Relevant bibliographies by topics / North Korean Regime

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'North Korean Regime'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 2 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "North Korean Regime"

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Song, Wonjun, and Joseph Wright. "THE NORTH KOREAN AUTOCRACY IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE." Journal of East Asian Studies 18, no. 2 (May 22, 2018): 157–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2018.8.

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The North Korean regime is unique among dictatorships because it is both long-lasting and highly personalized. We argue that initial factionalization of the regime, coupled with the presence of multiple foreign backers early in the regime, allowed the first leader to personalize the regime by first wresting power from the military and then subsequently curbing the autonomous power of the Korean Worker's Party. Using a measure of personalism constructed from historical data, we trace the consolidation of personal power in the North Korean regime and compare it to other communist regimes in the region to show how the evolution of personalist rule in these cases differed. We then explain this sequence of personalization in North Korea by showing how regime imposition by one foreign power, the Soviet Union, combined with military backing from a second foreign power, China, incentivized Kim Il-sung to consolidate personal control over the military and internal security apparatus by reducing the threat of military backlash.
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Howell, Edward. "The juche H-bomb? North Korea, nuclear weapons and regime-state survival." International Affairs 96, no. 4 (July 1, 2020): 1051–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz253.

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Abstract Existing scholarship on North Korea's nuclear programme remains overwhelmingly centred around questions of containment or engagement with the North Korean regime-state, amid international calls for denuclearization. Yet, scholarship has rarely interrogated the precise value of nuclear weapons to the regime-state. This article develops a new theoretical framework of nuclear ideology to explore the puzzle of the survival of North Korea. This framework aims to show how the North Korean nuclear programme is deeply entrenched within the state ideology of juche, as one device for continued regime-state survival. Through interviews with elite North Korean defectors and textual analysis of North Korean and international sources, I show that North Korea's nuclear ideology has been constructed according to different frames of meaning, targeting referent actors of international ‘enemy’ powers and domestic audiences. This article concludes that nuclear ideology functions primarily as a tool to arouse domestic legitimacy for the North Korean regime-state, by targeting elite actors within the highly stratified domestic population. From an international perspective, perception of North Korea's survival remains tied largely to the regime-state's physical possession of nuclear weapons. This article has extremely timely theoretical and policy implications given the current ‘dialogue’ between US and North Korean leaders. First, it opens up fruitful avenues of inquiry surrounding questions of the legitimacy of rogue states within international relations. Secondly, this article calls for a more robust understanding of the domestic-level politics of North Korea, in order to understand the regime-state's foreign policy decisions vis-à-vis its nuclear programme.
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Kim, Seok-Hyang. "The North Korean Economy: Current Situation, Crisis, and Possible Scenarios." International Studies Review 7, no. 1 (October 8, 2006): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-00701002.

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For more than a half century, the international community largely ignored North Korea. Since 1990, however, the situation has changed dramatically and North Korea has begun to attract increasing international attention. Throughout the 1990s, scenarios of a North Korean collapse were in vogue. Yet, these estimations were proved to be wrong. It is now widely accepted that North Korea is relatively stable in the sense that it seems to have little trouble keeping its political system intact and functioning. By now, the most striking aspect of the North Korean political system is its extraordinary resilience. Why then has the North not yet collapsed, despite the chronic shortages of food, energy, and foreign currency? In this paper, I would like to raise two main questions. The first question is: “How serious are the difficulties of the North Korean economy?” And the second is: “What actions has the North Korean regime taken to resolve these difficulties and how effective those actions have been?” The North Korean regime has been striving to readjust and improve its economic strucrure since the 1970s. The regime has sought foreign capital and technology. However, the regime has been attempting to reformulate its economic structure within the strict framework of the existing political system whose survival was its paramount concern, and therefore it has failed to link the domestic economy with the world economy. What the regime has been doing is, on the one hand, to map out policy measures designed to open up its doors, while on the other hand escalating its ideological and political campaigns to prevent the people from being “contaminated” by a capiralist culture which it anticipated would develop as a result of such measures. It is no wonder that, under these conditions, all attempts at reforming met with only limited success at best. The North Korean regime, however, has negotiated with its people the expansion of its second economy, despite its reluctance to do so. In fact, the regime explicitly defined farmers' markets as remnants of “backward” capitalism which would become extinct as socialism reached a higher stage of development. It is expected that the ruling hierarchy in North Korea will be able to survive for a considerable period of time, despite the threatening economic crisis. So far in North Korea, the need to safeguard the existing political regime has been given far greater priority than the need to bring about reform. However, the North Korean regime, if it intends to survive, will be compelled to carry out full-scale reforms sooner or later.
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McEachern, Patrick. "Comparative authoritarian institutionalism, regime evolution, and stability in North Korea." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, no. 4 (February 26, 2018): 367–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118760403.

