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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'North Korean'
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1
Kim, Kwonwoo. "Preparing for upheaval in North Korea: assuming North Korean regime collapse." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/38963.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.This thesis will attempt to provide the optimal policy prescription for the Republic of Korea (ROK) Army on how to disarm, demobilize and reintegrate (DDR) the North Korean people in the case of their regime collapse. It is important to know how the likelihood of environment in which post-conflict reconstruction efforts will be implemented. The viability of any contingency plan should be assessed, based on an assumption about the environment being in probable upheaval. However, little analysis of the viability of the contingency plan, including the DDR program, has been undertaken in the context of North Korean regime collapse. Especially, the research about expectations and assumptions related to the possible North Korean attitude and probable post-regime collapse environment has been rare. The contingency planning, thus, needs further research and empirical supporting data, which can enhance its viability in practice. Given this perspective, this thesis attempts to predict the North Korean peoples possible attitude in their upheaval, based on analysis about the current regimes control system and recent changes. This thesis also assumes different scenarios in which DDR would be implemented to reconstruct a post-conflict society, by differentiating critical uncertainties in each case.
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Leary, Prior R. "Sino-North Korean Relations and the North Korean Nuclear Problem." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306814549.
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Kim, Ji Eun. "A Study of North Korea's policy on Korean diaspora." [Seoul] : Dept. of North Korean Studies, Graduate School, Korea University, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0804/2008405798.html.
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Chang, Ik-Seong. "Evangelizing North Korea a comparative study of South Korean mission programs /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1999. http://www.tren.com.
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Rucci, Josh. "A hard or soft approach? reconfiguring South Korean relations with North Korea /." Click here for download, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1288668421&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3260&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Pang, Kelvin Ka Liong. "North Korea : transport and logistics scenarios and South Korean enterprises' location decisions." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/911.
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North Korea is one of the world’s last remaining communist countries. Insistence on self-sufficiency has resulted in the stagnation of its economy and collapse of its transport distribution system. This research project examines how various scenarios for North Korea and the implications of South Korean enterprises’ location decisions affect future transport and logistics developments in North Korea. In the foreseeable future, aside from Chinese companies, South Korean investors will probably be the only companies to invest heavily in the North, driven by political and economic motivations. The objectives of this study are four-fold. Firstly, it analyses the political and economic factors affecting North Korea. Secondly, it appraises the present conditions of transport and logistics infrastructure in North Korea. Next, in order to ascertain the implications of business organisations’ decisions to locate in North Korea, it is imperative to determine the probable scenarios surrounding North Korea due to its unique and reclusive nature. Finally, it identifies the factors that will affect potential investors’ location choices. In order to answer the above research question and objectives, a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods was used. In the absence of reliable data from North Korea, an exploratory study was undertaken with eight experts to gain deeper understanding of the issues surrounding North Korea. The insights gathered, together with the comprehensive literature review led to the development of eight sub-research questions. Next, in-depth qualitative interviews were conducted to help develop scenarios for North Korea. Quantitative surveys were concurrently conducted which engaged SMEs and logistics companies. The findings of the research uncovered new insights. Experts think that the status quo scenario is most likely to continue in the near future unless one of the wildcard situations, such as the death of Kim Jong-il occurs. Investors are likely to invest $1-9 million in North Korea, with Nampo and Sinuiju as probable investment locations. Four main factors will influence the location choices of potential South Korean investors including ‘legal’, ‘political economy’, ‘spatial’ and ‘infrastructure’. Road transport was found to be the choice of mode for both experts and investors and China and South Korea would be the mostly like export destinations for North Korean-made products.
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Park, Seo Hyun. "Tracing Transnational Identities of North Korean Refugee English Learners in South Korea." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1408694083.
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Lee, Min Young. "North Korean migrants in South Korea : policy, services and social work practices." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.684375.
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Since the 1953 truce following the Korean war the number of North Korean migrants coming to South Korea has risen sharply. These migrants have faced a number of legal, social and economic barriers to integration and, consequently, they have been a special target group for South Korean policy makers, service providers and practitioners. This thesis takes a qualitative approach to explore their policy and practice responses to North Korean migrants. It reveals that the goals and strategies of policy makers, service managers and practitioners are largely based on an assimilationist perspective and an assumption of meritocracy. Yet North Korean migrants struggle to achieve full citizenship. Their culture is not accepted or considered of equal value to that of South Korea. Moreover, they are required to learn what the host society considers to be the appropriate attitudes and behaviours for participating in a liberal, democratic, capitalist society. Ironically, the policy, services and social work practices do not tackle, but rather embed, the structural barriers to integration, including the marginalisation, ethnicisation and securitisation of the North Korean migrants. Consequently, I conclude that an intercultural and holistic social work approach to integration, beyond assimilation, and social justice is required if North Korean migrants are to lead better lives in South Korea. In particular, anti-discrimination measures and community-based, long-term social support interventions will be effective means to increase their equality and inclusion. In addition, a gendered, culturally sensitive and reflexive approach in social work education should be considered in order to develop the social work profession to improve the integration of North Korean migrants in South Korea.
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Yu, Youngmin. "Musical performance of Korean identities in North Korea, South Korea, Japan and the United States." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1417807691&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Yoon, Tae-Young. "Crisis management on the Korean peninsula : South Korea's crisis management towards North Korea within the context of the South Korean-U.S. alliance, 1968-1983." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389499.
