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Journal articles on the topic 'Norwegian Lutheran Church of America'
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1
Hale, Frederick. "Norwegian Ecclesiastical Affiliation in Three Countries: a Challenge to Earlier Historiography." Religion and Theology 13, no. 3-4 (2006): 359–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430106779024680.
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AbstractHistorians like Oscar Handlin and Timothy L. Smith asserted that international migration, especially that of Europeans to North America, was a process which reinforced traditional religious loyalties. In harmony with this supposed verity, a venerable postulate in the tradition of Scandinavian-American scholarship was that most Norwegian immigrants in the New World (the overwhelming majority of whom had been at least nominal members of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Norway) clung to their birthright religious legacy and affiliated with Lutheran churches after crossing the Atlantic (although for many decades it has been acknowledged that by contrast, vast numbers of their Swedish-American and Danish-American counterparts did not join analogous ethnic Lutheran churches). In the present article, however, it is demonstrated that anticlericalism and alienation from organised religious life were widespread in nineteenth-century Norway, where nonconformist Christian denominations were also proliferating. Furthermore, in accordance with these historical trends, the majority of Norwegian immigrants in the United States of America and Southern Africa did not affiliate with Lutheran churches. Significant minorities joined Baptist, Methodist, and other non-Lutheran religious fellowships, but the majority did not become formally affiliated with either Norwegian or pan-Scandinavian churches.
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Eldal, Jens Christian. "Ny arkitektur for nordmenn i Iowa. Arkitekt C.H. Griese, Luther College og kirker i 1860-årene." Nordlit, no. 36 (December 10, 2015): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/13.3696.
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<p>The Norwegian Evangelical-Lutheran Church in America decided in 1861 to build their first college close to the western frontier of The Upper Midwest. The site chosen was a bluff above Upper Iowa River, highly visible from Decorah, a small town founded only 12 years earlier, few years after the first settlers arrived. The college building became a relatively vast structure erected between 1862 and 1865, completed to its originally planned symmetrical composition in 1874. The building style and its composition were common among American colleges and universities further east in the US. It is also demonstrated how the Luther College building façade in composition and detailing shows clear influences from a specific German building. This particular building has been designated as especially typical of the German <em>Rundbogenstil</em> (<em>S</em>tyle of the Rounded Arch) with its great mix of various stylistic elements.</p><p>The architect was known as C. H. Griese from Cleveland, Ohio. He is identified as Charles Henry Griese (1821–1909), who immigrated from Germany about 1850 and was known as a mason and contractor, from now on also as an architect. In 1869, Griese also designed the three Norwegian Lutheran churches of Washington Prairie, Stavanger and Glenwood in rural Decorah. They represented a Neo Gothic style which was new to the area, and had an evident architectural character contrasting the more ordinary vernacular churches in the area. They signify a change of style and, like the college building, they demonstrate architectural ambitions new to these Norwegians, giving insight also into the general architectural and vernacular development in the area.</p>
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Kaufmann, Jeffrey C. "Archival Research in Antananarivo, Madagascar: The National Archives." History in Africa 24 (January 1997): 413–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172042.
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The Malagasy proverb “You can't catch a locust if your armpit is not close to the ground” (Ny valala tsy azo raha tsy andrian'elika) perhaps characterizes archival research in Antananarivo, the capital of Madagascar. There are at least eight research facilities with archival materials in town: the National Archives (Foiben'ny Arisivam-Pirenena Malagasy); the Academie Malgache; CIDST (Centre d'Information et de Documentation Scientifique et Technique); the National Library (Tranomboky-Pirenena); the University Library; and three church archives (American Lutheran, Norwegian Lutheran, and Catholic). In this paper I give some background information on the collections in the National Archives, outline how to use the facilities, provide an annotated bibliography of the finding aids there, and give some tips for one's stay in Antananarivo.Madagascar's National Archives inherited many documents from the monarchical period. At the beginning of the colonial administration, the French deposited royal documents at the Queen's Palace (Rova) in Antananarivo. During their occupation they added documents from the territorial and central administrations. The whole collection was transferred to French headquarters before the Malagasy direction of Civil Affairs was created. On 1 March 1958 the Service des Archives de Madagascar was instituted. From then on, the archives have been under the jurisdiction of the head of government.The National Archives are remarkable for their materials on the following topics: the history of the Malagasy people; their customs and practices; and their way of thinking that distinguishes them from the majority of other people. Moreover, the National Archives have collections that do not exist in other libraries, such as the Academie Malagasy and CIDST.
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Erling, Maria. "The Coming of Lutheran Ministries to America." Ecclesiology 1, no. 1 (2004): 56–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/174413660400100103.
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AbstractThis article examines the historical and theological foundations of Lutheran doctrines of the ministry of word and sacrament in the Reformation and the Confessional documents and how this inheritance was transposed to the American context. Against this background, it considers the debates on ministerial issues that surrounded the founding of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America and the challenges with regard to ministry and mission that face Lutherans in America today as a result of fresh immigration and tensions between the local and the wider church.
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Tunheim, Katherine A., and Mary Kay DuChene. "The Professional Journeys and Experiences in Leadership of Evangelical Lutheran Church in America Women Bishops." Advances in Developing Human Resources 18, no. 2 (April 12, 2016): 204–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1523422316641896.