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The cross-national comparative politics literature on authoritarian regimes has advanced rapidly in recent years, providing fresh insights into regime longevity, potential for successful democratization, and derivative policy choices. The study of North Korea’s politics has likewise advanced, albeit largely without reference to this budding literature. Given the paucity of data on North Korea, this article reviews and leverages the budding comparative literature to bring new perspectives on perennial debates on North Korean regime stability. The article argues the comparative literature fails to capture evolution in authoritarian regimes, including North Korea, suggesting areas for theoretical improvement. It documents political evolution in Kim Jong Un’s North Korea and draws upon cross-national findings to show how and why the one-party political structure, personalist elements, and hereditary succession identified in this analysis are stabilizing elements for the regime.
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Denisov, Valeriy. "Prospects for North Korean Regime and the Interests of Russia." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1-2 (March 28, 2019): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2019-0-1-2-16-26.

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The paper deals with the dynamics of home and foreign policy of North Korea under Kim Jong-un leadership, especially in last several years. Analyzed are new trends in and prospects for the development of the situation on the Korean Peninsula in the context of North Korea transformation into a full-fledged nuclear state. The author considers the return to party-centered political system (instead of total militarization under Kim Jong-il) as well as cautious economic reforms including introduction of some market mechanisms and attempts aimed at formation of basics of innovative economics. Factors hampering the development of the country, in particular, various economic sanctions, are also discussed, as well as prospects for diplomatic dialogue of North Korea with countries on North-East Asia. Contact between the leaders of North Korea and the USA are touched upon. The problem of denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is critically considered. In conclusion, possible directions of cooperation between Russia and North Korea are outlined.
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Davies, Graeme A. M. "Coercion or Engagement? A Quantitative Test of the Effect of Regional Actors on North Korean Behaviour 1990–2000." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 9, no. 3 (August 2007): 477–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2006.00257.x.

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The Korean peninsula is one of the most dangerous places on the planet. Decisions relating to the peninsula are for high stakes, and one small error can potentially result in an enormously destructive war. This article seeks to assess whether strategies of engagement or coercion can improve the chances of North Korea co-operating with either the US or South Korea. Using Vector Autoregression (VAR) techniques I assess the behavioural patterns of the North Korean regime in response to the actions of the states involved in the six-party talks between 1990 and 2000. The article finds that there were dramatic differences between the negotiating strategies employed by both Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il in their dealings with both the US and South Korea. The results suggest that, in being able to manipulate US foreign policy, the North Koreans are punching well above their weight and that the chances of a meaningful settlement with the regime of Kim Jong Il are very small.
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Chung, Ku Youn. "Political Awareness of North Korean Refugees and Regime Stability of North Korea." Journal of Social Science 59, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.22418/jss.2020.6.59.1.113.

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Roehrig, Terence. "North Korea and Reunification." Asian Survey 60, no. 5 (September 2020): 859–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2020.60.5.859.

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Efforts to denuclearize North Korea continue, but it is highly doubtful whether this goal will be reached. An often-expressed fear of a nuclear-armed North Korea is that it might use this capability to coerce reunification with the South on its terms. Though its leaders often speak of the desire for reunification, North Korea will not and could not pursue a successful nuclear coercion strategy because it carries an inordinate amount of risk, even for Pyongyang, which raises serious doubts about the credibility of its nuclear threats, the possibility of success, and the likelihood of pursuing such a strategy in the first place. And even if North Korea were to succeed, its efforts to integrate the South Korean economy would be a disaster, leading to the end of the North Korean regime.
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Lee, Hyunok. "Gendered Migration in a Changing Care Regime: A Case of Korean Chinese Migrants in South Korea." Social Policy and Society 17, no. 3 (June 5, 2017): 393–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746417000161.