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This thesis examines South Korea's crisis management towards North Korea within the context of the South Korea-U.S. alliance with particular emphasis on the three crises from 1968 to 1983: (1) the 1968 Blue House raid / Pueblo incident; (2) the 1976 Panmunjom axe murder incident; and (3) the 1983 Rangoon bombing incident. For an analytical framework, five factors have been selected from a broad survey of theoretical and case-study literature on crisis management as those that are most helpful in understanding the particular crisis management processes and tasks that confronted the ROK: (1) crisis objectives; (2) crisis management strategies; (3) images of North Korea's intentions and crisis dynamics; (4) bargaining with the V.S.; and (5) characteristics of the crisis management system. Moreover, it seeks to identify lessons learned from the management of each Korean crisis. Examining each case within a common analytical framework, this study seeks to identify the central nature of South Korea's dilemmas, efforts, and problems in crisis management towards North Korea within the context of the ROK-V.S. alliance. The main findings of this thesis are: (1) South Korean leaders experienced not only the fundamental policy dilemma of crisis management towards North Korea, but also the dilemma of bargaining with the V.S. within the context of the ROK-U.S. alliance; (2) South Korea limited both its crisis objectives and the means to be employed. South Korean military moves to signal firm resolution were largely co-ordinated with and made consistent with political objectives and diplomatic actions; (3) South Korea's major crisis management strategies were designed to deter or dissuade North Korea from escalating towards stronger action, preserve its reputation for firmness, and increase North Korea's estimate of the net costs of escalation and war; (4) within the restraints of credible military capabilities and limited operational control over its own armed forces, South Korea tried to manipulate the V.S. in order to extract military and political support to create the most favourable conditions for crisis management. However, the V.S. resolve and its willingness to support South Korea could have contributed to escalation through South Korea's exploitation and misjudgement; (5) the South Korean leaders' image of crisis dynamics directly affected their crisis management behaviour, including their choices of crisis objectives and crisis management strategies, and bargaining tactics with the V.S.; (6) chronic problems of crisis management within the alliance context occurred as a result of asymmetries in the balance of interests and different perceptions of threat and crisis. As for the implications of the ROK-V.S. joint crisis management system, this system restrained South Korea from taking independent crisis action and limited South Korea's choice of crisis options, but helped South Korea to lock V.S. forces into these Korean crises and enabled it to use America's massive military power in an effort to strengthen its own and the joint deterrent posture and thereby to coerce North Korea during crises; and (7) South Korea's lack of a central crisis management organisation and independent intelligence collection capability were critical problems in effective crisis management. On the whole, within the context of the alliance, the capacity of South Korea to manage crises short of war on the Korean peninsula depended as much on influencing the behaviour of the U.S. as it did on controlling the behaviour of North Korea. South Korea has worked effectively with the U.S. to build a strong alliance that has confronted North Korea and persuaded it to draw back from crises. Moreover, it has been fully involved in the vital crisis management process of limiting risks by moderating its own crisis objectives and crisis behaviour. It has also done this through the process of making measured and balanced judgements.
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Lee, Hyon K. David. "Unification strategy for North and South Korea the most prudent U.S. policy option to solve the North Korean nuclear crisis." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1390.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThe North Korean nuclear issue reached a dangerous impasse in the recent months as North Korea continues to resist international pressure to halt its nuclear weapons and missile programs. North Korea watchers and nuclear experts estimate that North Korea could have up to six or seven plutonium-based nuclear bombs by now. Indeed, North Korea announced to the world in October 2003 that they now have the capability of "nuclear deterrence." All would agree that a nuclear-weaponized North Korea will have grave consequences on the Korean Peninsula and the East Asia region. Accordingly, this thesis contends that the Bush administration miscalculated in its policy on North Korea by letting their "preemption" doctrine cloud their judgment on what is the most feasible and prudent policy vis--Ì vis North Korea. So, what now? What should the US policy toward North Korea be going forward? Given the events in the last year or so, this paper makes the assumption that North Korea already possesses nuclear weapons. Indeed, the CIA has made formal statements saying that North Korea, in essence, already possesses nuclear weapons. The intelligence service believes that conventional explosives tests, conducted since the 1980s, have allowed the North Koreans to verify that their nuclear designs would work. The agency believes North Korea has one or two nuclear weapons similar to what the United States dropped on Hiroshima during World War II. Given these circumstances and the policy options available to the Bush administration, the best course of action and the most elegant solution to this messy problem, is to adopt a policy of unifying the two Koreas. A reunified Korea would satisfy most U.S. interests and would solve the most pressing and dangerous problem: the nuclear issue. Granted, it is not the most optimal option and there are some potential drawbacks but, nevertheless, it is the best option available. In this scenario, there is no "good" option; one has to choose the "least-worse" policy option. In essence, the U.S. has to make the best of a bad situation.
Major, United States Air Force
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Sanders, Christopher Sun. "The North Korean Security State: Examining the North Korean Population through Michel Foucault's Theories of Discipline and Punishment." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/46320.
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This thesis uses ideas found in Michel Foucault's Discipline and Punish and related works as a theoretic framework for examining daily life in North Korea to understand what type of disciplinary techniques North Korean citizens are subjected to by the North Korean state. This paper will define several disciplinary strategies discussed by Foucault and then show how these strategies are deployed against the North Korean population through multiple examples. Analysis will demonstrate that these disciplinary strategies prevent political instability and suppress ideas dangerous to the North Korean regime, even while the North Korean regime fails to provide basic services for its population. As a result, the reader will have a better understanding of why the North Korean people seem so disciplined and do not rebel against the North Korean regime in the face of state-made disasters and hardships.Master of Arts
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Moore, Patrick J. "Economic performance and North Korean regime legitimacy." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/42688.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThis thesis examines the sources of legitimacy for the North Korean regime in an effort to explain what role, if any, economic performance has played in keeping the Kim family in power. This thesis provides a historical look at the development of the North Korean regime from the beginning under Kim Il-sung to the current generation of rule under Kim Jong-un. The core argument of the thesis is broken into two major time periods, with the economic downturn of the early 1990s serving as the dividing point. Furthermore, comparisons with South Korea under Park Chung-hee and reformist China under Deng Xiaoping will be made to offer counter-examples of authoritarian regimes that placed a priority on economic growth. The goal of this thesis is to establish the basis for North Korean regime legitimacy as a way to further understand both how the leadership continues to remain in power despite grave economic failure and to shed light on possible future developments as a result of the current situation. In better understanding the sources of legitimacy in North Korea, the international community can be better prepared for the way ahead.