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The Problem There are 70.5 million Lutherans in the world, with numbers increasing in Asia and Africa. Currently, only 14% of the Lutheran bishops are women, an increase from 10% in 2011. The role of bishop is a complex leadership position, requiring one to lead up to 150 churches and pastors in a geographical area. With more than 50% of the Lutheran church population comprised of women, their gender and voices are not being represented or heard at the highest levels of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA). With one billion women projected to enter the workforce globally in the next two decades, more needs to be written and understood about women church leaders, such as Lutheran bishops. The purpose of this study was to explore the journeys of women who achieved the office of bishop, to glean what can be learned for the benefit of other women who might be called to these higher levels of leadership in the church. The Solution This research suggests that 70% of the ELCA women bishops interviewed had unique career journeys, important spouse support, few women mentors, many challenges, and key leadership competencies required for the role. These findings can be helpful to future Lutheran and other Christian church leaders. It can help current and future women bishops understand what is expected in the role so they can be more successful in it. Leadership development recommendations are also suggested for seminary and higher education administrators and educators. The Stakeholders This research contributes to the literature in human resource development (HRD) by concentrating on the experiences of women leaders in the church—specifically women who have achieved the office of Bishop of the ELCA. The findings offer insights that can benefit scholars and practitioners alike, as well as current and future women leaders across the globe, in the church setting as well as other settings.
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Inskeep, Kenneth W. "Giving Trends in the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America." Review of Religious Research 36, no. 2 (December 1994): 238. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3511413.
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Kristensen, Johanne Stubbe Teglbjærg, and Nete Helene Enggaard. "Dansk nadverpraksis 2020-21." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 85, no. 1 (June 10, 2022): 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v85i1.132855.
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In this article, we describe and analyze the discussion of the celebration of the Lords Supper in the Danish Evangelical Lutheran Church during the pandemic 2020-21. We notice that the Lutheran World Federation as well the Swedish and Norwegian bishops expressed or recommended a no to any attempts at a digital celebration of the Lords Supper. We also emphasize that most Danish pastors were spontaneously careful in their practice and hesitated towards the attempt at a digital celebration. Nonetheless, some Danish bishops seemed to assume that this was possible and their assumption became the beginning of a discussion in a few Danish media, primarily in Kristeligt Dagblad. In the article, we analyze this Danish discussion in the context of the confessional writings of the Danish Evangelical Lutheran Church and argue for a hesitating position that calls for more research. This presupposes that the confessional writings were written in a different, non-digitalized, context, and it takes into account knowledge that already exist on Lutheran understandings of the Lords Supper e.g. in the Book of Concord.
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Petersen, Jørn Henrik. "Velfærdsstat og to-regimentelære." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 78, no. 1 (February 10, 2015): 2–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v78i1.105814.
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Primarily based on works by the British archbishop William Temple and the Norwegian bishop Eyvind Berggrav, the article reflects on the relation between the Lutheran doctrine of the two kingdoms and the development of the modern state in general and the welfare state in particular. At the end, the reception among Danish church people of the welfare state and Berggrav’s views is presented.
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Norris, Richard. "On “Full Communion” between the Episcopal Church and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America." Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 6, no. 1 (February 1997): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106385129700600108.
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Ziegler, William M., and Gary A. Goreham. "Formal Pastoral Counseling in Rural Northern Plains Churches." Journal of Pastoral Care 50, no. 4 (December 1996): 393–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002234099605000408.
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Reports the findings of a survey of 491 United Church of Christ, Southern Baptist Convention, Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, and Roman Catholic rural clergy from seven Northern Plains states. Offers implications for seminary and post-seminary training, placement of clergy in churches, pastoral counseling in rural congregations, and contextualized theory and ministry.
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Wood, Norma Schweitzer. "An Inquiry into Pastoral Counseling Ministry Done by Women in the Parish Setting." Journal of Pastoral Care 50, no. 4 (December 1996): 341–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002234099605000403.
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Summarizes and discusses the responses of a sample of Evangelical Lutheran Church in America women in ministry to a questionnaire inquiring about their understanding and experiences of pastoral counseling as practiced in the parish context.
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Berger, Markus. "Finding Common Ground: Halle Pastors in North America and Their Shifting Stance Towards a Transnational Mission to Native Americans, 1742–1807." Journal of Early Modern History 26, no. 1-2 (March 3, 2022): 79–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-bja10008.
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Abstract While Heinrich Melchior Mühlenberg and his pastor colleagues from Halle have gone down in history for their pioneering work – organizing the Lutheran Church on North American soil – they are not known for missionary projects to Native Americans. This article examines how things changed after a second generation of Halle pastors arrived in Pennsylvania in the 1760s. It was, above all, down to Mühlenberg’s later son-in-law Johann Christoph Kunze, who had a rather different view on America’s indigenous people. During his whole lifespan in America, Kunze pursued his goal of establishing a mission to Native Americans. This engagement contributed to a paradigm shift in the Lutheran Church. In contrast to Mühlenberg and the first generation of Halle pastors, Kunze sought transnational support that was no longer exclusively centered in Halle’s Glaucha Institutions but based on pan-Protestant, maritime networks.
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Meriläinen, Juha. "‘Holy and Important Duty’ – The Finnish Evangelical Lutheran Church in America as a Preserver of the Finnish Language and Culture from the 1890s to 1920s." Journal of Migration History 5, no. 1 (April 25, 2019): 160–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00501007.