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The feminisation of international migration for care labour has gained prominence in the last three decades. It has been theorised mainly in the context of the changing care regime in the Global North; the changes in other parts of the world have been largely neglected. This article explores the dynamics between changing care regimes, labour markets and international migration in the East Asian context through the case of Korean Chinese migrants to South Korea. Korean Chinese came to South Korea through various legal channels beginning in the late 1980s and occupy the largest share of both male and female migrants in South Korea. Korean Chinese women have engaged in service sector jobs, including domestic work and caregiving, since their influx, yet such work was only legalised during the 2000s in response to demographic changes and the care deficit. This article sheds light on the female Korean Chinese migrants’ engagement in care work in the ambiguous legal space of migration and the care labour market, and their changing roles in the process of development of the care labour market. Based on interviews with Korean Chinese migrants in South Korea, immigration statistics, and the Foreign Employment Survey in 2013, this study explores how the care regime intersects with migration in the process of the care regimes development.
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Woong Lee, Won. "Politics of Human Rights in North Korea." Journal of Asian and African Studies 42, no. 3-4 (June 2007): 233–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909607076702.

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The international community is now paying more attention to `the systemic, widespread and grave violations of international human rights norms' (United Nations ECOSOC Resolution 1503, (1970) See Burgental (1995)) in North Korea due to its chronic famine and nuclear ambition. The issues and engagement politics regarding human rights in North Korea constitute hot political debates. There are three key factors to improve human rights status in North Korea: the consistent international censure; enlarging engagement and people contact through inter-Korean relations; and economic reform in North Korea. These factors are interrelated and affect each other. The crucial point is to press and induce the North Korean regime to a compromise path.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "North Korean Regime"

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Kim, Kwonwoo. "Preparing for upheaval in North Korea: assuming North Korean regime collapse." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/38963.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.
This thesis will attempt to provide the optimal policy prescription for the Republic of Korea (ROK) Army on how to disarm, demobilize and reintegrate (DDR) the North Korean people in the case of their regime collapse. It is important to know how the likelihood of environment in which post-conflict reconstruction efforts will be implemented. The viability of any contingency plan should be assessed, based on an assumption about the environment being in probable upheaval. However, little analysis of the viability of the contingency plan, including the DDR program, has been undertaken in the context of North Korean regime collapse. Especially, the research about expectations and assumptions related to the possible North Korean attitude and probable post-regime collapse environment has been rare. The contingency planning, thus, needs further research and empirical supporting data, which can enhance its viability in practice. Given this perspective, this thesis attempts to predict the North Korean peoples possible attitude in their upheaval, based on analysis about the current regimes control system and recent changes. This thesis also assumes different scenarios in which DDR would be implemented to reconstruct a post-conflict society, by differentiating critical uncertainties in each case.
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Moore, Patrick J. "Economic performance and North Korean regime legitimacy." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/42688.

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This thesis examines the sources of legitimacy for the North Korean regime in an effort to explain what role, if any, economic performance has played in keeping the Kim family in power. This thesis provides a historical look at the development of the North Korean regime from the beginning under Kim Il-sung to the current generation of rule under Kim Jong-un. The core argument of the thesis is broken into two major time periods, with the economic downturn of the early 1990s serving as the dividing point. Furthermore, comparisons with South Korea under Park Chung-hee and reformist China under Deng Xiaoping will be made to offer counter-examples of authoritarian regimes that placed a priority on economic growth. The goal of this thesis is to establish the basis for North Korean regime legitimacy as a way to further understand both how the leadership continues to remain in power despite grave economic failure and to shed light on possible future developments as a result of the current situation. In better understanding the sources of legitimacy in North Korea, the international community can be better prepared for the way ahead.
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Sangiovanni, John James. "Deconstructing Kimilsungism: A Political and Ideological Analysis of the North Korean Regime." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/43585.