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Chung, Jin Kwon. "Chosŏnjok kyohoe wa tʻalbukcha sŏnʼgyo ŭi pangnyak (pangnyak) A mission strategy for the Korean-Chinese church and North Korean exiles /." Seoul : [s.n.], 2001. http://books.google.com/books?id=Jd5EAAAAMAAJ.
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Foley, Eric P. "Narrative Shock: Helping North Korean Defectors Narrate their Lives Fully in South Korea." Case Western Reserve University Doctor of Management / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=casedm1619784455709974.
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Kim, Ji Young. "Security issues on the Korean Peninsula : the impetus for peaceful coexistence in the 1990s." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112066.
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This dissertation sets out to examine the prospects for security and
peaceful coexistence on the Korean penisula. It must be noted that the research for
the main points of this dissertation was largely completed in 1989-1990, and was
based largely on materials available at that time. Since then, the world's political
picture has changed substantially. The fall of Communism in the Soviet Union and
the great changes in Eastern Europe have therefore meant that some of the
assumptions, particularly those concerning North Korea and its external support,
are no longer as valid as they were when the research for this dissertation was
undertaken. In spite of this, the internal engine of North Korean policy on the
Korean peninsula remains almost unchanged and may remain that way until the end
of Kim II Sung's regime.
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Hough, Jennifer. "North Koreans in South Korea : humanitarian subjects and neoliberal governance." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:90087d8d-22d3-42a7-a681-905a8ea52287.
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This thesis uses the narratives of North Koreans living in South Korea (t'albungmin) to understand how they make sense of their positioning in South Korean society. Based on 21 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Seoul, this study attempts to illuminate the contradictory nature of citizenship for young t'albungmin living under the dictates of neoliberal humanitarian governance in contemporary South Korea. As a result of the specific geopolitical configuration of the Korean peninsula, there are contradictory perceptions of North Koreans as compatriots, victims, and enemies: perceptions both affecting and affected by the role of t'albungmin in South Korea's political economy. I consider citizenship a site of negotiation, influenced by South Korean modes of neoliberal humanitarian governance, which encourage t'albungmin to become autonomous, self-managed subjects at the same time as subjecting them to humanitarian reason which, conversely, rewards passivity and compliance. There is a further contradiction between their automatic entitlement to South Korean citizenship and the neoliberal imperative to demonstrate productivity and deservingness. In light of these contradictory imperatives, perceptions and discourses surrounding issues such as accent, deservingness, and responsibility come to take on significant explanatory power in the lives of young t'albungmin. In this context, South Korean policies and NGOs both discursively and practically construct t'albungmin as different and naturalise them as dependent, with this sense of unequal relations structuring their subsequent relations with South Koreans. I argue that this sense of differentiation reflects a particular mode of governance, which in turn illuminates the workings of citizenship in the South Korean context. I also consider the implications for t'albungmin when supporting them is conceptualised as a humanitarian act. While South Koreans portray their society as a 'community of value' in which t'albungmin are constructed as humanitarian subjects, this thesis illustrates how the narratives of t'albungmin contest this interpretation.
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Lee, S. (Seunghee). "Separation and Unification:An Analysis of South Korean Efforts to Integrate North Korean Refugees." Master's thesis, University of Oulu, 2018. http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:oulu-201809082767.
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North Koreans have entered South Korea seeking new lives due to political reasons, severe food shortage, family reunions or economic difficulty since 1953. Hereto, more than 31,000 North Korean refugees have settled in South Korea and the influx has increased steadily despite all adversities in desperate journeys. They are often expected to undergo a successful and smooth transition due to their shared traits, such as language, culture, and ethnicity. However, they have encountered confusions and struggles to integrate into the South. This new social issue caused the government to create policy and programs to support their fruitful integration and simultaneously provide positive interaction opportunities between North and South Korean people in the future, especially when unification finally occurs. This research focuses on attempts of South Korea toward promoting North Korean refugees’ social integration. I raised one main research question and two sub-questions. The main question is ‘How does the South Korean government attempt to integrate North Korean refugees into the society?’ Two sub-questions are ‘What are the policy features of the South Korean government to accommodate the North Korean refugees?’ and ‘What is the legal framework that secures the integration of North Korean refugees?’ I analyzed a government document ‘Manual for the resettlement Support for North Korean Refugees (2016)’ by thematic analysis. A thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2006) allowed me to recognize themes based on time frame, support contents, and underpinning system. I relied on two theoretical frameworks, Social Integration Indicators of Ager and Strang (2008) to examine policy document and general national identity theories (Verdugo and Milne, 2016) to interpret intentions and goals of the South Korean integration policy for North Korean refugees. The discussion demonstrates that how the policy document considers North Korean refugees as important resources for future unification, arranging policy implementation through public-private collaborations and a comprehensive data management system of the South. Relating policies and laws have been continuously revised for proper functions and people’s needs.
