Academic literature on the topic 'Northern French movement'
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Journal articles on the topic "Northern French movement"
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Munaro, Nicola, Cecilia Poletto, and Jean-Yves Pollock. "Eppur si muove!" Linguistic Variation Yearbook 2001 1 (December 31, 2001): 147–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/livy.1.07mun.
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This article offers a comparative syntax approach to wh-questions in French and Bellunese, a Northern Italian dialect spoken in the town of Belluno. A striking difference between the two languages, otherwise very closely related, lies in the fact that bare wh-words in root questions, which display obligatory subject clitic inversion (SCLI), must appear at the right edge of the sentence in Bellunese. In French on the other hand apparent in situ structures ban SCLI and do not accept que in sharp contrast with Bellunese. To make sense of these data we suggest that despite appearances wh-words in Bellunese do move to the left periphery, just as they must in French SCLI structures. This in turn requires that the remaining IP also move to the left periphery which should then be highly split. The minimal parameter distinguishing French and Bellunese, we claim, lies in the existence of a class of non assertive clitics in Bellunese, which have turned into interrogative markers. Their absence in French triggers obligatory wh-movement to a high operator position at the left edge of the CP domain. In this light it is suggested that French wh in situ questions also involves invisible remnant IP movement and wh movement to a truncated left periphery.
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ROBINSON, DAVID. "THE MURIDS: SURVEILLANCE AND COLLABORATION." Journal of African History 40, no. 2 (July 1999): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853799007446.
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At the beginning of the twentieth century Muslim societies of northern Senegal and southern Mauritania moved slowly but surely into relations of accommodation with the French colonial regime. The process was led by marabouts, persons who combined various forms of Islamic learning and saintliness. It took the form of Sufi orders, often called ‘brotherhoods’, that became anchored in the emerging economy of the peanut basin in central Senegal. The accommodation permitted the marabouts and brotherhoods to develop considerable autonomy in the religious, economic and social spheres while surrendering the political and administrative domain to the French.Of all these ‘paths to accommodation’ between Muslim societies and French colonial authorities, the one followed by Amadu Bamba Mbacke and the Murid movement is ostensibly the longest, the hardest, the most complete, and the most enduring. For these reasons the Murid movement has been much more fully studied – by Paul Marty of the colonial Muslim Affairs Bureau in the early twentieth century and by social scientists in recent decades.
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Kane, Ousmane. "Shari‘ah on Trial." American Journal of Islam and Society 35, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v35i1.814.
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At the turn of the nineteenth century, a movement of religious reform andstate building took place in present-day northern Nigeria, culminating withthe establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate. This movement was as central toWest African history as was the 1789 French revolution to European history.Its leader, the Muslim scholar Uthman Dan Fodio (d. 1817), deservesrecognition as a towering figure of nineteenth-century African Islam. DanFodio’s community (jamā‘a), which included many scholars, toppled thepreexisting Hausa kingdoms, replacing them with emirates ruled by Fulanileaders who all paid allegiance to the Caliph based in Sokoto. At its zenith,the Caliphate, which became the most powerful economic and political entityof West Africa in the nineteenth century, linked over thirty differentemirates and over ten million people ...
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MAUXION, AURELIEN. "MOVING TO STAY : IKLAN SPATIAL STRATEGIES TOWARDS SOCIOECONOMIC EMANCIPATION IN NORTHERN MALI, 1898–1960." Journal of African History 53, no. 2 (July 2012): 195–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853712000394.
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ABSTRACTThis article explores the strategies of emancipation of former Tuareg slaves (iklan) in the Gao region of northern French Sudan (present-day Mali) during the late 1940s and 1950s. In the wake of the war effort and shifting colonial policy, and in spite of colonial tolerance toward vestiges of slavery, iklan engaged in local and long-distance migrations aimed at achieving emancipation. The article argues that the most successful spatial strategies were new migratory patterns in the Gao region through which iklan appropriated productive resources (herds and pastures) that were previously controlled by their ex-masters. More than labor migrations to cities, these local trajectories destabilized Tuareg hierarchies, forcing colonial administrators to address demands of the iklan emancipation movement.
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Stenner, David. "Centring the periphery: northern Morocco as a hub of transnational anti-colonial activism, 1930–43." Journal of Global History 11, no. 3 (October 11, 2016): 430–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174002281600022x.