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This thesis argues that the North Korean model of government is a unique model that is influenced, to varying degrees, by extreme leftist and rightist doctrines, including Marxism-Leninism, Stalinism, Maoism, fascism, and Nazism; and shares at least some similarities with all these established models. Rather than being a mere political model, the North Korean model is a political religion that incorporates traits of each of the above-noted models with Korean mythology, Confucianism, extreme militarism, and traditional Korean xenophobia, isolation, and fierce nationalism. The resulting system, identified in this thesis as Kimilsungism, combines with North Koreaâ s unique juche ideology of national self-reliance and self-actualization to absolutely subordinate the needs of the citizenry to the will of the state. It further serves to deify the founder of North Korea, Kim Il-sung, and his son â and current ruler â Kim Jong-il, via a pervasive propaganda apparatus and cult of personality that has successfully created an alternate reality that the regime can exploit and manipulate as it sees fit.
Master of Arts
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Powcharoen, Phan-Orn. "Rationality or irrationality? : deterrence in the survival strategy of the North Korean regime." Thesis, Durham University, 2015. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11262/.

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Much of the academic literature portrays North Korea as an irrational rogue state whose behaviour is aggressive and dangerous, as exhibited through the regime’s continuous efforts to obtain nuclear weapons and missile delivery systems, and attempts to threaten neighbouring countries with words or provocations. North Korea is viewed as a cause of regional instability since the regime’s high level of defence preparedness and acts of provocation drive the other regional powers to search for their own security in an attempt to offset the belligerence of this state. Although International Relations theory has long recognised the problem of the insecurity states experience in living in the system of international anarchy, the case of North Korea seems to shows that states can have an excessive deterrence threshold that arises from a high level of threat perception, which is driven by the environment of the regime and specific internal determinants inside the North Korea system. Nuclear weapons development has some connection with the regime’s internal system when it can help support the legitimacy and power of the leader and at the same time is used in a strategic way to cover the regime’s failures in supplying essential. Moreover, the strategy of excessive deterrence is used by North Korea for international leverage with the United States and the international community as the nuclear weapons will be used by North Korea in the negotiating process. The question then arises if North Korea’s deterrence strategy conforms to assumptions of rational actor behaviour when it is clear that the situation of high tension benefits North Korea more than peaceful coexistence and the deterrence strategy is used beyond the survival purposes of a normal state. It is the aim of the thesis to find out if North Korea’s behaviour and deterrence strategy are rational or irrational when considered through the theory of rational deterrence and the idea of security dilemma. In particular deterrence theory suggests that states should not actively seek a security dilemma with multiple antagonists yet seemingly this is what the DPRK posture of excessive deterrence achieves. It is hoped to explain if North Korea is one of the normal states calculating its own survival and interest in the condition of anarchy or is an irrational actor that uses unpredictable and criminal behaviour in promoting security dilemmas in the inter-state system from its own distorted view of regime legitimacy and survival.
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Mlynárová, Michaela. "Perspektívy reunifikácie Kórejského polostrova a jej možný geopolitický vplyv na región Severovýchodnej Ázie." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-264528.

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Hitherto divided Korean Peninsula is perhaps the most distinctive remnant of the Cold War. The main aim of this work is to analyze the prospects on reunification of the Korean Peninsula by analyzing the various factors that have affected and in the future could affect the development of inter-Korean relations, the possible character of unification and subsequent policy implications of the reunification to North East Asia, with focus on the problematic North Korean regime.
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Ro, Hyuk Jin. "Prehistoric and protohistoric sociocultural development in the North Han River region of Korea." Thesis, University of Oregon, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11766.

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xvi, 341 p. : ill. A print copy of this title is available through the UO Libraries under the call number: KNIGHT GN855.K6 R6 1997
The primary purpose of this dissertation is to reconstruct sociocultural development in the North Han River Valley in Korea during the prehistoric and proto historic periods ( ca 6000 B .C.-A.D. 300). Based on theoretical ideas about the close relationship between cultural behavior and the natural environment as well as synthetical observation of archaeological data in the North Han River Valley, I have proposed the following testable hypothesis in regard to 'sociocultural development in the North Han River Valley : that its unique ecosystem brought about a subsistence pattern unique to the region. The North Han River Valley's specific geographical formation, connected with the Lower Han River Basin by way of the river system, brought it under the crucial influence of the latter's more advanced cultural elements. The circumscribed environment derived from the distinctively developed geomophological formation of the North Han River Valley influenced autochthonous sociocultural development in the region. Enumerating the most basic factors, the affluent riverine resources of the Valley enabled Chiilmun period inhabitants be heavily dependent on riverine fishing supplemented by the hunting and gathering of wild vegetation. Riverine fishing as well as hunting and gathering richly supplemented the agrarian economy which became dominant in the Valley after the appearance ofMumun people in later prehistoric times. Due to population saturation of limited arable lands, Mumun agrarian people became increasingly circumscribed and could not evolve into a state-level society. In association with this factor, the geographical proximity of the Valley to the Lower Han River inevitably brought it under the influence of advanced cultures emerging in the Lower Han River Basin. This process, which began in the later Mumun period, actually has continued to the present, passing through the protohistoric State Formation period and Paekche kingdom.
Committee in charge: Dr. C. Melvin Aikens, Chair; Dr. Song Nai Rhee; Dr. William S. Ayres; Dr. William G. Loy; Dr. Philip Young
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Žáková, Tereza. "Postavení KLDR v současných mezinárodních vztazích (na základě determinujícího aspektu ideologie Čučche)." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-15728.