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From its establishment in 1892 until the 1920s the largest Finnish ethnic church in the United States, the Finnish Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, better known as the Suomi Synod, was among the staunchest defenders of Finnish language and culture. The synod built a network of Sunday and summer schools, coordinated by the Michigan-based Suomi College, that not only offered religious instruction but also spread the Finnish language and national romantic ideals to immigrant children. Tightening immigration laws and increasing demands for national unity in the 1920s led many immigrant institutions, including the ethnic Lutheran churches, to Americanisation. A debate concerning a language reform also started in the Suomi Synod, but was rejected by the nationalistic-minded wing. Adherence to the Finnish language alienated the younger generation and led to a drastic but temporary decline in the church’s membership.
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Bryce, Benjamin. "Entangled Communities: Religion and Ethnicity in Ontario and North America, 1880–1930." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 23, no. 1 (May 22, 2013): 179–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1015732ar.
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This article examines the relationship between religion, ethnicity, and space in Ontario between 1880 and 1930. It tracks the spread of organized Lutheranism across Ontario as well as the connections that bound German-language Lutheran congregations to the United States and Germany. In so doing, this article seeks to push the study of religion in Canada beyond national boundaries. Building on a number of studies of the international influences on other denominations in Canada, this article charts out an entangled history that does not line up with the evolution of other churches. It offers new insights about the relationship between language and denomination in Ontario society, the rise of a theologically-mainstream Protestant church, and the role of institutional networks that connected people across a large space. The author argues that regional, national, and transnational connections shaped the development of many local German-language Lutheran communities in Ontario.
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Myers, Jeremy. "Adolescent Experiences of Christ's Presence and Activity in the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America." Journal of Youth and Theology 7, no. 1 (January 27, 2008): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055093-90000167.
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The National Study of Youth and Religion (NSYR) claims moralistic therapeutic deism as the popular religion among our youth.1 The Study of Exemplary Congregations in Youth Ministry (EYM) discovered that exemplary congregations are one's who speak about God as one who is present and active.2 The God of moralistic therapeutic deism can not be present and active. Is God present and active? If so, how do our youth experience and interpret this presence and activity? This article gives voice to the ways in which youth of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA) experience Christ's presence and activity. It finds that placing their subjective interpretations of these experiences into conversation with their tradition's interpretation of Christ's presence and activity as represented by Gustaf Wingren's creation-faith enhances both how they and their tradition understand God's work in our world. The exemplar descriptor for the experiences heard among these youth is referred to as proleptic vocational recapitulation.
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Hagen. "Crux Christi Sit Mecum: Devotion to the Apotropaic Cross." Religions 10, no. 11 (October 30, 2019): 603. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10110603.
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A late medieval paper amulet containing prayers to St. Dorothy and the Holy Cross was found in a demolished part of a medieval wooden stave church in Torpo, Norway. This article examines the content and the function of this textual amulet by placing it in a wider Scandinavian and Western European context. From the perspective of materiality and sensory-based religious practices, this article will explore the connection between the textual amulet found in Torpo and its relation to the now-lost large wooden cross in Torpo church, and to crosses believed to be wonderworking or miraculous in its proximity. By doing so, this study will shed light on the apotropaic and healing potential that the material and immaterial cross offered the pious in late medieval Norway. The last part of this article addresses the Post-Reformation theological understanding of the amulet, and its use and function in Lutheran Norwegian society.
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Freudenberg, Maren. "Liturgical Traditionalism and Spiritual Vitality: Transforming Congregational Practices in the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America." International Journal of Religion and Spirituality in Society 6, no. 2 (2016): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2154-8633/cgp/v06i02/71-86.
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Saler, Robert. "The Mainline in Late Modernity: Tradition and Innovation in the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America." Journal of Contemporary Religion 34, no. 3 (September 2, 2019): 594–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537903.2019.1661639.
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Henke, Manfred. "Toleration and Repression: German States, the Law and the ‘Sects’ in the Long Nineteenth Century." Studies in Church History 56 (May 15, 2020): 338–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2019.19.
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At the beginning of the period, the Prussian General Law Code did not provide for equal rights for members of ‘churches’ and those of ‘sects’. However, the French Revolution decreed the separation of church and state and the principle of equal rights for all citizens. Between the Congress of Vienna (1815) and the revolution of 1848, Prussian monarchs pressed for the church union of Lutheran and Reformed and advocated the piety of the Evangelical Revival. The Old Lutherans felt obliged to leave the united church, thus eventually forming a ‘sect’ favoured by the king. Rationalists, who objected to biblicism and orthodoxy, were encouraged to leave, too. As Baptists, Catholic Apostolics and Methodists arrived from Britain and America, the number of ‘sects’ increased. New ways of curtailing their influence were devised, especially in Prussia and Saxony.
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Petersen, Klaus, and Jørn Henrik Petersen. "The Good, the Bad, or the Godless Society?: Danish “Church People” and the Modern Welfare State." Church History 82, no. 4 (November 20, 2013): 904–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640713001182.
