western settings to the Korean context. The purpose is to analyze the schooling experiences of North Korean refugees in South Korea. We provide a background about the divide between the nations of North and South Korea and discuss how this divide contributes to North Korean refugees’ position as outsiders. We also situate discrimination faced by North Korean refugees within South Korea as a broader response to changing demographics, by highlighting the experiences of immigrants and South Korean multicultural education policy. Drawing upon the voices of North Korean refugees, we analyze how the discrimination they experience constructs them as less capable and valued than their South Korean peers. Research Design: This paper reports the findings of a qualitative study that analyzes data from semi-structured interviews of North Korean refugees in South Korea. The interviews focus on participants’ schooling experiences in mainstream schools, at an alternative school, and in their transition to postsecondary education. Conclusions/Recommendations: Our analysis demonstrates how North Korean refugee students are positioned as dis/abled and come to embody disabling conditions as a result of discrimination based on their ethnicized North Korean identity in South Korea. The construction of North Korean refugees as dis/abled reflects the dominance of the ideals of South Korean ethnicity and an educational ideology that promotes assimilation for economic growth. We conclude by discussing the impact of normalizing processes of ethnocentrism, racism, and ableism, and the potential future development of multicultural education in South Korea.
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Choi, Jeongjin. "North Korean Human Rights Improvement Policy Tasks and Limitations." Democracy and Peace Institute, Chosun University 6, no. 2 (December 31, 2023): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.55082/jdp.2023.6.2.97.
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The research purpose of this thesis is to take interest in the recent government's policy on human rights in North Korea and examine the challenges and limitations of policies to improve human rights in North Korea in order to normalize inter-Korean relations and establish peace on the Korean Peninsula. As a research method, the activities of government ministries and literature were analyzed. The content confirmed the government's will to improve human rights for North Korean residents. The North Korean human rights issue requires a change in Kim Jong-un and the North Korean authorities, and the government and international It can be seen that there is room for improvement through cooperation between organizations, private organizations, and citizens. The task of human rights issues is that North and South Korea need more than anything to be interested in, understand, and respect human rights, and a sustainable institutional mechanism must be established to improve human rights. Limitations in improving human rights in North Korea include the lack of access to information on North Korean residents, the conflict between conservatives and progressives in South Korean society regarding human rights in North Korea, the difficulty of resolving the problem if the North Korean authorities do not change, and the human rights issue in North Korea as a negative influence on inter-Korean relations. The point is that it is having an impact.
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Lee, Hyeon Ju. "Remembering and Forgetting the Korean War in the Republic of Korea." Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 35, no. 2 (March 3, 2023): 48–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.30676/jfas.127468.
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The Korean War had no official ending and has continued in a form of Cold War since 1953, the year the cease-fire agreement was signed, and yet, during the past five decades, it appears to have faded from South Korean memory. Anti-communism became a national ideology in post-war South Korea. For a country that was endeavoring to establish a national identity that differs from communist North Korea, the establishment of an anti-communist state was inevitable. However, the collapse of the Communist Bloc and a humanitarian crisis in North Korea in the 1990s led to attitudinal changes in the South Korean public toward North Korea. The forgetting and remembering of North Korea in conjunction with the memory of the Korean War has left the South Korean people ambivalent toward North Koreans. This paper explores social encounters between North and South Koreans in the late 2000s in Seoul that illustrate the uneasy interactions that stem from past anti-communist education as well as the subsequent erasure of social memory about North Korea as part of Korean culture.
Keywords: history, memory, migration, North Korean refugees
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Levi, Nicolas, and Roman Husarski. "Buddha under Control. Buddhism’s Legacy in North Korea." Acta Asiatica Varsoviensia 34 (2021): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.60018/acasva.ijjd6513.
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This paper explores the significance of the legacy of Buddhism in North Korea. Our primary concerns in the North Korean context are twofold: the presence of Buddhism in North Korean culture and the role of Buddhism in North Korea cultural and propaganda policy. We argue that the religious revival in North Korea seen from the 1970s onwards was part of a project created by the Workers’ Party of Korea and had certain political goals. Fieldwork and analysis of sources revealed that the North Korean state has used Buddhism to repair the country’s international image by creating a facade of religious freedom to promote tourism and as a part of policies towards unification. While seemingly peripheral, Buddhism still has relevance at state and social levels in North Korea.
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Kim, Bumsoo. "Are North Korean Compatriots “Korean”? The Trifurcation of Ethnic Nationalism in South Korea during the Syngman Rhee Era (1948–60)." Journal of Korean Studies 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 149–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21581665-7258094.