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The thesis introduces the Juche ideology and examines its impact on the North Korean regime. The main objective is to evaluate the role of the DPRK in the system of international relations, with regard to the Juche ideology. Due to the fact that in the DPRK and the mutual relations with other countries, it is very difficult to find a direct link with the ideas of proclaimed ideology, the main characteristics for a given pair of countries is emphasised. Mutual relations with five countries, which are articipating in the six-party talks with DPRK(the disarmament process is discussed in a separate section of thesis) are commented on. The role of the European Union is mentioned, because in the future, the EU could happen for several reasons, an important partner for the DPRK.
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Freeman, Shauna Marie. "States That End Nuclear Weapons Programs: Implications For Iran." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1182798199.

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CHEN, BOW-PENG, and 陳寶鵬. "Regional Security in Northeast Asia:The North Korean Nuclear Crises and Region Security." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/4bq7td.

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碩士
國立中正大學
戰略暨國家安全碩士在職專班
105
Abstract Situated at a strategic position where the power and influence of the US, Russia, China and Japan intersect, the Korean Peninsula plays a crucial role in Northeastern Asian geopolitics. In history, the interaction of the great powers in the region all has had huge impacts on the fate of the Korean Peninsula with varying degrees. The Armistice Line separated the Korean Peninsula into two states, both of which commit to a unified Korea, but are nevertheless constrained by the interests and politics of China, Russia and the USA. In the 1990s, the two Koreas communicated with each other through channels such as The Red Cross and the official public office. After the meeting of Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong-il, South Korea’s Sunshine Policy pushed the two toward reconciliation and peace, but the two nuclear crises and the deadlock between the US and North Korea hindered further progress. With the US being the hegemony since the end of the the Cold War, the North Korea turned to unclear development as a means of national security. Under the Juche Idea and Military-First Politics, it has since the mid-1980s undertaken a more aggressive approach to regional affairs. The two nuclear crises in 1993-1994 and ca. 2003-2007, ended with the Nuclear Agreed Framework and various rounds of Six-Party Talk, respectively. However, these international arrangements do not really resolve regional security issues in a long run, as the different national interests of the two Koreas, the US, China, Russia and Japan are structural and prolong the tension among the states. Key worlds：Sunshine Policy, Juche Idea, Military-First Politics, The Agreed 　　　　 　 Framework, Six-Party Talks
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LUO, YI-HAO, and 羅翊豪. "Study on the Nuclear Military Diplomacy of Kim Jong-uns Regime in North Korea." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/2nyn56.

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碩士
國立中正大學
戰略暨國家安全碩士在職專班
107
Abstract North Korea was one of the few countries still governed by the Communist Party after the collapse of the former Soviet Union and the communist countries of Eastern Europe or the end of so-called Cold War in the 20th century. Inheriting from regimes of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il, Kim Jong-un took power as the first secretary of the Labor Party and the committee chairman of National Defense Commission in 2012, officially leading North Korea to the new era of Kim Jong-un’s administration. For the leader of North Korea, nuclear weapons are not only the life-saving symbols for the regime’s survival but also weapons for self-defense to deter hostile countries from taking military actions easily. At the same time, nuclear weapons serve as North Korea’s diplomatic tools for extorting and bargaining and as bargaining chips with the United States and neighboring countries. After successfully completing the H-bomb test and developing intercontinental ballistic missiles to possess nuclear strike capability, Kim Jong-un used this as a diplomatic tool to conduct "nuclear military diplomacy" and drew the attention of all countries around the world. North Korea is a small and poor country located in the border of Northeast Asia. How to construct a "composite equilibrium relationship" between the United States, South Korea and China. This thesis mainly discusses how the North Korean Kim Jong-un regime applies nuclear weapons and missiles to control international politics promoting South Korea, China and other countries to conduct dialogues to seek benefits.
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Books on the topic "North Korean Regime"