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This contribution analyzes the views held by Danish and Norwegian church people regarding the welfare state, as expressed in the period when the general debate on the welfare state culminated in both countries. Generally speaking, religion played a relatively limited role in international welfare state research, which can be referred to as “blind to religion.” Tough socio-economic variables, well-established political actors, and government interests dominate the field. There are examples of religion as one among many variables, but when it has been ascribed explanatory value, it predominantly has been in relation to southern and continental European welfare models, because the focus has been on Catholicism. In recent years, the frequently mentioned “cultural turn” has made its entrance into comparative welfare research; yet, even then culture and religion are often assigned a modest role in “the black box,” which is invoked when the “harder” data are insufficient. Most recently, historians and church historians have launched a discussion on the Lutheran Nordic welfare state, but so far this discussion has not analyzed empirically the role of the church in the golden age of the welfare state. In this article, we go directly to those involved and examine what the church actors really felt about the post-war welfare state.
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Inskeep, Kenneth W. "Views on Social Responsibility: The Investment of Pension Funds in the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America." Review of Religious Research 33, no. 3 (March 1992): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3511091.
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Sherman, Franklin, Christa R. Klein, and Christian D. von Dehsen. "Politics and Policy: The Genesis and Theology of Social Statements in the Lutheran Church in America." Journal of Law and Religion 8, no. 1/2 (1990): 521. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1051313.
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Tunheim, Katherine A., and Gary N. McLean. "Lessons Learned from Former College Presidents of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America: A Phenomenological Study." Christian Higher Education 13, no. 3 (May 13, 2014): 199–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15363759.2014.904654.
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Westmeier, Karl-Wilhelm. "Zinzendorf at Esopus: The Apocalyptical Missiology of Count Nicolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf—A Debut to America." Missiology: An International Review 22, no. 4 (October 1994): 419–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969402200401.
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The arrival of the Protestant immigrants on Count Nicolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf's Saxony estate in 1722 must be understood as one of the most significant events in the history of Protestant missions. Heirs of an ancient Czech church which dated back to pre-Reformation times, they attracted Zinzendorf's attention to such an extent that he blended his own Lutheran-Pietist understanding of Christianity with the convictions of the immigrants and became one of the greatest pioneers of Protestant world missions. His missions outreach to the Native North Americans (Shekomeko 1740) supplied him with the raw material that would give shape to his own incarnational missiology.
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Lied, Laurel. "Danish Catechism in Action? Examining Religious Formation in and through Erik Pontoppidan'sMenoza." Studies in Church History 55 (June 2019): 225–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2018.29.
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In 1737 Erik Pontoppidan, a Danish bishop of pietist leanings, published a Lutheran catechism,Sandhed til Gudfrygtighed(Truth unto Godliness), which became the Church of Denmark's official catechism for the following fifty years, with new editions being printed in Norway into the twentieth century. For a figure largely overlooked by modern scholarship, he has enjoyed an extraordinarily lengthy influence over Christian formation in Scandinavia and in Norwegian immigrant communities in the USA. Pontoppidan not only left behind this ‘official’ programme of Christian education, but also an unofficial blueprint,Menoza(1742–3). Thisopbyggelse(‘edifying’) novel recounts the conversion of an imaginary Indian prince, Menoza, and his subsequent travels around Europe.Menozamight even be said to offer its readers an alternative or additional Lutheran catechism in literary form. This article examines Menoza's Christian formation in the light of Pontoppidan's official catechism. Which topics of the catechism receive emphasis or are downplayed? Does the progression and linking of doctrinal topics match the catechism's layout or does the author restructure Christian theology for pedagogical purposes? The article also considers the non-doctrinal elements of the characters’ catechesis, especially in relation to pietist expectations regarding conversion. What indoctrination, intentional or unintentional, into the vocabulary and experience of pietist culture did Pontoppidan offer his Scandinavian readers?
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Thompson, Wayne. "Freudenberg, Maren: The Mainline in Late Modernity: Tradition and Innovation in the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America." Review of Religious Research 61, no. 2 (January 16, 2019): 189–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13644-019-00361-6.
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Schattauer, Thomas H. "Healing Rites and the Transformation of Life: Observations and Insights from within the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America." Liturgy 22, no. 3 (May 7, 2007): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/04580630701274296.
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Klink, Aaron. "The Mainline in Late Modernity: Tradition and Innovation in the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America by Maren Freudenberg." Lutheran Quarterly 33, no. 1 (2019): 113–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lut.2019.0006.
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Turner, Philip. "Episcopal Oversight and Ecclesiastical Discipline: A Comment on the Concordat of Agreement between the Episcopal Church USA and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America." Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 3, no. 4 (November 1994): 436–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106385129400300409.
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A similar problem faces both Anglicans and Lutherans, namely that the succession in the presiding ministry of their respective churches no longer incontestably links those churches to the koinonia of the wider church (The Niagara Report, paragraph 58).
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Yuriev, Andrey. "Ibsen, Blok and Russian revolution (on connections between the poem The Twelve and the double-drama Emperor and Galilean)." Scandinavian Philology 20, no. 2 (2022): 357–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu21.2022.209.