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AbstractDuring the interwar years, Moroccan anti-colonial activists organized a propaganda campaign abroad to discredit the French and Spanish protectorates that had been established in 1912. Yet it was not the famous nationalist leaders from the country’s major urban centres but a small group from the marginalized northern city of Tetuan that played a pivotal role in the internationalization of the Moroccan question. This article demonstrates that, by analysing the emergence of Morocco’s nationalist movement through a transnational framework, rather than within the confines of the nation-state, we can rearrange the geographical and political hierarchies of local history as previously disregarded individuals and locations suddenly emerge to the forefront of the narrative.
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THOMAS, MARTIN. "Silent Partners: SOE's French Indo-China Section, 1943–1945." Modern Asian Studies 34, no. 4 (October 2000): 943–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003796.
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Pursued over the last two years of the Pacific war, the Free French effort to organize and direct an effective resistance to the Japanese occupation of Indo-China ended in military failure. Characterized by administrative complexity, inadequate supplies and attenuated communications, Gaullist insurgency was marred by Free France's de facto reliance upon Admiral Louis Mountbatten's South East Asia Command (SEAC). While the re-conquest of Malaya and Burma remained incomplete, British backing for a resistance network in Indo-China was bound to be limited. And as British interest in the final re-conquest of their own territories climaxed in the spring and summer of 1945, so material provision for the French in Indo-China inevitably declined. Although Mountbatten consistently supported his Free French protégés, Churchill, in particular, was reluctant to take issue with his American allies. Neither the US government nor American commanders in China and the Pacific supported Free French methods and objectives. By 1945, the American Office of Strategic Services (OSS), dedicated to supporting guerrilla warfare and resistance organization, and the Office of War Information (OWI), which disseminated US propaganda, were developing independent contacts inside northern Indo-China. As a result, the OSS increasingly endorsed the one truly effective resistance movement: Ho Chi Minh's Viet Minh coalition.
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Zinoman, Peter. "Colonial Prisons and Anti-colonial Resistance in French Indochina: The Thai Nguyen Rebellion, 1917." Modern Asian Studies 34, no. 1 (January 2000): 57–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003590.
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Between the pacification of Tonkin in the late 1880s and the Nghe-Tinh Soviet Movement of 1930–31, the Thai Nguyen Rebellion was the largest and most destructive anti-colonial uprising to occur in French Indochina. On August 31, 1917, an eclectic band of political prisoners, common criminals and mutinous prison guards seized the Thai Nguyen Penitentiary, the largest penal institution in northern Tonkin. From their base within the penitentiary, the rebels stormed the provincial arsenal and captured a large cache of weapons which they used to take control of the town. Anticipating a counterattack, the rebels fortified the perimeter of the town, executed French officials and Vietnamese collaborators and issued a proclamation calling for a general uprising against the colonial state. Although colonial forces retook the town following five days of intense fighting, mopping-up campaigns in the surrounding countryside stretched on for six months and led to hundreds of casualties on both sides.
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Patchett, Emma, and Emily Patchett. "Spatial Justice: Space, place and counter-normative movement in Latcho Drom." Exchanges: The Interdisciplinary Research Journal 5, no. 1 (October 29, 2017): 58–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/eirj.v5i1.212.
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At a time when diasporic identity is being acutely challenged, it is important to pay critical attention to counter-cultural texts which refract hegemonic discourse through alternative spatial landscapes. The French film Latcho Drom (Gatlif, 1993) provides a stylised and radically unique retelling of the journey of the Roma from the Thar Desert in Northern India to Spain, passing through Egypt, Turkey, Romania, Hungary, Slovakia, and France. Gatlif’s film can be read as a sensory refraction of legal frameworks of exclusion on the ‘edges of Europe’, and acts as a site in which it is possible to explore the way in which a minority filmmaker constructs alternative spaces of justice. Through the practice of textual analysis, this article will examine how various framing techniques subvert the hegemonic qualities of the law through the cinematic depiction of a lyrical and diasporic journey through Southern Europe, in order to deconstruct the way in which the aural and visual space refracts law’s function as a spacing mechanism. Drawing on Gilles Deleuze’s work on cinema and within a theoretical framework of critical space theory, this article will discuss key issues of counter-cultural topographies, alternative spacing mechanisms and the construction of spaces of justice in the context of law and film.
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Pope, Peter E. "Bretons, Basques, and Inuit in Labrador and northern Newfoundland: The control of maritime resources in the 16th and 17th centuries." Études/Inuit/Studies 39, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 15–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1036076ar.