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J, Przystup James, and National Defense University. Center for Strategic Research, eds. Korean futures: Challenges to U.S. diplomacy of North Korean regime collapse. Washington, D.C: National Defense University Press, 2011.

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T'ongil Yŏn'guwŏn (Korea). Pukhan Inkwŏn Yŏn'gu Sent'ŏ, ed. Kim Chŏng-ŭn ch'eje ŭi Pukhan inkwŏn munje wa kukche hyŏmnyŏk: International cooperation to improve North Korean human rights conditions under the Kim Jong-un regime. Sŏul-si: T'ongil Yŏn'guwŏn, 2012.

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Economic hardship and regime sustainability in North Korea. Seoul: Korea Institute for National Unification, 2008.

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The Evaluation of regime stability in North Korea: Scenario workshop. Seoul, Korea: Korea Institute for National Unification, 2009.

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North Korea's regime maintenance policy since the Kim Jong-il regime and prospects for change. Seoul, Korea: Korea Institute for National Unification, 2009.

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Cathcart, Adam, Christopher Green, and Steven Denney, eds. Decoding the Sino-North Korean Borderlands. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789462987562.

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Since the 1990s, the Chinese-North Korean border region has undergone a gradual transformation into a site of intensified cooperation, competition, and intrigue. These changes have prompted a significant volume of critical scholarship and media commentary across multiple languages and disciplines. Drawing on existing studies and new data, Decoding the Sino-North Korean Borderlands brings much of this literature into concert by pulling together a wide range of insight on the region's economics, security, social cohesion, and information flows. Drawing from multilingual sources and transnational scholarship, this volume is enhanced by the extensive fieldwork undertaken by the editors and contributors in their quests to decode the borderland. In doing so, the volume emphasizes the link between theory, methodology, and practice in the field of Area Studies and social science more broadly.
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Rogue regime: Kim Jong Il and the looming threat of North Korea. New York: Oxfored University Press, 2005.

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Transitions and non-transitions from communism: Regime survival in China, Cuba, North Korea and Vietnam. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012.

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(North), Korea, ed. Kim Chŏng-ŭn ch'eje wa Pukhan ŭi kaehyŏk kaebang: Kim Jong-un regime and the reform and liberalization of North Korea. Kyŏnggi-do P'aju-si: Nanam, 2012.

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Copyright Paperback Collection (Library of Congress), ed. Final justice. New York, NY: Jove Books, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "North Korean Regime"

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Park, Kyung-Ae. "People’s Exit, Regime Stability, and North Korean Diplomacy." In New Challenges of North Korean Foreign Policy, 43–67. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230113978_2.

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Myers, Robert J. "North Korea: Can the Cold War Regime be Dismantled?" In Korea in the Cross Currents, 135–53. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780312299583_9.

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Bao, Dat, and Giulio Ricci. "Culturally Supportive Pedagogy: Challenges Faced by North Korean Immigrant Students in South Korea." In Education in the Asia-Pacific Region: Issues, Concerns and Prospects, 53–70. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-0057-9_4.

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Roehrig, Terence. "North Korea in Crisis: Regime, Identity, and Strategy." In Identity and Change in East Asian Conflicts, 131–48. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230603134_7.

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Hexiu, Quan. "An Attempt at Analyzing the Cross and Triangular Divided Relations among the Four Regimes in China and the Korean Peninsula after World War II." In China and North Korea, 139–54. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137455666_9.

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Cumings, Bruce. "Nuclear Imbalance of Terror: The American Surveillance Regime and North Korea’s Nuclear Programme." In The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime, 207–42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26053-9_10.

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Rhyu, Sang-young. "North Korea's Strategy for Regime Survival and East Asian Regionalism." In The Political Economy of the Asia Pacific, 149–78. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-540-79594-0_5.