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The article deals with relations between Alexandr Blok’s poem The Twelve (1918) and Henrik Ibsen’s “world-historical drama” Emperor and Galilean (1873). Proceeding from the Christian paradoxical discourse after the Norwegian playwright, the poet radicalizes it so much that the bounds of traditional Christian worldview are broken down. In the poem, one can notice a rather complex indirect connection with the paradoxical discourse of both Dostoevsky (whose Christian identity is difficult to question) and Ibsen, especially beloved by Blok, in whose system of views it is important to notice the Lutheran dominant, implicitly referring to some Gnostic views that have quite logically been actualized in European culture of the last two centuries. The similarity between works so different, at first glance, as The Twelve and Ibsen’s double- drama, deserves attention: in both cases, Christ appears ghostly, not in the flesh, in Blok — invisible to all the characters, in Ibsen — as visible only to very few. In both cases, he brings retribution — a theme equally important both in Ibsen’s work and in Blok’s poem. Both the Norwegian playwright and the Russian symbolist poet interpret world history from the standpoint of religious and metaphysical paradoxicalism. Ibsen’s hero who renounced Christ begins the most brutal, bloody persecution of the Christian Church in order to destroy Christianity (Blok’s Red Guards shooting at both “Holy Russia” and the invisible Christ for them create a kind of parallel for him in this case), but achieves the goal opposite to his intentions — he cleanses Christianity and thereby saves it. The same can be said about Ibsen’s Julian that was said by Blok about the Red Guard — this is “water” to the mill of the Christian church. We do not know whether Blok think of Emperor and Galilean when working at his poem, but the parallels are obvious and remarkable.
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Van Eck, Xander. "De decoratie van de Lutherse kerk te Gouda in de zeventiende eeuw." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 105, no. 3 (1991): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501791x00029.
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AbstractIn 1623 the Lutherans formed a community in Gouda. They appointed a minister, Clemens Bijleveld from Essen, and held their services in private houses at first. In 1640 'Dc Drie Tafelkaarsen', a house on the Lage Gouwe, was converted into a permanent church for them. Thanks to the Groot Protocol, in which the minutes of the church administration were recorded from this donation until the end of the eighteenth century, it is possible to reconstruct the history of the community. The manuscript also documents important gifts of works of art and church furnishings. In 1642 and 1643 seven large paintings were donated. As we know, Luther did not object to depictions which served to illustrate the Word of God as preached in the sermon. The Dutch Lutheran churches, although more austerely furnished than, say, their German or Norwegian counterparts, were certainly more richly decorated than they are today. The Lutheran church in Leiden houses the most intact ensemble of works of art. Of the seven aforementioned paintings in Gouda, one was donat ed by the preacher himself. It is by the Gouda painter Jan Duif, who depicted Bijleveld as a shepherd (fin. I). The iconography and the biblical captions show that he was presenting himself as a follower of Christ in his quality of a teacher. Two figures in the background, likewise gowned, might be Bijleveld's successors: his nephew (minister from 1655 to 1693) and his nephew's son, both of whom were called Clemens Bijleveld. They were probably added to the panel after the latter's premature death in 1694. The other six paintings were donated bv members of the community and churchwardens. In some of them the donors can be identified with characters in the illustrated episodes from the bible. From the spinsters of the parish came a work depicting the parable of the wise and foolish virgins; the churchwardens, evidently seeing themselves in the guise of the apostles, gave a pedilavium. The widow Hester Claes van Hamborg donated a painting of Simon in the Temple (in which the widow Anna figures prominently), and Catharina Gerdss Rijneveld, probably also widowed, gave Elijah and the widow of Zarephath. The unmarried men of the community presented a painting with a more general subject, the Last Judgment, perhaps intended to be hung above the pulpit. The wealthy Maria Tams gave a work described as 'cen taeffereel of bort van de christ. kercke' la scene or panel of the Christian church]. Exactly what it depicted is unclear. The same Maria Tams was a generous donor of church furniture. She presented a brass chandelier, two brass lecterns (fig. 4), a bible with silver fittings and a clock to remind the preacher of the limited time allotted to his sermon. Important gifts of ecclesiastical silver were made from 1655 on. The most striking items are an octagonal font of 1657 (fig. 5) and a Communion cup of 1661 (fig. 6), both paid for by the proceeds of a collection held among the unmarried men and women of the parish. The decorations on the font include a depiction of Christ as the Good Shepherd. There is also shepherd on the lid of the Communion cup. This element (in view, too, of the indication of the shepherd 'als 't wapen van de kerk' [the church arms] in the Groot Protocol) came to occupy a special place in the imagery of the Lutheran community. More space was required for the growing congregation, In 1680 there was an opportunity to purchase from the municipal council St. Joostenkapel, a mediaeval chapel used as a storeroom at the time. The building, situated on the river Gouwe which flows through the old town centre, was ready for the inaugural service in 1682. It was given ten staincd-glass windows, the work of the Gouda glass painter Willem Tomberg. The glass (along with six of the seven paintings) was sold during the course of renovations in 1838, but thanks to the later secretary of the community, D.J. van Vreumingen, who madc drawings of them and copied the inscriptions, we have an approximate idea of how they looked. Their original positions can also be reconstructed (fig. 13). The windows were largely executed in grisaille, except for the second and eighth, which were more colourful. The seven side-windows with scenes from the life of Christ and the Passion (figs. 8-11) were presented by the minister, his wife and other leading members of the community. The inscriptions on these windows referred to the bible passages they illustrated and to the names of the donors. The three windows at the front were donated by the Gouda municipal council (window 10, fig. 12) and the sympathetic Lutheran communities of Leiden and Essen (windows 8 and 9, figs. 11 and 12). The depiction on the window from Leiden was a popular Lutheran theme: John's vision on Patmos. The candle-stick featuring in this vision was a symbol (as in a print of 1637, for instance) for the Augsburg Confession, on which the Lutheran church was founded. In the eighteenth century occasional additions were made to the inventory, but the nineteenth century was a period of growing austerity. However, the Groot Protocol and Van Vreumingen's notes facilitate the reconstruction of the seventeenth-century interior to a large extent. The iconography of the works of art collected in the course of the years underlined the community's endeavour, in following the teachings of its earthly shepherd, to live according to the Holy Word.