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Early Euro-Inuit contacts in Atlantic Canada raise a complex issue in the ethnohistory of resource exploitation. In the 16th century, Breton, Norman, and Basque crews developed a seasonal salt-cod fishery on the coasts of northern Newfoundland and southern Labrador, in about the same period that the Inuit moved southwards along the Labrador coast. The Basques also exploited the Strait of Belle Isle, between Newfoundland and Labrador, for shore-based whaling. Sometime before 1620, Europeans then appear to have withdrawn from Labrador until about 1680, when Canadian merchants based in Quebec began to exploit the Strait for salmon and seals, while French migratory crews edged northwards again from Newfoundland. European withdrawal from Labrador largely coincided with a long-running guerrilla war, waged by the Inuit against Breton and Basque fishermen exploiting Newfoundland’s Great Northern Peninsula. The chronological coincidence suggests that the movement of Inuit into southern Labrador by the end of the 16th century may well have motivated Europeans to avoid this coast through much of the 17th century. French attitudes to the Labrador Inuit can be contextualized by comparison with contemporary understandings of Euro-Inuit relations elsewhere. Inuit attitudes to Europeans are harder to assess but recognition of their struggle for access to resources is a step towards an appreciation of historical Inuit agency.
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Roos, Julia. "Women's Rights, Nationalist Anxiety, and the “Moral” Agenda in the Early Weimar Republic: Revisiting the “Black Horror” Campaign against France's African Occupation Troops." Central European History 42, no. 3 (August 24, 2009): 473–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909990069.
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In the months and years following ratification of the Versailles Treaty, the Allied occupation of the Rhineland became a focal point of German nationalist propaganda. The campaign against the so-called “black shame on the Rhine” (schwarze Schmach am Rhein), a racist slogan referring to the stationing of soldiers from northern Africa, Senegal, and Madagascar in the French zone of occupation, was one of the ugliest outgrowths of German opposition to the peace treaty. Support for the movement against France's African troops was disquietingly broad. An interpellation to the Reich government of May 1920 launched by the Majority Social Democrats (SPD) and endorsed by all parties in the national assembly except the Independent Socialists (USPD) is illustrative of the racist fears motivating “black horror” protests: “Even after the armistice, the French and Belgians continue to use colored troops in the occupied territories. … For German women and children, men and boys, these savages pose a horrifying danger. Their honor, health and life, purity and innocence are being destroyed. … This situation is disgraceful, humiliating, and insufferable!”
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Northern French movement"
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Rosen, M. S. "An anonymous commentary on Job : Jewish Theological Seminary NY; an analysis of its authorship and an assessment of its contents." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369663.
Full textBook chapters on the topic "Northern French movement"
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Poletto, Cecilia, and Jean-Yves Pollock. "Remnant movement and smuggling in some romance interrogative clauses." In Smuggling in Syntax, 255–317. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197509869.003.0010.
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This chapter analyzes the syntax of interrogative clauses in French and in some Northern Italian dialects (NIDs), including so-called “wh-in-situ” configurations. It shows that their intricate properties can be derived from standard computations (“wh-movement” and remnant movement of vP/IP to a Top/ground slot) to either the vP Left periphery (“LLP”) or the CP domain (“HLP”). If so, it becomes necessary to raise the question of why some languages make use of the LLP or the HLP, or indeed both, like French, as argued in sections 2–7. In significant cases the morphological properties of the various Wh-words and the surface forms of the sentences provide all the clues required by the language learner and the linguist. In French, movement of interrogative pronouns to the HLP is actually movement to a free relative layer. This is an automatic consequence of the fact that, as in Germanic, most French and Romance wh-items are morphologically both (free) relative and interrogative pronouns. This will explain the distribution of French Quoi (what)—only an interrogative pronoun—and similar items in a number of NIDs (Che in Bellunese and Illasi, Què in Borgomanerese and Monese). In the same vein, sections 9–11 show that the fact that French Que is both an interrogative and relative element, in addition to being a clitic qua interrogative, will account for its properties in conjunction with a “smuggling” analysis of Subject Clitic Inversion (SCLI). Sections 14–16 show that many NIDs make use of both the LLP and the HLP and that smuggling is involved in deriving the form and interpretation of interrogative clauses in Bellunese, Illasi, and Monese. In addition to renewed empirical arguments in favor of remnant movement and smuggling, sections 2–7 argue that embedded interrogative infinitives in (at least) French are vPs and only have a (sometimes truncated) LLP. In addition to the fruitfulness of the “smuggling” idea for Romance, the main theoretical result of this chapter is that the interrogative syntax of the languages and dialects studied here supports the idea that “relative constructions” or “interrogative constructions” are not primitives of the language faculty, since in significant cases the derivation of questions activates both the interrogative side of the LLP and the (free) relative side of the HLP.