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Kwon, Young Ill. "The change of South Korean image of North Korea after the Cold War Identity, image and policy /." Online access for everyone, 2008. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Dissertations/Spring2008/y_kwon_032708.pdf.
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Chung, Young Hee. "The lexical tone system of North Kyungsang Korean /." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487687959967913.
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Lee, Sinhea. "A Reconciliation between North and South Korea." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1471345862.
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Varpahovskis, Eriks. "SOCIALIST LEGACY: WEST GERMAN PERCEPTION OF EAST GERMANS AND SOUTH KOREAN PERCEPTION OF NORTH KOREANS." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23894.
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Opposition of socialist East and capitalist West in XX century led to division of nations andcreation of new states. Due to historical process Korea and Germany were divided intoDemocratic People’s Republic of Korea and Republic of Korea, and German DemocraticRepublic and Federal Republic of Germany, respectively. Development of states requiredconstruction of new ethnic identities/ethnicities. In this research through the prism of Cornell andHartmann’s constructivist approach and stereotype theory secondary and primary data isanalyzed.. On the basis of analysis of secondary data this research examines and comparesmeasures that were used by ruling parties of GDR and DPRK in order to create and develop newethnic identities. Further in paper on the basis of results of interviews and analysis of secondarydata is described and compared how West Germans perceive East Germans and how SouthKoreans perceive North Koreans. According to the results of the research it is possible to statewhich measures were undertaken by governments of GDR and DPRK in order to create anethnicity and it is possible to state that West German stereotypes about East Germans and SouthKorean stereotypes about North Koreans are partly based on ideological/political aspects ofdivisions of nations.
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Son, Changwan. "Just war and nuclear weapons : just war theory and its application to the Korean nuclear weapons issue in Korean Christianity." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4515.
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This thesis is primarily an application of the Christian tradition of Just War to the problems arising from the basing of US nuclear weapons in South Korea and the development of nuclear weapons by the regime in the North. The Christian theology of Just War has developed over the last two thousand years, adapting as first Christianity became the state religion of the Roman Empire, through the break down of any enforceable norms in Europe‘s 'Dark Ages‘, to the emergence of the concept of the modern nation state at the end of the Thirty Years Wars in 1648. Throughout these shifts, two issues have remained constant, although their relative weight has changed. First that a war can only be described as 'just' if it is being waged for legitimate reasons, jus ad bellum, and that is waged in a proportionate manner that seeks to separate combatants from non-combatants, jus in bello. Both these ideas were severely weakened in the period of warfare that followed on from the American and French Revolutions at the end of the Eighteenth Century. The new ideology of nationalism brought with it the idea of the nation at arms, the armed citizenry, and with this, a further blurring of the always weak distinction between soldiers and the wider population. By 1945, both the secular and Christian tradition lay in ruins, damaged by the total warfare in the twentieth century when anything and anyone who could contribute to the wider war effort became a target. Also, although not the most destructive weapon, this saw the advent of the nuclear bomb. In response, Christian thinkers sought to redefine the concepts of Just War for a nuclear age, with the potential for the use of weapons that could destroy all of humanity. Some saw this as the lesser evil, when faced with the victory of a totalitarian political system, and others argued that proportionality could be maintained if the size of weapons, or their targeting, was such as to minimise wider damage. On the other hand, many theologians argued that by definition they could never be discriminate or proportionate and that their use (or even the implied threat of their use) would always fail the precepts of Jus in Bello. In the modern Korean context, this debate is not abstract, but has real bearing on the practical steps being taken by all the main parties. The acquisition of nuclear weapons by the North (the DPRK) has meant that the desire for Korean re-unification has become entwined with how best to resolve the nuclear issue. At the moment, in the South amongst the Protestant communities (split between the CCK and the NCCK), this debate has become fixed on issues of practical politics. In effect, is it better to negotiate with the North over the nuclear weapons issue and hope that resolving this will then lead to reunification or is it better to aim to overthrow the DPRK (economically, politically or even militarily) and, this, by definition, would resolve the question of their possession of nuclear weapons. At the moment both the NCCK and the CCK have based their policies towards North Korea (the DPRK) on the basis of secular politics not the teachings of the Christian gospel. The NCCK is tending to overlook human rights abuses in the DPRK, and the threat of that regime‘s nuclear arsenal, in their emphasis on the need to overcome the political division of Korea. In turn, the CCK ignores much Christian teaching with its emphasis on seeking the collapse (perhaps by military means) of the DPRK as a precursor to unification. In this, both bodies seem to have forgotten that they are fundamentally Christian confessional bodies, and as such their public statements should be based on the Gospels, not on the practicalities of day to day politics. Neither approach is particularly grounded on either in the Christian message of the gospels or the Just War tradition. Thus this thesis does not just seek to explore and explain the current situation in Korea using the concepts of Just War, it also seeks to provide a basis on which the Protestant community can resolve their current impasse. This means the thesis is grounded on the Christian concept of political theology, in particular in so far as this approach 'offers alternatives to better comprehend the different postures and approaches towards a solution‘. In the case of the situation in Korea, this means there is no military solution to the problem of unification. Nor can a solution be found in ignoring the human rights abuses in the DPRK. The answer lies in stressing three aspects that remain fundamental to any Christian identity in Korea – of a unified Korean koinoina, that any resort to force must meet the conditions of the Christian Just War tradition, and that, as faith groups, any response must stem from the Gospels.
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Morgan, Jessica M. "A Diachronic Analysis of North and South Korean Monophthongs: Vowel Shifts on the Korean Peninsula." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2015. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/5764.