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Brewer, Brian C. "Denominating “Justification” and “Faith”: Catholics, Lutherans, and a North American Baptist's Response to the Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification." Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 30, no. 4 (October 19, 2021): 442–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10638512211044777.
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That the Lutheran World Federation and the Pontifical Council for Unity attempted a joint declaration on the doctrine of justification is worthy of commendation. The resulting Joint Declaration constitutes some of the best contemporary efforts at ecumenical dialogue in the spirit of Christian union. This essay outlines the development of both medieval Catholic and subsequent Protestant conceptions of justification that led to disunion in the Western Church, reviews the initial points of division on the doctrine during the era of the Reformation for the purpose of grasping more fully the ecumenical feat of the JDDJ, and seeks to clarify what issues appear to remain unclear or unresolved in the document. The article also outlines the history of how Baptists in America have understood the doctrine of justification in order to consider how such Baptists might perceive the promise and potential lingering challenges or questions regarding the joint declaration.
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Nielsen, Flemming A. J., and Thorkild Kjærgaard. "Den første grønlandske bog." Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 60 (January 25, 2022): 73–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v60i.130495.
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Flemming A. J. Nielsen And Thorkild Kjærgaard:The First Greenlandic Book
Ever since the arrival of Norse peasants in south-west Greenland in the second halfof the tenth century there have been links between the immense island (2.2 millionkm2) in the north-eastern corner of the American hemisphere and the Scandinavianworld. At the end of the twelfth century, the ancestors of today’s Inuit, a whale- andseal-hunting people speaking a language of the Eskimo-Aleut group, migrated fromEllesmere Island across the narrow Smith Sound to northern Greenland. Within twoand a half centuries, the Norse peasants had, it seems, been exterminated by the Inuit,but Greenland was never forgotten in Scandinavia. In the European world it was generallyrecognised that Greenland was Norwegian territory. In 1380 Norway enteredinto a union with Denmark, and the dream of restoring connections with Greenlandtherefore became a shared Danish-Norwegian dream, although it seemed less and lesspracticable as time went by and the Davis Strait between Baffin Island and Greenlandbegan to teem with Dutch and British whalers and trading ships.However, in 1721 the course of history changed. A Norwegian priest, Hans Egede(1686‑1758), who had been offering his services for more than a decade, was appointed‘Royal Missionary in Greenland’ and was given the necessary support for an expeditionaiming to re-establish the old connection and to reintroduce Christianity into Greenland.Egede’s Greenlandic adventure succeeded, and over the course of the eighteenthcentury Greenland was reintegrated, bit by bit, into the multicultural, multinationalDanish-Norwegian state and society.In 1814 Norway was divided as a result of the Napoleonic Wars. Mainland Norway(what we know as Norway today) was ceded to Sweden while the remote Norwegianislands in the North Atlantic (Greenland, the Faroe Islands and, until 1944, Iceland)were annexed to the kingdom of Denmark.Being a true officer of the Danish-Norwegian empire, where every child had tobe taught to read and appreciate Luther’s Small Catechism, Egede struggled fromthe outset with the exotic Greenlandic language, not just to learn to speak a vaguelyunderstandable ‘kitchen-Greenlandic’ but also to acquire the deeper understandingof phonetic and grammatical structures that was needed in order to develop a writtenversion of the language.During Egede’s fifteen years in Greenland (1721‑36), all the documents pertainingto the mission were handwritten. This was true also for the basic Christian texts inGreenlandic which Egede and his helpers began to produce and distribute among thegrowing number of converts from as early as 1723. Back in Copenhagen in 1736, Egede founded the so-called Seminarium Groenlandicum. The purpose of this institution wastwofold: to teach basic Greenlandic to new missionaries and catechists before they wentto Greenland, and to produce books printed in Greenlandic in order to have a moremajor and focused impact on Greenlandic society than the sporadic effects obtainablewith handwritten texts that were constantly being altered by being laboriously copiedout by hand again and again.The first book published in Greenlandic as part of this programme was a spellingbook containing reading exercises based on Luther’s Small Catechism in addition to acollection of prayers and eight hymns translated from the Danish, comprising a total offorty pages prepared by Egede and printed in Copenhagen in 1739 to be sent to Greenlandthe same year. As a bridge between written and printed culture in Greenland, thissmall book marked an important milestone in early modern Greenland. Until now it hasbeen known only from uncertain and elusive bibliographical sources – sceptical voiceshave even doubted whether it ever existed, but two copies of the book have recentlybeen located and identified in the holdings of the Royal Library. Our article providesa thorough study of the book: how it came to be forgotten, how it was rediscovered,the nature of its contents and details of its typographical layout.Less than a century after Hans Egede’s arrival in Greenland, almost everybody inwestern Greenland had learned to read and write, and the local vernacular had becomea literary language. Later, in 1861, Greenland’s first newspaper was established.It was written and edited from the outset by Greenlanders eagerly discussing their ownaffairs. As a result of the discussions, scattered groups of individuals throughout theenormous but thinly populated island coalesced into a nation, and, thanks to Egede’sendeavours and those of his many successors throughout the eighteenth and nineteenthcenturies, Greenlandic is today the only native American language that is used for anyand every purpose by its speakers, whether it be literature, pop music, government,church services or legislation.