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Natsios, Andrew S. "Transitional Justice in North Korea Following a Change of Regime: An Exploration of Four Possible Scenarios." In Transitional Justice in Unified Korea, 221–34. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-53454-5_14.

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Mehta, Rupal N. "North Korea." In Delaying Doomsday, 180–93. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190077976.003.0008.

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In the last of the three comparative case study analyses, this chapter explores the greatest remaining challenge to the non-proliferation regime: North Korea. Its recent rise in belligerence toward its neighbors in the region and the United States presents a troubling prospect about peace and security in the region, especially in light of its continued nuclear and missile tests. Despite continued efforts by the U.S. and other key members of the international community to negotiate with Pyongyang, North Korea remains committed to its nuclear program. This chapter examines the history of the North Korean program and the myriad attempts by American leaders (beginning primarily with the Clinton Administration) to persuade the North Korean leadership to abandon its nuclear pursuit. The chapter concludes with an assessment of the current efforts to engage the North Koreans, the implications of this policy, and potential policy recommendations to help mitigate the challenges posed by the DPRK.
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"7. A Regime of Surveillance." In The North Korean Revolution, 1945–1950, 191–214. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9780801468803-011.

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Conference papers on the topic "North Korean Regime"

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Shulkin, Vladimir, Vladimir Shulkin, Anatoly Kachur, Anatoly Kachur, Kozhenkova Svetlana Kozhenkova Svetlana, and Kozhenkova Svetlana Kozhenkova Svetlana. "ECOLOGICAL QUALITY OBJECTIVES APPROACH TO THE ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS IN THE NORTHWEST PACIFIC REGION." In Managing risks to coastal regions and communities in a changing world. Academus Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21610/conferencearticle_58b431534f65d.

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Northwest Pacific including Sea of Japan and Yellow Sea is a transboundary region for several countries with very different socio-economical situations: China, Japan, Republic of Korea, North Korea and Russia. UNEP NOWPAP (Northwest Pacific Action Plan) is one of the UNEP Regional Seas programs with aims to support ecologically based management of coastal and marine environment. Development of the Ecological Quality Objectives (EQOs) is one of the NOWPAP activities for the time being and near future. Aims of this paper are to suggest the list of EQOs for the northwest Pacific, as well as targets and indicators, which can be used for the monitoring of the achievements of them. Another goal is to assess relevance for the northwest Pacific the proposed targets and indicators including analysis of the problems and limitations based on the experience of EQOs implementation in other regions. Main feature of the EQOs approach in the NOWPAP region is the absence of unified monitoring system for the countries and reliable legislative basis for the regional integration of the environmental data.
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Shulkin, Vladimir, Vladimir Shulkin, Anatoly Kachur, Anatoly Kachur, Kozhenkova Svetlana Kozhenkova Svetlana, and Kozhenkova Svetlana Kozhenkova Svetlana. "ECOLOGICAL QUALITY OBJECTIVES APPROACH TO THE ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS IN THE NORTHWEST PACIFIC REGION." In Managing risks to coastal regions and communities in a changing world. Academus Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.31519/conferencearticle_5b1b9421ef6e68.04955473.

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Northwest Pacific including Sea of Japan and Yellow Sea is a transboundary region for several countries with very different socio-economical situations: China, Japan, Republic of Korea, North Korea and Russia. UNEP NOWPAP (Northwest Pacific Action Plan) is one of the UNEP Regional Seas programs with aims to support ecologically based management of coastal and marine environment. Development of the Ecological Quality Objectives (EQOs) is one of the NOWPAP activities for the time being and near future. Aims of this paper are to suggest the list of EQOs for the northwest Pacific, as well as targets and indicators, which can be used for the monitoring of the achievements of them. Another goal is to assess relevance for the northwest Pacific the proposed targets and indicators including analysis of the problems and limitations based on the experience of EQOs implementation in other regions. Main feature of the EQOs approach in the NOWPAP region is the absence of unified monitoring system for the countries and reliable legislative basis for the regional integration of the environmental data.
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Kim, Hyun Soo, Chun-Ju Lee, and Kyungsik Choi. "The Study on the Ice Sea Trial in Chukchi Sea Using Korean Icebreaker “Araon”." In ASME 2011 30th International Conference on Ocean, Offshore and Arctic Engineering. ASMEDC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2011-49482.