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Abstract Focusing on the question of whether South Koreans’ notion of “we, the people of Korea” (uri taehan kungmin) included North Korean compatriots or not, this study examines the trifurcation of ethnic nationalism in South Korea during the Syngman Rhee era (1948–1960). Specifically, by analyzing columns and editorials of three Korean newspapers, Chosŏn ilbo, Tonga ilbo, and Kyŏnghyang sinmun, this study reveals that, following the division of Korea (1948), Korean nationalism trifurcated, at least in South Korea, into three different but closely related versions, each of which did not deny that historically all Koreans belonged to the same nation, but defined “we, the people of Korea” differently: (1) tanil minjok (one nation) nationalism, which included not only South Koreans but also North Korean compatriots in “we, the people of Korea”; (2) anticommunist nationalism, which included South Koreans and “patriotic compatriots” of North Korea in “we, the people of Korea” while excluding North Korean “commies”; and (3) Taehan Min’guk (the great ROK) nationalism, which identified only South Koreans as “we, the people of Korea.” In doing so, this study suggests that, as the division of Korea solidified after the Korean War, South Koreans began to “imagine” themselves as a different national community, separated from North Korean compatriots.
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Golon, Klaudia. "Reportaż literacki jako „lustro przechadzające się po gościńcu”? Barbary Demick „Światu nie mamy czego zazdrościć”." Zeszyty Prasoznawcze 65, no. 1 (249) (March 31, 2022): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/22996362pz.22.007.15337.
Full textAbstract:
Niniejszy artykuł stanowi analizę reportażu Barbary Demick „Światu nie mamy czego zazdrościć” w kontekście budowania obrazu Korei Północnej i Koreańczyków z Północy w Polsce. Studium obejmuje takie aspekty, jak: analiza szczegółów antropologicznych, tytułu, kreacji wybranych bohaterów czy nawiązań intertekstualnych. Ponadto szczególna uwaga poświęcona została zbadaniu dwóch strategii narracyjnych obecnych w książce: beletryzacji oraz narracji o szczególnych własnościach informacyjnych. Analiza pokazuje, że obraz Korei Północnej budowany w reportażu daleki jest od polityki, a bliski Koreańczykom i ich życiowej perspektywie. Literary reportage as a “mirror walking around the courtyard”? Barbara Demick’s “Nothing to Envy: Ordinary Lives in North Korea” This article is an analysis of Barbara Demick’s book “Nothing to Envy: Ordinary Lives in North Korea” in the context of image building of North Korea and North Koreans in Poland. The study covers aspects such as: analysis of anthropological details, title, creation of selected characters or intertextual references. In addition, special attention is paid to examining two narrative strategies present in the book: fictionalization and narrative with specific informational properties. The analysis shows that the image of North Korea as presented in the analysed reportage is far from politics and close to the Korean culture and life perspective.
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Shin, Gi-Wook, and Rennie J. Moon. "North Korea in 2018." Asian Survey 59, no. 1 (January 2019): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.1.35.
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Kim Jong-un showcased a series of summit meetings throughout 2018, including the first-ever meeting of a North Korean leader with a sitting US president. North Korea improved its strained relations with China and South Korea. The country’s denuclearization has yet to be seen, but these events sparked considerable debate about the future.
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Anindita, Vinesha. "Gelombang Pengungsi Korea Utara di Korea Selatan: Politik Domestik, Integrasi dan Permasalahan Sosial." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 13, no. 2 (November 28, 2020): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v13i2.21296.
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This research attempts to analyze the wave of North Korean refugees toSouth Korea and how problems arise on the domestic political level to thesocietal level. Waves of refugees have occurred since the division of thetwo Koreas through the 38 parallel, which gave rise to defections fromNorth Korea. Meanwhile, South Korea is perceived as an ideal and safeplace to take shelter. This in turn raised numerous problems explicableby at least two theoretical frameworks, namely the world system theoryin explaining the desire to migrate, and the multiculturalist paradox,which explains the emergence of social and cultural frictions. Discourseon identity and social problems poses a challenge for the South Koreangovernment. On one hand, North Korean refugees can provide beneficialinformation for the government. On the other hand, two social problemsarise, namely the long-term problem for refugees in surviving the mentaland financial burdens, as well as the negative stigma and xenophobiaplaced by the South Korean society on the refugees. These are the reasonswhy integration remains difficult for refugees.
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Yu, Eun-Jeong, Myoung-Sook Park, and Chan-Jong Kim. "Learner Identity types of North Korean Defectors: Cases of University Students." Korean Association For Learner-Centered Curriculum And Instruction 10, no. 1 (April 30, 2010): 261–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22251/jlcci.2010.10.1.261.
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Since the North Korean food crisis in the 1990's, the numbers of North Korean defectors who have successfully crossed the border have increased rapidly. Over the last decade there are 15,000 North Korean defectors came to settle in South Korea. The purpose of this study is to investigate the types of learner identity of North Korean Defectors based on their life history and experience on the process. This aims as a basic study for multi-cultural education for the future society and integrated education system after the possible success of the reunification of the two Koreas. This study focuses on how to divert their learner identity after having experienced the critical events defecting from North Korea and crossing into South Korea. Three university students in their mid 20's and early 30's who were defected from the North participated in this study. In-depth interview, drawings, and surveys were used in order to qualifiedly investigate their identity referring to the progression of time. As a result, the types of learner identity have been drawn and categorized into three. They are future-oriented, present-adaptive, and past-reflective. Citing these types as references, we discussed implications to multi-cultural education and integrated education for future society.