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Wallsten, Kevin, and Tatishe M. Nteta. "For You Were Strangers in the Land of Egypt: Clergy, Religiosity, and Public Opinion toward Immigration Reform in the United States." Politics and Religion 9, no. 3 (August 8, 2016): 566–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048316000444.
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AbstractRecently, a number of influential clergy leaders have declared their support for liberal immigration reforms. Do the pronouncements of religious leaders influence public opinion on immigration? Using data from a survey experiment embedded in the 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we find that exposure to the arguments from high profile religious leaders can compel some individuals to reconsider their views on the immigration. To be more precise, we find that Methodists, Southern Baptists, and Evangelical Lutheran Church in America leaders successfully persuaded respondents who identify with these religious denominations to think differently about a path to citizenship and about the plight of undocumented immigrants. Interestingly, we also uncovered that religiosity matters in different ways for how parishioners from different religious faiths react to messages from their leaders. These findings force us to reconsider the impact that an increasingly strident clergy may be having on public opinion in general and on support for immigration reform in particular.
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Coe, Deborah L., and Brad Petersen. "God is Doing a New Thing in the ELCA: Trends from the FACT Data." Theology Today 78, no. 3 (October 2021): 256–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00405736211030225.
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For decades, mainline Protestant denominations in the United States have experienced steady membership declines. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA) is no different, and our research team has been exploring this topic for years. Faith Communities Today (FACT) is an interfaith project consisting of a series of surveys conducted by the Cooperative Congregational Studies Partnership, of which the ELCA is a long-standing member. In this article, we examine data collected from the three decennial FACT surveys to discern where, despite declining membership, God is, to quote the prophet Isaiah, “doing a new thing.” We find that over the past twenty years, the typical ELCA congregation has had a gradually increasing: sense of vitality, belief that it is financially healthy, desire to become more diverse, willingness to call women to serve as pastors, openness to change, and clarity of mission and purpose. Because there are multiple possible explanations for these positive trends, we recommend approaching such trend lines cautiously, viewing them through a critical-thinking lens. Even though there is an increased perception of congregational well-being, overall finances and the number of people involved in the church continue to decline. There is still much work to be done.
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Jinkins, Michael. "John Cotton and the Antinomian Controversy, 1636–1638: A Profile of Experiential Individualism in American Puritanism." Scottish Journal of Theology 43, no. 3 (August 1990): 321–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600032725.
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There is much going on in the modern religious scene, particularly in America under the name of ‘Evangelical Christianity’, that seems strange to those of us whose Church experience is shaped more emphatically by an Old-World Presbyterian, Anglican or Lutheran theological orientation. The emphasis upon the individual and the individual's personal ‘saving’ experience sounds strange to ears more attuned to social responsibility and the development of the Christian character in the nurture of the Church community. Where does this emphasis on the individual and his or her personal experience come from? And how did it come to be so much a part of American Church life? Both of these questions could introduce ponderous volumes of social, historical and theological research. But, generally speaking, this tendency to reduce the religious life to an experience of salvation can be traced to the era in the history of dogma which gave rise to Reformed Scholasticism. On the American continent, this approach to Christian faith was promoted by the early Puritan settlers in the context of their own theological concern to maintain a particular manifestation of the nature-grace dichotomy which stressed the legal duly of the individual Christian, and to gain a sense of assurance of election, however elusive that sense might be. While it is well beyond the limitations of this brief essay to trace the development of the Puritan theological orientation, this study will examine one incident in the life of the Massachusetts Bay Colony to profile the development of this Puritan inclination toward experiential individualism which, in various forms, still endures.
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Mocherla, Ashok Kumar. "We Called Her Peddamma: Caste, Gender, and Missionary Medicine in Guntur: 1880–1930." International Journal of Asian Christianity 3, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-00301005.
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The medical work carried out by Dr. Anna Sarah Kugler in the town of Guntur (1880–1930), which was a part of the Telugu speaking region of the erstwhile Madras Presidency, as a foreign medical missionary associated with the mission field of the then General Synod of the Lutheran Church in America, constitutes a significant phase in the history of medicine and gender in South India. Despite bringing about visible changes in gender perceptions of medical professions, strangely, she or her work finds no mention in the social science literature on history of medicine in modern South India in general and coastal Andhra Pradesh in particular. This paper explores the nature and patterns of definitive changes that gender roles and patriarchal structures among the Telugus residing in coastal Andhra Pradesh have undergone after coming under the influence of a mission hospital in Guntur established by Dr. Anna Sarah Kugler. By doing so, it also brings out an analysis on how this medical institution transformed the firmly-held traditional perceptions and stereotypes on the sources of illness, disease, and treatments, and in turn laid the foundation for modern medicine to establish itself in South India.
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Granquist, Mark A. "A Community and a Perspective: Lutheran Peace Fellowship and the Edge of the Church, 1941–1991. By Steven Schroeder. Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1993. viii + 127 pp." Church History 64, no. 4 (December 1995): 733–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168917.
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Wentz, Frederick K. "Politics and Policy: The Genesis and Theology of Social Statements in the Lutheran Church in America. By Christa R. Klein with Christian D. Von Dehsen. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1989. xi + 290 pp." Church History 61, no. 1 (March 1992): 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168066.