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"Fire in the house." In Stirring the Pot of Haitian History, edited by Mariana Past and Benjamin Hebblethwaite, 39–60. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800859678.003.0004.
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This chapter explains how the ceremony at Bwa Kayiman—the Vodou ceremony of August 22, 1791, that set the Haitian revolution into motion—was able to come about. The ruling class of powerful landowners and French commissioners was theoretically unified; the class of free people—whether white, mixed race or black—was supposed to be in their fold so that their profiteering would churn on undisturbed. The revolution exploded when the ruling class could no longer balance competing interests and when the lower classes refused to participate in the conspiracy any longer. Trouillot traces the roots of discontent in Saint-Domingue to the class struggles between the French aristocracy, bourgeoisie and workers in eighteenth century enlightenment France. He also sheds light on the reverberations that French class conflicts had in Saint-Domingue. In the late 1780s, the local landowners began clamoring for free market control over where their products could be sold. France had exclusive purchasing privileges over the colony’s output. By 1790, this major rift emerged between French commissioners and the local landowners. At the same time, a deep rupture appeared between whites and free people of mixed race when racist whites rejected Ogé and Chavannes’s demands of greater equality for mixed race people. Instead of cultivating their coalition with mixed race people, the ruling class sent 1,500 white soldiers and 3,000 black recruits to crush the movement of the people of mixed race. The ruling class’s traditional coalition was severed in various places. The leaders of the enslaved population saw the power they had when properly armed; they detected the conflict among the whites and the whites versus mixed race people; and they received and transmitted the exciting news of equality proclaimed by the rising French revolutionaries. Underneath this political quicksand, the enslaved population had established the cornerstones of an indigenous culture: farming, Vodou religion and the Creole language. The small plots that enslaved people were encouraged to cultivate for food and the small income they generated created a passion for agrarian independence. Vodou gave enslaved people the conviction they needed to fight, as well as a means of organization and cultural preservation. The Creole language provided a foundation for a common culture. The chapter closes with an analysis of the maroon culture of runaways and rebels and why it was unable to secure widespread independence. Finally, it introduces the geographic and demographic realities that favored an uprising in the northern plains of Haiti.
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"Proceedings of the First International Snakehead Symposium." In Proceedings of the First International Snakehead Symposium, edited by Nicolas W. R. Lapointe, Ryan K. Saylor, and Paul L. Angermeier. American Fisheries Society, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47886/9781934874585.ch6.
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<em>Abstract.</em>—Understanding the diel activity of a species can shed light on potential interactions with other species and inform management practices. To understand the diel activity of Northern Snakehead <em>Channa argus</em>, feeding habits and movement patterns were observed. Two hundred seventy-three Northern Snakehead were captured by boat electrofishing during May and June of 2007 and 2008. Their gut contents were extracted and preserved. The level of digestion of each prey item was estimated from fresh (1) to >50% digested (4) or empty (5). Random forest models were used to predict feeding activity based on time of day, tide level, date, water temperature, fish total length, and sex. Diel movement patterns were assessed by implanting Northern Snakehead with radio transmitters and monitoring them every 1.5 h for 24 h in both March and July 2007. Movement rates were compared between March and July and among four daily time periods. Independent variables accounted for only 6% of the variation in feeding activity; however, temporal feeding patterns were apparent. No fresh items were observed in guts between 12:30 and 7:30 am, and the proportion of empty stomachs increased at the end of May coinciding with the onset of spawning. Overall, fish moved greater distances during the July tracking period compared to March. Fish showed a greater propensity to move during daylight hours than at night during the March tracking period. A similar but nonsignificant (<EM>P </EM>> 0.05) pattern was observed in July. Movement and feeding data both indicated greater activity during daylight hours than at night, suggesting that Northern Snakehead is a diurnal species. Based on our preliminary findings, we hypothesize that a) diurnal species are more susceptible than nocturnal species to predation by Northern Snakehead and b) Northern Snakehead are more likely to compete for food with diurnal than nocturnal predators.