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The linguistic situation on the Korean peninsula is one ripe for research. For the past 70 years the two halves of the peninsula have been isolated from one another, thus creating two very different environments for development and change within the Korean language. It is hypothesized that due to conflict, divide, and social turmoil on the peninsula, the Korean language will have undergone a period of change in the last 70 years. This particular investigation looks at North and South Korean monophthong systems for evidence of a phonological shift. Studies of North Korea's language planning (Yong, 2001; Kumatani, 1990) will be incorporated to provide a background for lexical change in the country, which may also have contributed to phonological change. This study was carried out with the expectation that, due to the turmoil following the Korean War, both standard dialects would display some signs of phonetic shift.In order to track the changes to the monophthong systems over the last 70 years, a total of 7156 samples of the Korean language's eight monophthongs were collected from both North and South Korean films from the 1950s, 1980s, and 2010s. The vowels' F1 and F2 formants were measured using the computer program Praat. The data was then separated by vowel and run through statistical analyses. The results of a mixed methods ANOVA determined which vowels had shown significant variance between decades; the estimated means were then determined for each formant. Based on the statistical analysis, the North Korean vowels /a/, /Λ/, and /u/ have shifted significantly since the 1950s, while the rest of the North Korean monophthong system has not changed significantly. Most of the shifting occurred in the period after the 1980s. In the South, all vowels have shown significant variance for the variable of decade in F1, F2, or both formants. South Korea's results also indicate separate shifts between the 1950s and 1980s, and between the 1980s and 2010s. If the results of this study could be successfully replicated with the languages of other countries thrown into post-WWII turmoil, this study could prove that WWII left a lasting effect on the languages of the world as well. Even if there are not far-reaching implications, the study still demonstrates strong evidence that linguistic change has occurred in both the northern and southern halves of the Korean peninsula since it was split into two separate countries.
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Susral, Bradley. "The Efficacy of North Korean Sanctions and Remediation Strategies." Thesis, Utica College, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10623292.
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The United Nations and United States’ economic sanctions on North Korea are significant because they have deep geopolitical implications. North Korea has grown its nuclear program and is perceived as a great threat to world security, and financial institutions are bound by law to exercise compliance programs to detect and block North Korean transactional activity. Sanctions on North Korea have been increasing throughout the years and have become more challenging for financial institutions and global regulating bodies. Further sanctions are predicted to come as North Korea has not shown signs of cooperation. This paper analyzes how effective North Korean sanctions are by measuring North Korean compliance to the sanctions and the degree of damage to their economy. The measure of effective sanctions will also be discovered by assessing the obstacles a financial institution's compliance programs experience by detecting and blocking North Korean transactional activity as well as by assessing if the sanctions are damaging the North Korean economy. This paper proposes a model for effective compliance with financial sanctions against North Korea that can be easily introduced to fit any unique compliance program.
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Chang, Jacqueline Danielle. "Politics of North Korean refugees and regional security implications." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Jun/09Jun%5FChang.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, and The Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Twomey, Christopher. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 10, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: North Korean refugees, Six Party, Republic of Korea, ROK, South Korea, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, DPRK, North Korea, China, Japan, Russia, Northeast Asia regional stability, UNC, CFC, USFK, UNC Rear, UNC Sending States, Korean diaspora, assimilation, immigration, human rights, humanitarian assistance, stability and reconstruction operations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-70). Also available in print.
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Nasr, Mary. "(Ethnic) Nationalism in North Korean Political Ideology and Culture." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/13071.
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This study examines nationalism in North Korea through an exploration of that country’s political ideology and culture throughout time. It argues that a nationalist consciousness has always existed in North Korean history, but that it has been purposely changed and manipulated in form to deal with at-the-time difficulty and circumstance that the regime was faced with. This study asserts that state ideology was more state-focussed and subtle in nature in the earlier decades, and more ethnie, or ethnic-group oriented, and extreme in latter decades. More concretely, a state-based patriotism is seen to have constructed the nation in the 1950s and 1960s, and an ethnic-based nationalism is seen to have maintained the nation from the mid-1970s onwards. This claim is illustrated in the thesis by various primary material of a propagandistic nature sourced from the time and published in North Korea, and supported by a recreation of the political and social milieu in which these data were domestically consumed. A theoretical base underpinning the argument is provided in opening, and an elaboration into the main themes of the structure of North Korean ethnic nationalism is given in closing.
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Bluth, Christoph. "Crisis on the Korean peninsula." Potomac Books, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5816.
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Yoon, Liv Gi-He. "‘Nice Korea, Naughty Korea’ : media framings of North Korea and the inter-Korean relationship in the London 2012 Olympic Games." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/45981.
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In this study, I analyze mainstream news-media framings of North Korea and the inter-Korean relationship in the London 2012 Olympic Games. I explore the role that media plays in promoting particular understandings of North and South Korean nations and relationships. My research was guided by the following questions: 1) How did mainstream news-media in South Korea and other national contexts frame the relationship between North Korea and South Korea in the London 2012 Games?; 2) How was North Korea’s involvement in the Games understood and portrayed within different news-media?; 3) To what extent were themes pertaining to the unity of and/or divisions between North and South Korea evident in the coverage?; 4) What differences were there, if any, between the South Korean coverage of these topics and other international news-media coverage?; and 5) What might these differences imply about subjectivity in decision-making processes in mainstream news-media, and/or about how journalists might be implicated in the promotion of stereotypes and/or xenophobia? This study draws on existing research on news-media coverage of conflict, sport, and nationalism with particular attention to the interrelated concepts of ideology, hegemony, and Orientalism (Said, 2003). Live-televised commentary and newspaper articles from South Korea and other English-speaking nations were collected and analyzed using Fairclough’s (1995) Critical Discourse Analysis to examine how language operates in framing events and topics in a manner that may make some points or perspectives more visible than others.