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Lim, Joongbin, Kyoung-Min Kim, Eun-Hee Kim, and Ri Jin. "Machine Learning for Tree Species Classification Using Sentinel-2 Spectral Information, Crown Texture, and Environmental Variables." Remote Sensing 12, no. 12 (June 25, 2020): 2049. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rs12122049.
Full textAbstract:
The most recent forest-type map of the Korean Peninsula was produced in 1910. That of South Korea alone was produced since 1972; however, the forest type information of North Korea, which is an inaccessible region, is not known due to the separation after the Korean War. In this study, we developed a model to classify the five dominant tree species in North Korea (Korean red pine, Korean pine, Japanese larch, needle fir, and Oak) using satellite data and machine-learning techniques. The model was applied to the Gwangneung Forest area in South Korea; the Mt. Baekdu area of China, which borders North Korea; and to Goseong-gun, at the border of South Korea and North Korea, to evaluate the model’s applicability to North Korea. Eighty-three percent accuracy was achieved in the classification of the Gwangneung Forest area. In classifying forest types in the Mt. Baekdu area and Goseong-gun, even higher accuracies of 91% and 90% were achieved, respectively. These results confirm the model’s regional applicability. To expand the model for application to North Korea, a new model was developed by integrating training data from the three study areas. The integrated model’s classification of forest types in Goseong-gun (South Korea) was relatively accurate (80%); thus, the model was utilized to produce a map of the predicted dominant tree species in Goseong-gun (North Korea).
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Song, Meekyong, Hyun-chul Yeo, and Inchul Mun. "Analysis of international health care aid trends: Implications for South Korea s search for ways to support North Korea s health care." Korean Association of Area Studies 39, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 197–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.29159/kjas.39.4.7.
Full textAbstract:
Most of South Korea s humanitarian activities against North Korea have been suspended since 2010. However, South Korea s health care support for North Korea was steadily promoted even in the face of a strained inter-Korean relations, but was virtually limited. Since the advent of the Moon government, humanitarian aid to North Korea has been mainly provided through international organizations, even though inter-Korean relations have been better than ever. On the other hand, the international community has continued to carry out humanitarian activities against North Korea in spite of various restrictions. In the international community, various international organizations and private organizations, led by the United Nations, actively promoted support activities for North Korea in the fields of food and agriculture, especially health care. Currently, the direction of development aid in the international community is showing a big change. The international community is diversifying its support fields and methods under the SDGs. Korea has the second highest proportion of health care aid in the international community. This is also an indication that Korea s international status has risen to that extent. And this is also the potential for South Korea to lead cooperation with the international community for various support to North Korea, including the health care sector. South Korea should promote organic cooperation among various actors at home and abroad for humanitarian activities toward North Korea. In particular, South Korea should promote principled aid to North Korea, and should diversify detailed support areas to reflect North Korea s needs. Above all, the South Korean government should prepare laws and systems and make diplomatic efforts to ensure that humanitarian activities against North Korea can be carried out even in political and military situations between the two Korea.
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Schwekendiek, Daniel. "LONGEVITY IN NORTH KOREA AND SOUTH KOREA: PREVALENCE OF CENTENARIANS IN ONE THE POOREST AND ONE OF THE RICHEST NATIONS." Journal of Biosocial Science 50, no. 2 (May 9, 2017): 244–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932017000153.
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SummaryOver recent decades, economic living conditions have dramatically improved in South Korea, which now represents one of the most developed nations. At the same time, its twin in the North remains one of the poorest countries on earth. Thus, the Korean peninsula represents a unique historical experiment that allows for study of the effects of environment on human development under a variety of ceteris paribus cultural, genetic and climatic conditions. Previous studies comparing the biosocial performances of the two Koreas have focused on indicators such as weight, height, mid-upper arm circumference and age at menarche. The purpose of the present study was to investigate longevity based on the number of centenarians living in the two Koreas by drawing on censuses implemented around 1925 and 2010. The study found that North Korea had some 0.7 centenarians per one million persons in 1925, and this rate moderately improved to 2.7 around 2010. Conversely, rates skyrocketed in South Korea from 2.7 in 1925 to 38.2 around 2010. This suggests that the rate of centenarians in North Korea around 2010 corresponds to that of South Korea in 1925, suggesting a chronological lag in delayed human development of some 85 years. The prevalence of centenarians is fourteen times higher in contemporary South Korea compared with the North – broadly confirming previous biosocial studies on the two Koreas and two Germanies reporting improved human development in market-oriented systems compared with socialist ones.
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Kang, Jin Woong. "North Koreans in South Korea and Beyond: Transnational Migration and Contested Nationhood." Migration Letters 17, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 325–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v17i2.703.
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This article examines the differentiated identities of North Koreans in South Korea and beyond in terms of transnational migration and contested nationhood. In the post-Cold War era, North Koreans in South Korea have been marginalised as a social minority, and comprise a subaltern group within South Korea, despite having South Korean citizenship. As a result, many North Korean refugees, including those who have already gained South Korean citizenship, have migrated to Western countries for a better life in terms of wealth and welfare. As active agents, they have pursued strategic lives in the host countries’ multicultural societies and Korean communities. Through complex transnational migration to South Korea and elsewhere, North Koreans have reformulated nationhood by contesting the idea of a “homogeneous nation” of Korea. This article focuses on how North Koreans have shaped their own Koreanness in the multicultural societies of the United States and the United Kingdom as well as in the hierarchical nationhood of South Korea. By doing so, it offers an alternative framework for looking at the multifarious identities of North Korean refugees globally.