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The ice sea trial measurement in Chukchi Sea using research vessel Araon was performed on July 2010. It was the first voyage to the Arctic Sea. The latitude of the route was between 73 degree north to 80 degree north. Araon is the first Korean Ice breaking research vessel. The principle dimension is 110m length, 19m beam and 7.3m draft. Araon was designed to break 1.0m level ice of 630 kPa flexible ice strength. Four attempts to know the performance of the ship in Arctic region were carried out and the results were summarized in this paper. The basic datum for the sea trial such as ship speed, power of engine, wind speed, location of the ship, air temperature, drafts, heading of the ship etc., were measured during the trail in every second by the video recording. Simultaneously the ice information such as ice thickness, compressive strength, temperature of ice, snow depth, free board of ice floe were measured in each field by the coring tool, auger and compression test equipment. The ice sea trial was performed in large ice floes rather than level ice because the sea ice condition on July and August in Chukchi Sea has no uniform level ice and starts to melt. The size of four ice floes is about 100m to 300m length and 100m to 200m wide beam. It was some second year ice and most of first year ice floes. The mean flexible strength of ice was less than 250 kPa. The analysis result of the ice sea trial shows the relation between the ice thickness, ice strength, ship speed and power of engine. Araon is possible to operate at 1.5 knots in 2.5m ice thickness with 5 MW engine power when the strength of ice floe is 250 kPa. The speed reaches 3.1 knots at same ice condition if the power is increasing up to 6.6 MW. She has good performance compare to the design target (3 knots in 1.0m level ice and 630 kPa of flexible strength) but it’s come from the different ice types and low flexible ice strength. The more detail analysis result was discussed in this paper.
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Keefe, Douglas J., and Joseph Kozak. "Tidal Energy in Nova Scotia, Canada: The Fundy Ocean Research Center for Energy (FORCE) Perspective." In ASME 2011 30th International Conference on Ocean, Offshore and Arctic Engineering. ASMEDC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2011-49246.

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Ocean energy developments are appearing around the world including Scotland, Ireland, Wales, England, Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Korea, Norway, France Portugal, Spain, India, the United States, Canada and others. North America’s first tidal energy demonstration facility is in the Minas Passage of the Bay of Fundy, near Parrsboro, Nova Scotia, Canada. The Fundy Ocean Research Center for Energy (FORCE) is a non-profit institute that owns and operates the facility that offers developers, regulators, scientists and academics the opportunity to study the performance and interaction of instream tidal energy converters (usually referred to as TISECs but called “turbines” in this paper.) with one of the world’s most aggressive tidal regimes. FORCE provides a shared observation facility, submarine cables, grid connection, and environmental monitoring at its pre-approved test site. The site is well suited to testing, with water depths up to 45 meters at low tide, a sediment -free bedrock sea floor, straight flowing currents, and water speeds up to 5 meters per second (approximately 10 knots). FORCE will install 10.896km of double armored, 34.5kV submarine cable — one for each of its four berths. Electricity from the berths will be conditioned at FORCE’s own substation and delivered to the Provincial power grid by a 10 km overhead transmission line. There are four berth holders at present: Alstom Hydro Canada using Clean Current Power Systems Technology (Canada); Minas Basin Pulp and Power Co. Ltd. with technology partner Marine Current Turbines (UK); Nova Scotia Power Inc. with technology partner OpenHydro (Ireland) and Atlantis Resources Corporation, in partnership with Lockheed Martin and Irving Shipbuilding. In November 2009, NSPI with technology partner OpenHydro deployed the first commercial scale turbine at the FORCE site. The 1MW rated turbine was secured by a 400-tonne subsea gravity base fabricated in Nova Scotia. The intent of this paper is to provide an overview of FORCE to the international marine energy community during OMAE 2011 taking place in Rotterdam, Netherlands.
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Reports on the topic "North Korean Regime"

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Saeed, Ferial A., and James J. Przystup. Korean Futures: Challenges to U.S. Diplomacy of North Korean Regime Collapse. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, September 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada577321.

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Gause, Ken E. North Korea's Provocation and Escalation Calculus: Dealing with the Kim Jong-un Regime. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, August 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada621100.

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