The results illustrate that South Korean and international media covered North Korea’s involvement and the inter-Korean relationship during the Games differently. Namely, international media representations of North Korean performance were at times derogatory or dismissive, and included more discussions of the North Korean government and its associated conflicts and issues (as compared to South Korean coverage). As well, emphasis on division was found more often in international coverage when covering the inter-Korean relationship. The study concluded with commentary on the potential role of sport media producers in peace promotion and in the perpetuation of cultural violence, the potential impacts of the studied portrayals on audiences, and possibilities for developing more critically-informed approaches to creating media messages.
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Verdier-Shin, Marie-Laure. "Contextualised mission : the South Korean evangelical response to the humanitarian crisis in North Korea (1995-2012)." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2014. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/18435/.
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The task of this research is to examine how South Korean evangelicals construct their mission strategy to North Korea. In order to respond to the humanitarian concerns in North Korea, South Korean evangelicals have established or used already existing humanitarian organisations (also known as faith-based organisations in the secular field) and carried out holistic mission in North Korea. This research seeks to demonstrate how they have responded to the perceived needs of the mission field while respecting the socio-political conditions imposed both by the South and North Korean governments. However, it is also argued that they are ready to challenge South Korean governments when necessary through advocacy and that they desire to transform North Korean society and challenge the state of division. Their aim is to work for the reconstruction and reunification of an imagined Christian nation. By comparing the Korean peninsula to biblical Israel, their goal is to restore God's glory in Pyongyang which was once called the Jerusalem of the East. However, some evangelicals reflect on mission strategies to North Korea and seek to understand the North Korean worldview better, this research suggests that they are considering implementing cross-cultural missiological principles to pursue their mission successfully. This research argues that evangelicals have been shaped by and have engaged with their context: evangelicals have never been apolitical, as they have always been driven by a strong sense of Christian nationalism. Equally, this research argues that in spite of the rhetoric, they have also been concerned to a certain extent with issues of poverty and injustices.
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Straily, Katy Ann. "Simmering Strife: Mt. Paektu and Sino-Korean Relations." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1524075524289608.
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Hendricks, Craig Darren. "Political culture and nuclear proliferation: Juche and North Korea’s foreign and nuclear policy." University of the Western Cape, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6687.
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Magister Commercii - MComNorth Korea has against the numerous warnings of the international community, protocols and sanctions tested nuclear and missile devices. The purpose of this study is to explain how the political ideology of Juche informs North Korea’s nuclear weapons programme. Using a qualitative analysis, this study analyzed the origin of Juche and its impact on North Korea’s foreign and nuclear policies through the years. The social values underlying Juche were found to be the foundation of North Korea’s nuclear and missile ambitions. Juche itself has evolved as a framework that informs North Korea’s international relations and the study traces this evolution through the different Kim presidencies.
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Asuelime, Bernadette O. "Why Korean Reunification Will Be Good, Necessary, and Different From Germany." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/706.
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Much of the literature pertaining to North and South Korean reunification is written under the presumption that the two nations will—and more importantly, that they should— eventually reunify. Rather than assuming that reunification is inevitable and hypothesizing how it might come about, I examine political, social, and economic ramifications of reunification in order to discuss why Korean unification should occur, if it all.
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Brandt-Erichsen, Haley. "Negotiation strategies in American-North Korean nuclear talks, 1992-2013." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/106699.
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Thesis: S.B., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Nuclear Science and Engineering, 2016.This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 63-68).
North Korea's relationship with nuclear technology has concerned the world for decades. A wide array of negotiation methods from punitive sanctions to energy assistance have been attempted to dissuade the nation from developing its weapons program -- but every resolution has been temporary at best. We focus on the United States' negotiation strategy and attempt to uncover inconsistencies between it and the material facts of the North Korean situation. The historical record of past negotiations and rhetoric used by each party during previous attempts are considered in our analysis, in order to construct a picture of diplomatic evolution over time. We believe that the North Korean bargaining position -- which has been highly consistent across decades of cyclic negotiating behavior -- is fundamentally incompatible with US demands for complete denuclearization.
by Haley Brandt-Erichsen.
S.B.
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Chun, Kyungmi. "Korean Studies in North America 1977-1996: A Bibliometric Study." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2254/.
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This research is a descriptive bibliometric study of the literature of the field of Korean studies. Its goal is to quantitatively describe the literature and serve as a model for such research in other area studies fields. This study analyzed 193 source articles and 7,166 citations in the articles in four representative Korean and Asian studies journals published in North America from 1977 to 1996. The journals included in this study were Korean Studies (KS), the Journal of Korean Studies (JKS), the Journal of Asian Studies (JAS), and the Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (HJAS). Subject matters and author characteristics of the source articles were examined, along with various characteristics such as the form, date, language, country of origin, subject, key authors, and key titles of the literature cited in the source articles. Research in Korean studies falls within fourteen broad disciplines, but concentrated in a few disciplines. Americans have been the most active authors in Korean studies, followed closely by authors of Korean ethnicity. Monographic literature was used most. The mean age of publications cited was 20.87 and the median age of publications cited was 12. The Price Index of Korean studies as a whole is 21.9 percent. Sources written in English were most cited (47.1%) and references to Korean language sources amounted to only 34.9% of all sources. In general, authors preferred sources published in their own countries. Sources on history were cited most by other disciplines. No significant core authors were identified. No significant core literature were identified either. This study indicates that Korean studies is still evolving. Some ways of promoting research in less studied disciplines and of facilitating formal communication between Korean scholars in Korea and Koreanists in North America need to be sought in order to promote well-balanced development in the field. This study suggests that as many and as great a variety of titles in all formats as possible need to be collected to support research in Korean studies.