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Yang, Hye Won, and Keun Hwan Yoo. "A Study on the Analysis of Changes in the ROK Government's North Korea Policy and Unification Plan." Taegu Science University Defense Security Institute 7, no. 2 (April 30, 2023): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.37181/jscs.2023.7.2.053.
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This study analyzed how the ROK government's North Korea policy and unification plan have changed. The ROK government's North Korea policy and unification plan have undergone significant changes over the past several decades. Looking at the changes from the Park Chung-hee administration to the Moon Jae-in administration is important in developing future North Korea policy and unification plans. From 1961, during the Park Chung-hee administration, to 2022, when the Moon Jae-in administration ended, the ROK's North Korea policy and unification plan were examined. The reason for the analysis from 1961 is that this period was the period when North Korea was approached from a policy point of view after the Korean War. North Korea continues to threaten South Korea militarily after the Korean War and is increasing the threat by developing nuclear weapons and upgrading ballistic missiles. North Korea talks about reconciliation and peace on the outside, but in reality, it continues to seriously threaten the ROK's security. Nonetheless, North Korea is a target that the ROK must embrace and unify in the future. Therefore, the ROK needs to promote policies and measures that can cooperate with North Korea while being wary of it.
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Zhang, Weiqi, and Ginger L. Denton. "The North Korean Nuclear Dilemma: Does China Have Leverage?" Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 6, no. 2 (June 12, 2019): 107–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797019842437.
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North Korea has repeatedly defied the international community with regards to its nuclear weapons programme. Many look to China for leverage to change North Korea’s behaviour. This study reviews the development of the China–North Korean relationship and conducts a statistical analysis on the impact of China’s influence on North Korea. Our analysis finds China’s leverage on North Korea to be nuanced. We maintain that North Korea has been wary of China’s influence. Complete isolation or pressure from China under certain conditions will render North Korea more resistant to China’s influence. We also suggest that the key to the North Korean issue is still in the hands of the United States and the entire international community through the use of an engagement strategy.
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Oh, MiJin, and SungWook Kim. "Legislative Direction on the Ownership and Management of Houses in North Korea after Unification." Korean Institute for Aggregate Buildings Law 42 (May 25, 2022): 105–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.55029/kabl.2022.42.105.
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The title of this thesis is “Legislative Direction on the Ownership and Management of Houses in North Korea after Unification”. The difference between capitalism and socialism is whether individual ownership of the means of production is allowed or not. In this thesis, I reviewed the current direction of integration of housing laws and housing systems in South and North Korea. And I reviewed the legislative direction regarding housing ownership and management in North Korea after the reunification of South and North Korea. The main contents of this paper are summarized as follows. First, North Korean housing needs to be reviewed in the direction of respecting the living environment of North Koreans. Second, the principle of one house ownership per household should be applied to North Korean housing. Third, in the case of apartment houses in North Korea, the possibility of separate disposal of land and buildings should not be allowed. Fourth, an independent organization is needed in the process of reorganizing North Korean housing.
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Ryu, Jisung. "A Study on Recent Legislative Changes in North-Korea." Unification and North Korean Law Studies 28 (December 31, 2022): 235–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31999/sonkl.2022.28.235.
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This study aims to identify the implications for inter-Korean exchange and cooperation and the establishment of unification policy under the South Korean Constitution by observing changes in North Korean society based on the meaning and content of certain aspects of recently enacted or revised North Korean laws.
It was found that recent legislation in North Korea is in the process of forming a unique and special socialist rule of law state that is different from traditional socialist countries. In the early days of the establishment of political power in North Korea, laws were influenced by Marxism-Leninism before gradually evolving into the Juche ideology from the late 1960s onward during the Kim Ilsung regime.
During the mid-1990s under the Kim Jongil regime, North Korean laws fell under the influence of the military-first ideology, which is a de facto emergency system.
Furthermore, laws were frequently enacted by promoting law enactment project after Kim Jongun came to power in 2012, as the regime sought to “normalize the state” by revising the Socialist Constitution of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in 2019. Therefore, recent changes in North Korea's legal system raise certain implications when attempting to understand the current situation and forecast the future direction of change in North Korea. As North Korea is in a special situation, it is necessary to consider the special environment surrounding North Korea when attempting to understand changes in North Korea's legal system. In other words, to understand the ongoing changes in the legal system of North Korea, one must understand that the North has no choice but to pursue a policy of self-reliance, regime protection, and internal control due to the sanctions imposed against it, the blockade due to COVID-19, and the breakdown of the North Korea-US talks on denuclearization (the “Hanoi Talks”).…
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Ryu, Ji-sung. "A Study on the Revision of Domestic Legal System for the Promotion of North-South Green Detente." Unification and North Korean Law Studies 30 (December 31, 2023): 187–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.31999/sonkl.2023.30.187.