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Pack, Sasha D. "The New (Old) Order, 1936–1942." In The Deepest Border, 215–42. Stanford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503606678.003.0011.
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This chapter examines the fate of trans-Gibraltar region during Spanish Civil War and the early stages of World War II. Although the insurgent army of Francisco Franco quickly took control of northern Morocco and southern Spain and invited its Nazi and Fascist allies to the strategically crucial region, the Entente order of 1904 proved resilient. New evidence is introduced detailing the Franco movement’s success in marshaling anti-French, anti-Semitic, and pro-German sentiments to recruit Muslim support, promising the construction of a new Hispano-Moroccan bulwark in the western Mediterranean. Other new documents indicate how quickly this enthusiasm cooled, however, as it became clear that Nazi agents were preparing to seize a position in northwest Africa without giving consideration for Spanish interests, while the British and much of the Jewish community of Tangier remained supportive of Spanish interests in Morocco.
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Marrero, Karen L. "“Borders Thick and Foggy”." In Warring for America. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469631516.003.0013.
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This paper examines transnational movements at the northern border in 1838, a pivotal year in United States, British, and indigenous relations. In that year, the Upper and Lower Canada Rebellions were launched from Maine to Detroit as an attempt by local people on both sides of the border to over throw a small cadre of British elites who dominated a conservative political machine. That same year, Potawatomi of the southern Great Lakes who had traditionally freely crossed the border due to treaty arrangements negotiated at the end of the eighteenth century, utilized these transnational options to flee forced removal by the U.S. government. Similarly, indigenized French, individuals who were the products of over a century of integration into Native communities, were migrating away from these communities as British Indian agents attempted to protect indigenous homelands. At Detroit, a key location for migrating Potawatomi and other Anishinaabe, the movements of these three groups came together, dislocating and relocating families, and at times breaking out into armed conflict that threatened a British/American neutrality agreement. Detroit’s location at the apex of the indigenous buffer zone made the performance of indigeneity a crucial means to negotiate and sometimes thwart the agendas of the two Euro-American nations. Of the three groups, Potawatomi were most successful in maintaining their communities.
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Calvo, Christopher W. "The Crisis of Free Society." In The Emergence of Capitalism in Early America, 103–36. University Press of Florida, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813066332.003.0004.
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This chapter focuses on American conservative economic thought, concentrating on George Fitzhugh, George Frederick Holmes, Thomas Skidmore, and Langton Byllesby. Material and intellectual capitalism are described as revolutionary movements that American conservatives organized against. Antebellum conservatives rejected bourgeois capitalist values, further illustrating the absence of a Smithian-inspired laissez-faire consensus. Combining these thinkers into a single chapter offers a fresh perspective on what constituted economic conservative thought in the face of capitalist revolution. Southern conservatives like Fitzhugh and Holmes reserved special animus towards Smith’s Wealth of Nations, highlighting the moral and social perils of free labor, competition, and industrialization, while celebrating the benefits of paternal slavery. In Northern industrial quarters, socialists like Skidmore and Byllesby challenged the foundational principles of bourgeois capitalism, denouncing profits, private property, the maldistribution of wealth, and the social and psychological externalities of industrialization. Skidmore and Byllesby voiced a home-grown version of socialist ideology then emerging among America’s working class.
Conference papers on the topic "Northern French movement"
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McAffee, Rodney, Ryan Phillips, and Michael Martens. "Field Testing of Pipeline Trench Backfill Properties." In 2014 10th International Pipeline Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/ipc2014-33196.
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The soil response around a high temperature pipeline proposed for construction in northern Alberta was evaluated. The objective of the field testing program was to gain a better understanding of the engineering properties of the backfill material placed in the trench around a pipeline when subjected to cyclic loading. This is required for the strength and stiffness of these backfill materials in order to improve the predictions related to pipe restraint and movements of the pipe during the cyclic loading anticipated from the thermal cycles. Specialized field tests were carried out to measure the stiffness of backfill materials within the trench and of the undisturbed native material. Tests were completed along the proposed right-of-way in the native undisturbed soils and then repeated in the “fresh” backfill materials. In addition, field tests were completed over an existing pipeline to assess the effects of “aging” on the backfill materials. Overall, the test results show a significant reduction in the strength and stiffness of the backfill materials as well as a moderate improvement as the materials age with time. However, even “aged” backfill has a much lower strength and stiffness when compared to the native undisturbed soils. The results from the field testing program were incorporated into the numerical models being used to evaluate the performance of the pipeline.