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Lee, Ergene. "The 1993 North Korean Nuclear Crisis: A Foreign Policy Analysis." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/33477.
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In this paper I apply the Rational Actor model to the 1993-1994 North Korean
Nuclear Crisis. I begin with two hypotheses: 1) North Korea attempted nuclear armament
because of its perception of threat from South Korea and the United States; 2) North
Korea attempted nuclear armament because it wanted to use its nuclear program as
leverage to obtain economic assistance from the United States. I conduct a diplomatic
historical analysis based on the Rational Actor model to determine which was North
Koreaâ s primary objective, and conclude that the primary objective of North Korea was
obtaining economic concessions, but that threat perception did seem to play a role in the
decision to start the nuclear program. In this process, I show that the Rational Actor
model was insufficient in the analysis and that it must be complemented by cultural
factors, â thickeningâ the rationality.Master of Arts
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Ovšonka, Pavol. "NUCLEAR WEAPONS AS A TOOL OF NORTH KOREAN FOREING POLICY." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113618.
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In 1990's, the North Korean leaders opened the military nuclear program in order to avoid the collapsing trend which affected many totalitarian regimes at that time. Thanks to the specific geographical position, Inter-Korean dispute became a very important issue of foreign policy of many great powers such as United States of America, People's Republic of China, Japan, or Russian Federation. This nuclear program is generally considered as a tool of threatening in order to maintain the regime and secure the food and energy assistance. In this thesis, the North Korean threatening policy is applied to various concepts dealing with the deterrence theory introduced by many authors.
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Stephens, Nick. "The North Korean conundrum and the deficiencies of western-rational social theory." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/1060.
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Arsofli, Diala. "From Heroes to Helpless Refugees: A CDA of The Representation of North Korean Refugees in South Korean Law." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23717.
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The dictator ruled North Korea is not a country many North Koreans chose to live in voluntarily. Thousands of North Koreans must endure starvation, public executions, prison camps, rape, and numerous other human rights abuses daily. As a result, many choose to flee the country, hoping for a better and safer life in South Korea. This paper investigates how North Korean refugees are represented in the current North Korean Refugees Protection and Settlement Support Act and its Enforcement Decree Act. This study aims to examine the changes made to the Acts that are relevant to the representation of North Korean refugees in South Korea. I examine the Acts with Critical Discourse Analysis and Fairclough’s Three-dimensional Model of Discourse. The results suggest that the Acts contribute to the negative perception of North Korean refugees by some South Korean nationals. Unstable inter-Korean relations enhance these negative attitudes.
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Chae, Kab-Joo. "Regional conflict in contemporary Korean society." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368409.
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Durtschi, Michael S. "The North Korean Special Purpose Forces an assessment of the threat." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA297448.
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Han, Jonghun. "The impact of the North Korean nuclear crisis on Northeast Asia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FHan.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): Olsen, Edward A. ; Looney, Robert E. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 18, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-82). Also available in print.
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Cheon, Jaeho. "When the weak challenge the strong: the North Korean nuclear crisis." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/9160.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThis thesis examines the political behavior of weak states in crises through a detailed case study of the recent North Korean nuclear crisis. In the early 1990s, North Korea initiated a politcal challenge that threatened both U.S. nonproliferaiton and South Korean defense interests. North Korea manipulated the shared risks of the ensuing crisis to achieve political objectives rather than military victory, which was unobtainable due to U.S. and South korean defense efforts. It is puzzling how a small state, such as North Korea, could nevertheless successfully challenge more powerful states and not be punished. Indeed, North Korea was rewarded for its challenge. Aymmetric conflict theory states that a weaker state, even after assessing its disadvantages viv-a-vis an opponent, can successfullychallenge stronger adversaries to political and strategic advantage. In the North Korean nuclear crisis.its limited aims/fait accompli strategy--namely, developing nuclear weapons and gaining economic benefits from the West--and challenging domestic politics were the driving force behind its challenge. The findings of this study provide some theoretical insights as well as policy implications for the United States and South KKorea in their policy toward North Korean nuclear behavior
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Kim, Koo-Hyun. "Prospects of Korean Reunification: Analysis of Factors Affecting National Integration." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277979/.
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This study examined the prospects of Korean reunification. The study explores how the factors of integration affect North and South Korea after the country was divided into the two sides despite its millennium of unity. A sample of both North and South Korean newspapers covering a 47-year period of Korean reunificational efforts were analyzed as a major source of data to discover if there is any evidence of Korean national will to integrate among Koreans in the two countries. Content analysis is a major method of this research. The most obvious findings of this study are that the newspapers in North Korea did not show any significant change in their tones or attitudes throughout 47-year period studied. The North Korean regime which controls what is published in the papers is still fiercely ideological and hostile toward South Korea. The South Korean papers, on the other hand, showed marked changes in their tones and attitudes toward reunification during this period. Korean reunification remains a matter of time because the political development of South Korea, combined with remarkable economic progress, can surely heal the broken unity and national will among Koreans. The enormous financial burden to rebuild the North Korean economy which will fall upon South Koreans is a major challenge. The road to Korean reunification and the future of reunified Korea depend upon the willingness, wisdom, patience, freedom and courage of the South Koreans to assume the tremendous burden to rebuild North Korea and to strengthen diplomatic relations with the United States as well as neighboring countries to develop more positive inter-Korean relations based upon their cultural, social and economic contacts, cooperations and transactions between the two sides. If Koreans have such willingness, wisdom, patience and courage to accomplish their freedom and hope of unity, the divided Korean peninsula will be reunified and will become one nation again.