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This paper raises the necessity and utility of environmental cooperation in the context of the climate change crisis caused by environmental pollution and the strained North-South relations influenced by the US-China rivalry. It presents a plan for the domestic legal revision needed to facilitate this. Particularly, in the case of North and South Korea, where land and sea are interconnected, a joint response to climate change is necessary, and such cooperation can be mutually beneficial. Additionally, environmental improvement projects in North Korea can enhance the quality of life of its residents, offering a humanitarian aspect and potentially not conflicting with international sanctions against North Korea. In this regard, efforts for environmental cooperation are necessary for both Koreas, and there is a considerable possibility that North Korea will respond to these efforts. According to reports submitted to the UN and others, environmental pollution in North Korea is at a serious level, and there is observed intent to seek international support for its resolution. This situation implies that the resolution of environmental issues between North and South Korea can at least be achieved within the framework of multilateral international cooperation. The South Korean government has proposed the “Green Detente” policy as part of its North Korea policy to address the problems arising from climate change in North and South Korea and East Asia. The Green Detente can be understood as a process that aims for unification through reconciliation and cooperation by enhancing mutual benefits through cooperation in the environmental sector, which is a non-political field. In a situation where political exchanges are difficult, environmental cooperation has the advantage of being less burdensome as it can be conducted through local governments, private sector, or so-called 1.5 track exchanges. However, when examining the current state of domestic legislation for promoting the Green Detente as part of this policy, several limitations and problems have been identified. Firstly, our laws do not anticipate the divided situation and are not formulated to be applicable to North Korean areas. Nor is there a special law for the promotion of Green Detente. Even if there were such a law, it would not be simple to pre-emptively legislate for various unpredictable situations. Therefore, the most useful approach currently available is to create a legislative environment for the implementation of the Green Detente policy by revising laws, particularly those governing North-South relations and laws addressing environmental pollution and disaster preparedness. A brief examination reveals that the Inter-Korean Exchange and Cooperation Act, which regulates all areas of inter-Korean exchange and cooperation, needs revision due to unnecessary and complex regulatory elements concerning environmental exchange and cooperation. Individual environmental laws lack the foundation for research and study on North Korean areas and nearly lack provisions considering the possibility of cooperation with North Korea. Therefore, it is necessary to legislate including plans for cooperation, investigation, and research on North Korean areas in the provisions for establishing basic plans in individual environmental laws. Additionally, provisions related to international cooperation may be difficult to apply to bilateral cooperation issues between North and South Korea. The revision of domestic laws should be done in a way that respects the basic principles of unification under the constitution, does not harm North-South relations, prepares for unification, and complies with international standards on environmental issues.
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Lee, Kathy, Sunyoung Choi, and Jee Won Min. "Discursive strategies of othering: North Korean youth on a South Korean television show." Text & Talk 39, no. 6 (November 26, 2019): 725–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/text-2019-0236.
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Abstract As the number of South Koreans, especially those in their 20s and 30s, in favor of unification with North Korea decreases, it is not surprising that younger generations feel a lack of closeness or familiarity with North Korean refugees in South Korea. Targeting South Korean adolescents’ ambivalence toward unification and North Korean refugees is a talk show called Great Friends. Moderated by a South Korean host, Great Friends presents the experiences of a group of North Korean and South Korean youth. Given the current social climate surrounding North Korean refugees in South Korea, this study investigates how North Korean youth on this program are discursively constructed over the course of 17 episodes aired in 2015. Considering the unequal power relations between the host country and refugees, this study applies critical discourse analysis (CDA) to interpret how North Korean adolescents are presented to a South Korean audience. The analysis reveals the ‘othering’ of North Koreans through discourses of difference. Despite presenting North Koreans as friends to South Koreans, these discursive constructions create a dichotomy by positioning North Koreans as inferior to their southern counterparts. The findings contribute to rethinking how authorities promote the integration of North Koreans in South Korea.
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Daniela, Nurfaizah Azhari, and Asep Iwa Soemantri. "South Korea and North Korea: Differences in Ideology and Their Impact on War." Indonesian Journal of Interdisciplinary Research in Science and Technology 2, no. 3 (March 31, 2024): 277–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.55927/marcopolo.v2i3.8462.
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This article analyzes the ideological differences between South Korea and North Korea and their impact on war, especially the Korean War (1950-1953). South Korea adheres to the ideology of liberal democracy and capitalism, while North Korea practices the ideology of Juche, socialism and autonomy. These differences have deepened conflict on the Korean Peninsula, reaching its peak in the Korean War. The impact is felt to this day with military tensions in the DMZ. Despite this, reconciliation efforts have been made, offering hope for peace in the region. This research was conducted descriptively using a literature study which was then analyzed to identify ideological differences between South Korea and North Korea and their impact on the war.
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Denisov, V. "Russia and Korean Peninsula in the New International Situation." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2015): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-1-39-48.
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Recent trends in international situation around Korean peninsula and the policy of main stateactors are being considered. The USA is trying to reinforce its military presence in South Korea. Seoul is seeking to revise its previous agreements with USA in the sphere of nuclear energy. Trilateral interaction (US-Japan-South Corea) on the problem of North Korean nuclear potential is strengthening. US policy towards North Korea is aimed at counteraction to reinforcement of Russian and Chinese influence in the region. At the same time the USA provides support to North-South dialogue while pressurizing North Korea on the issues of human rights and denuclearization.Pyongyang is concerned with military rapprochement between South Korea and USA and is trying to make North Korean nuclear program an object of bargaining for peaceful settlement on Korean peninsula. North-to-South relations should be regarded as military opposition in spite of constant appeals to peaceful reunification, development of economic and cultural ties etc. Current analysis reveals that both North and South Korea are still far from real progress in this respect.Chinese factor is essential though Beijing behavior is cautious. After Kim Rong Un rise to power political and economic relations between North and South weakened. Pyongyang is concerned with regular contacts between China and US on North Korea problems. Aggravation of international situation did not lead to decline in China-South Korea relations, though China is against deployment of missile-defence THAAD complexes. Chinese policy in Korea is aimed at sustaining of status-quo in the peninsula and barring collapse of the North Corea regime.Policy of Russia is invariably based on the principles formulated in 2001. Recently North Korea has revealed intentions to resume political dialogue with Russia, while South Korea is seemingly not interested in broader co-operation with Russia. Up to the author’s opinion it is necessary to promote six-sided negotiations process, avoid extremes in approaches to both Korean states, and oppose to US domination in the region.
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Park, Jaeyoon, Jungsam Lee, Katherine Seto, Timothy Hochberg, Brian A. Wong, Nathan A. Miller, Kenji Takasaki, et al. "Illuminating dark fishing fleets in North Korea." Science Advances 6, no. 30 (July 2020): eabb1197. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.abb1197.
Full textAbstract:
Illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing threatens resource sustainability and equity. A major challenge with such activity is that most fishing vessels do not broadcast their positions and are “dark” in public monitoring systems. Combining four satellite technologies, we identify widespread illegal fishing by dark fleets in the waters between the Koreas, Japan, and Russia. We find >900 vessels of Chinese origin in 2017 and >700 in 2018 fished illegally in North Korean waters, catching an estimated amount of Todarodes pacificus approximating that of Japan and South Korea combined (>164,000 metric tons worth >$440 million). We further find ~3000 small-scale North Korean vessels fished, mostly illegally, in Russian waters. These results can inform independent oversight of transboundary fisheries and foreshadow a new era in satellite monitoring of fisheries.
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Lee, Hwaseon. "An Aspect of Alcoholic Beverages in Novel and Poetry of North Korea after the Liberation." Barun Academy of History 16 (September 30, 2023): 281–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.55793/jkhc.2023.16.281.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this paper is to find literary motifs that South Korean and North Korean literature can handle together even under different political systems. Previous studies have generally tended to focus on examining how the literature of present-day South Korea differs from that of North Korea when identifying certain aspects of North Korean socialist literature.
The goal of this paper is to find out what literary motifs the literature of North and South Korea can nevertheless share. To this end, we looked into which materials most honestly reveal the instinctive side of humans as research subjects. It is considered to be none other than the alcohol and drinking culture that the South and the North have side by side. In other words, it is believed that Korean alcohol and its culture, which originated from myth, will be an excellent material that both South and North Korea can empathize with as human beings even today, without any special interpretation, and can be reinterpreted in a modern way. Accordingly, among the literary works published in North Korea from 1948 to the early 2000s, medium and short stories and poetry were the focus of the study. This period was a period in which division was solidified on the Korean Peninsula for nearly 70 years. According to the research method, the period was divided into four sections: liberation and the establishment of North Korea's independent government, the Korean War and post-war recovery, the Chollima Movement, and the Juche ideology and Juche period. This is because North Korean literature is inseparable from the transformation of the political system.
In conclusion, we analyzed North Korea's political system and reality through the socialist constitution that North Korea advocates, and explained how the element of alcohol appears in North Korean literature as a factor that prevents us from losing humanity and humanity, which literature generally pursues. Next, the symbolic nature of alcohol was identified as a common literary motif that can be shared between South and North Korea.
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KIM, Sung Chull. "North Korea 2019–2020." East Asian Policy 12, no. 02 (April 2020): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s179393052000015x.
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While the nuclear negotiations between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the United States reached a stalemate in 2019, North Korea has advanced its missile capability and strengthened its alignment with China. In 2020 and beyond, the security of the Korean peninsula will depend on China’s influence on the DPRK–US game amid the US–China rivalry; the modality of Kim Jong-un’s actions, i.e. whether they are provocations or restraints; and the sanctions’ effect on North Korea’s foreign currency reserves.
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Dang, Bui Hai, Tran Xuan Hiep, Luc Minh Tuan, Nguyen Thi Phuong Thao, and Nguyen Van Thang. "The Changing Approach of North Korea Towards America, South Korea and the Prospects of Inter-Korean Relations." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 11, no. 4 (July 5, 2022): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2022-0106.