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Kim, Kyung Hye. "Mediating American and South Korean news discourses about North Korea through translation : a corpus-based critical discourse analysis." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/mediating-american-and-south-korean-news-discourses-about-north-korea-through-translation-a-corpusbased-critical-discourse-analysis(a85fbda5-ca2f-44bd-a882-afb6d9d9f34f).html.
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It is widely acknowledged that mass media play a central role in circulating and disseminating ideas. Particularly in this globalised era, it is becoming increasingly difficult to ignore the role and impact of news media in shaping public opinion worldwide. During the attacks on New York in September 2001, for instance, CNN - the American cable news network - broadcast across the world twenty-four hours, and most of its reports were translated, or interpreted, into other languages, to be aired in other countries in real time. Most people are thus exposed to extensive reporting every day, but they are not necessarily aware that each news institution promotes, or, at least tries to construct, a particular media discourse according to its political or social orientation. Because of the complexity of mass media discourses, however, it is difficult to demonstrate how the language used participates in constructing and disseminating certain ideologies, or to challenge stereotypes and power relationships. This explains why media, news, political and institutional texts are preferred genres for critical discourse analysts. The extensive body of literature on news media discourses and their impact which draws on critical discourse analysis includes Van Dijk (1988), Fairclough (1995b), Al-Hejin (2007), Kim S (2008), among many others. Translation is a major variable that influences the circulation of ideas and ideologies, and translational choices can participate in provoking (or diffusing) political conflict. At the same time, translation may also challenge dominant discourses. Baker (1996: 14) acknowledges the power of translation, arguing that translation and the study of translation have been used as a "weapon in fighting colonialism, sexism, racism, and so on". And yet, most research on news discourse has so far tended to examine monolingual texts, rather than multilingual texts, including translations, despite the fact that numerous news reports are translated from one language into another on a regular basis. Critical approaches to language study have occasionally been used to investigate translation, in order "to reveal how translation is shaped by ideologies and in this way contributes to the perpetuation or subversion of particular discourses" (Olk 2002: 101), but such studies have remained restricted in scope. Drawing on corpus-based methodology and critical discourse analysis, this study examines US and South Korean news stories published in mainstream media with a view to identifying specific discursive practices relating to North Korea and how they are mediated in translation. The study attempts to analyse the relationship between textual features and practices specific to each news outlet. The corpus for this study consists of two separate sub-corpora, designed and compiled according to the same criteria and specifications: one made up of news texts originally written in English, and the other consisting of translated texts which include English source texts and the target texts translated from English into Korean. The texts are drawn from Newsweek/Newsweek Hangukpan and CNN/CNN Hanguel News. It is hoped that this study will enhance our understanding of some of the ways in which particular media discourses are constructed, disseminated and mediated via translation.
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Chong, Miyoung. "A Cross-cultural Textual Analysis of Western and South Korean Newspaper Coverage of North Korean Women Defectors and Victims of Human Trafficking." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500051/.
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Trafficking women for sexual abuse has been a serious concern worldwide, particularly over the last two decades. The International Labour Organization (ILO) estimated that illicit profits of human trafficking may be as high as $32 billion. However, the international media community has scarcely focused on North Korean women defectors and victims of human trafficking, despite the severity of the issue. More than two million North Koreans, predominantly women, have crossed borders to enter China from starvation. Among those women migrants, about 80% to 90% of them were abducted by traffickers at the border between North Korea and China, and the traffickers sold them to the Chinese sex industry or Chinese men who are unable to find a woman as a wife or a sex slave.This cross-cultural textual analysis examined South Korean and Western (U.S. and British) newspaper coverage of North Korean women as victims of human trafficking to discover similarities and differences in those countries’ news frames. The analysis has shown that politics was a crucial factor in the coverage of the issue. However, by generally failing to report on the fundamental causes of the trafficking, such as inequality between genders, both Western and South Korean newspapers perpetuated hegemonic masculinity and failed to inform and educate people about the grave situations of North Korean women defectors and victims of human trafficking. This study recommends that in reporting the trafficking issues, journalists must be able to observe objectively, not within ideologies or frames provided by politicians.
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Sangiovanni, John James. "Deconstructing Kimilsungism: A Political and Ideological Analysis of the North Korean Regime." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/43585.
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This thesis argues that the North Korean model of government is a unique model that is influenced, to varying degrees, by extreme leftist and rightist doctrines, including Marxism-Leninism, Stalinism, Maoism, fascism, and Nazism; and shares at least some similarities with all these established models. Rather than being a mere political model, the North Korean model is a political religion that incorporates traits of each of the above-noted models with Korean mythology, Confucianism, extreme militarism, and traditional Korean xenophobia, isolation, and fierce nationalism. The resulting system, identified in this thesis as Kimilsungism, combines with North Koreaâ s unique juche ideology of national self-reliance and self-actualization to absolutely subordinate the needs of the citizenry to the will of the state. It further serves to deify the founder of North Korea, Kim Il-sung, and his son â and current ruler â Kim Jong-il, via a pervasive propaganda apparatus and cult of personality that has successfully created an alternate reality that the regime can exploit and manipulate as it sees fit.Master of Arts
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Cymbaluk, Leon M. "Strategies conducive to formation of independent second-generation Korean North American congregations." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2007. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p023-0207.
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Orcutt, Daniel J. "Carrot, stick, or sledgehammer : U.S. policy options for North Korean nuclear weapons /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FOrcutt.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision-Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Peter R. Lavoy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-83). Also available online.
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Banzato, Riccardo <1985>. "A Friendship Forged In Blood. Thirty Years of Sino-North Korean Relations." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/4712.
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