Full textAbstract:
North Korea's international integration strategy and the normalizing process of inter-Korean ties forced North Korea to modify its attitude to the US and South Korea. Observing inter-Korean relations in recent years, we do acknowledge the adjustments of both sides to each other and in relations with the US; in which, the most notable is the adjustment in North Korea's approach to South Korea and to the US. In relations with the US, there are significant shifts in North Korea’s approach from the "maximum cordiality" approach to a parallel one: constructing "a new peace" in accompaniment with "a new threat". The US has been such an important factor in inter-Korean relations which have been affected by US relations with the two sides of Korea peninsula. With South Korea, North Korea has built a new type of relationship with four matching objectives: jointly reform personnel in the direction of respecting the spirit of reconciliation between the two regions; jointly promote economic self-reliance alongside the military policies to diminish dependence on allies of both sides; establish inter-Korean trade activities unaffected by international sanctions; and support mutual communication to gradually change negative public opinion trends about North Korea in the region and around the world. This paper is to focus on analyzing and explaining the changes in North Korea's approach to the US as well as to South Korea after the 2nd U.S-North Korea Summit in 2019 failed. It will conclude by making predictions about the prospects of inter-Korean relations in the coming years.
Received: 7 March 2022 / Accepted: 9 May 2022 / Published: 5 July 2022
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Woo, Pyung Kyun. "North Korea's System Transition: Conditions, Possibilities, and Countermeasures." Korean Association of Area Studies 41, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 221–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.29159/kjas.41.3.221.
Full textAbstract:
This paper aims to outline the requirements for the possible system transition in North Korea, the possibility and direction of the system transition. In addition, as North Korea enters a situation where it possesses nuclear weapons, it is also discussing whether the current North Korean system will survive for the time being. Through this, the collapse of the North Korean system is likely to take place from the inside. The transition is possible when the two pillars of the existing system, leader absolutism and the collapse of the Worker's Party of Korea's dictatorship, and the possibility that the transition after the collapse of the existing system could be different types from those in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. First of all, North Korea's nuclear possession situation will be maintained regardless of regime change, so South Korea should take measures to control or eliminate nuclear weapons in cooperation with the international community, including the United States, in the event of a contingency in North Korea. In addition, North Korea should start by realizing that its neighbor, South Korea, can provide unlimited support for the transition. However, the success of the transition is only possible if it is actively carried out with its own will. Compare to other countries experiences, North Korea will be in a position to start from scratch with virtually no civil society. It should also be premised that North Korea's transition to the regime takes a long time and will likely go through a rough process. Therefore, South Korea should create opportunities to educate North Koreans and elites about democratic citizenship, centering on civil society, and prepare for North Korea to overcome the crisis of regime change on its own. At the same time, North Korea's readiness for regime change is essential. However, efforts to strengthen solidarity within South Korea are urgently needed, which requires strengthening security education and firmly establishing social order so that members of our society comply with constitutional values.
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Jiang, Rong. "The Impact of the North Korean Nuclear Issue on Northeast Asian Countries and China's Responsibility." BCP Social Sciences & Humanities 16 (March 26, 2022): 203–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpssh.v16i.461.
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The essence of the North Korea nuclear dilemma is the continuation of the Cold War confrontation in the last century, and the "zero-sum game" thinking restricts the dialogue and consultation between the United States and North Korea, the key parties of the North Korean nuclear issue. With the solidification of the North Korean nuclear dilemma, both the United States and North Korea bear huge economic costs but maintain the trend of "Mutually Assured Destruction"; at the same time, The conflict of interests between the United States and North Korea poses a severe threat and challenge to the security environment in the border area of northeast China. In the role of mediator, China should appeal both sides to jointly make concessions; persist in realizing nuclear security through peaceful means such as dialogue and negotiation; safeguard China's state interests resolutely; and balance US-North Korea relations. Rational handling of China-North Korea relations and China-US relations is an issue that China should cope.
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Toloraya, G. D. "Russia and the Issues of the Korean Peninsula." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 82–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-82-91.
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The importance of Korean Peninsula in Russian foreign strategy is based on the need to preserve peace and stability in the Russia's Far East "soft underbelly" and to be a part of international efforts to solve the Korean problem, as well as to promote regional economic cooperation. In 1990-s Russia's position on the peninsula weakened, mainly because of the rupture of ties with North Korea, while relations with South Korea were reactive in nature. Rebalancing relations with the two Koreas in 2000-s increased Russia's involvement into Korean settlement, including the 6- party format. Russia/s relations with North Korea are now based on good neighborhood principle, however, they are far from idyllic as Russia disapproves of Pyongyang's behavior, especially its nuclear and missile activities. However to influence the situation more Russia should deepen its ties with the current Pyongyang leadership regardless of how irritating its behavior might be. Relations with the ROK are aimed at becoming strategic, but in reality are limited due to ROK's alliance with the USA. However South Korea has become the third most important economic partner in Asia. Russia is especially interested in three- party projects, such as Trans-Korean railroad (linked to Transsiberan transit way), gas pipeline and electricity grid. However implementation of these project is negatively influenced by the tensions in Korean peninsula. It can be solved only by multilateral efforts for comprehensive solution combining security guarantees for North Korea and its abandonment of nuclear option.
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Kim, Eun-jeong. "Memory of Victory: The Method South Korea, North Korea, and China Remember the Korean War." Hankuk University of Foreign Studies Literature Studies 89 (February 28, 2023): 77–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.22344/fls.2023.89.77.
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This study aims at the differences and changes in the ways of remembering the Korean War by comparatively analyzing the commemorative songs of South Korea, North Korea, and China. A common feature of memorial songs of South Korea, North Korea, and China is that each of them regards the Korean War as a triumph. Each country commemorates the war on different days with different meanings and remembers the unfinished war as a victory. The words ‘Korean War’ and ‘victory’ are stigma not forgotten in South Korea. They are political capital that can rally and persuade the people in North Korea and China. Meanwhile, in South Korea the song “Song of 6.25” became 'political capital' in the struggle for leadership in political or ideological struggles.
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Ahn, Ilsup. "Paul Tillich’s ‘Method of Correlation’ and the Unification of Korea: From Correlation to Co-Reconstruction." International Journal of Public Theology 5, no. 2 (2011): 187–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156973211x562769.
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AbstractThe purpose of this article is to demonstrate the theological relevance and significance of Paul Tillich’s ‘method of correlation’ with regard to the Korean political situation, with a particular focus on the issue of the unification of North and South Korea. The first part of the article critically appropriates Tillich’s philosophical‐theological concepts such as the ‘demonic’, the ‘polarities’ and the ‘kingdom of God’ in order to analyse how the historical existence of the Korean people has been deeply shaped by the division of Korea. The second part of the article constructively applies an in-depth reading of Tillich’s theology of peace, in presenting a theological perspective on how the unification of the two Koreas might be attained through a co-reconstructive endeavour between the divided peoples of North and South Korea.
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Jiang, Rong. "The Solidification of US Government's Hostile Policy Towards North Korea from the Perspective of North Korean Nuclear Issue." BCP Social Sciences & Humanities 16 (March 26, 2022): 404–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpssh.v16i.495.
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The key to solve the North Korean nuclear issue is the United States, but the United States never gives North Korea enough credit. The United States policy framework on the North Korean nuclear issue formulated by the last three governments has shown a clear hostility. In the military field, the United States and South Korea have held regular military exercises for several years on the grounds of self-defence; in the economic field, they have imposed sanctions against the North Korean in various fields and imposed strong unilateral sanctions, maliciously attacking the North Korean economy; in the diplomatic field, on the one hand, they have emphasized international cooperation, on the other hand, it transferred the responsibility of the North Korean nuclear issue to China. The lack of attention to North Korean nuclear issue has made it difficult for the United States to build a new peace and dialogue program; the United States has not played a leading role in guiding North Korea to abandon its nuclear program. The solidification of the hostile policy made the normalization of the U.S.-North Korea relations a long way off as well as slowed down the negotiations of the North Korean Nuclear Issue directly.
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Park, Hwee-Rhak. "South Korea’s Defense Posture against the North Korean Nuclear Threat: Dangerous Reluctance." International Studies Review 16, no. 1 (October 19, 2015): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01601003.
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This paper examines South Korea’s defense preparedness against a possible North Korean nuclear attack. It applies three options of nuclear defense: preemptive attack against North Korean nuclear weapons and facilities, interception of airborne North Korean nuclear missiles, and civil defense to reduce casualties from a nuclear explosion. North Korea may have succeeded in developing about 10 nuclear weapons and making them small and light enough to be delivered by its ballistic missiles. It is imperative for South Korea to prepare defenses against a nuclear attack in the case its diplomatic efforts and deterrence measures fail. South Korea needs to be able to conduct a preemptive strike when a North Korean nuclear attack is imminent. It should also build up its ballistic missile defense systems in order to intercept any North Korean nuclear missiles that may survive a preemptive strike. Moreover, South Korea should prepare for its civil defense by constructing blast and/or fallout shelters to help more people survive a possible nuclear explosion.
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SCHWEKENDIEK, DANIEL. "BIOSOCIAL COMPARISON OF MID-UPPER ARM CIRCUMFERENCE IN THE TWO KOREAS." Journal of Biosocial Science 45, no. 5 (January 2, 2013): 615–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932012000776.
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SummaryAnthropometric differences between the two Koreas are of considerable public and scientific interest given the unique socio-political status of North Korea and the fact that the nations share the same genetic ancestry. This study provides new biosocial evidence on these differences by analysing mid-upper arm circumference (MUAC) as a human welfare indicator. This is the first study to compare the nutritional status of adults surveyed inside North Korea with South Koreans. The MUAC measurements of 2793 North Korean women obtained through a household survey conducted in 2002 were compared with those of 1428 South Korean women surveyed around 2003. Comparative analysis was conducted by plotting centiles and calculating mean differences in MUAC by age. This paper finds that the MUAC of the South Koreans was on average 2.8 cm greater than that of their North Korean peers, with MUAC gaps ranging from 1.6 cm to 3.9 cm and becoming more pronounced with age. This research confirms previous studies on height and weight in the two Germanies and in the two Koreas that have shown that biosocial performance is worse in socialist economies as compared with free-market regimes.