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Albers, James W. "The Theology of Inexpediency Two Case Studies in “Moderate” Congregational Dissent in the Lutheran Church-Missouri Synod. By Jeffrey S. Nelson. Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1998. xviii + 160 pp. $39.00 cloth." Church History 68, no. 3 (September 1999): 751–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170095.
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Jones, Dorothy V. "Peacemaking, edited by Gerard F. Powers, Drew ChristiansenS.J., and Robert T. Hennemeyer (Washington: United States Catholic Conference, 1994), 368 pp., $19.95, paper; For Peace in God's World (Chicago: Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, 1995), 24 pp." Ethics & International Affairs 10 (March 1996): 214–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679400007711.
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Carwardine, Richard. "Unity, Pluralism, and the Spiritual Market-Place: Interdenominational Competition in the Early American Republic." Studies in Church History 32 (1996): 297–335. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015473.
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Following independence, Americans’ sense of the special status of their new nation drew succour not merely from their republican experiment but from the unique character of the nation’s religious life. Even before the Revolution Americans had witnessed an extraordinary proliferation of sects and churches, to a degree unparalleled in any single European state, as ethnic diversity increased and the mid-eighteenth-century revivals split churches and multiplied congregations. The Congregationalist establishment in New England and Anglican power in the middle and southern colonies uneasily confronted energetic dissenting minorities, including Scotch-Irish Presbyterians, English Baptists, and German Lutheran and Reformed groups. After 1776 it took some time to define a new relationship between church and state. Colonial habits of thought persisted and prompted schemes of multiple establishment or government support for religion in general. The Virginia Act for Establishing Religious Freedom in 1786 and, five years later, the First Amendment to the Federal Constitution did not succeed wholly in eliminating state authority from the sphere of religion; indeed, residual establishments persisted in Connecticut until 1818 and in Massachusetts until 1833. Yet an important shift was under way towards a ‘voluntary’ system of religious support, in which governmental authority in religion was replaced by increased authority for self-sustaining denominational bodies. After 1790 ecclesiastical institutions grew at an extraordinary pace, shaping the era labelled by historians the ‘Second Great Awakening’. As Jon Butler has reminded us, some 50,000 new churches were built in America between 1780 and 1860, sacralizing the landscape with steeples and graveyards and creating a heterogeneous presence that drew streams of European visitors curious to evaluate the effects of America’s unique experiment in ‘voluntarism’. By 1855 over four million of the country’s twenty-seven million people were members of one of over forty Protestant denominations, most of them recognizable by name as churches with an Old World ancestry but with features which made them distinctively American. Additionally, there were over one million Catholics.
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Zwetsch, Roberto Ervino. "A possível contribuição da teologia da Reforma para a América Latina: Aproximações críticas." Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira 77, no. 305 (March 31, 2017): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.29386/reb.v77i305.115.
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Síntese: O Autor é leitor interessado na teologia de Lutero, não um especialista. Aborda no presente texto um tema que o acompanha desde muito e a partir de sua inserção na vida da igreja cristã e no contexto da América Latina, considerando suas alegrias e tristezas, a opressão dos povos e o menosprezo pela vida das pessoas mais débeis e vulneráveis, além do uso irresponsável do meio ambiente por parte de nossas sociedades. Vivemos tempos cruéis, nos quais o sistema mundial se torna cada vez mais violento, especialmente contra povos indígenas, quilombolas, pobres da cidade e do campo, mulheres, crianças, pessoas com deficiência e idosas, além daquelas que vivem fora dos padrões impostos pelas maiorias. Que teologia ou mensagem pode colaborar para o renascimento da esperança entre nós? Haverá na teologia da Reforma Protestante do século 16 e, particularmente, na teologia de Lutero algo que nos sirva de inspiração para nossa caminhada atual? Que contribuição nossas igrejas podem oferecer neste momento histórico? O texto intenta resgatar, a partir de uma perspectiva protestante crítica, algo da radicalidade daquele movimento que celebra 500 anos em 2017. O olhar aqui proposto se coloca a partir da periferia do sistema dominante, a partir da gente invisível que, paradoxalmente, guarda em sua vida de lutas e sonhos algo da chama da fé por debaixo das cinzas do tempo.Palavras-chave: Teologia de Lutero. Teologia latino-americana. América Latina. Realidade eclesial e social. Desafios.Abstract: The author is a reader interested in the Theology of Luther, not an expert on the subject. In the present article, he deals with a theme that has been accompanying him for a long time, in fact since his insertion in the life of the Christian Church and in the Latin American context. He has considered its moments of joy and of sadness, the oppression of its peoples and the contempt for the life of the most fragile and vulnerable besides the irresponsible use of the environment by our societies. We are going through cruel times, in which the world system gets increasingly violent, especially against indigenous peoples, quilombos, the urban and rural poor, women, children, the old and the disabled, besides those who live outside the standards imposed by the majorities. Which theology or message can help towards the rebirth of hope among us? Will there be in the theology of the Protestant Reform of the 16th century and, particularly in the Lutheran theology, something that may serve as inspiration for our present journey? Which contributions can our churches offer in this historical moment? The article intends to rescue, from a critical Protestant perspective, something of the radicalism of that movement that celebrates its 500th anniversary in 2017. The view we propose here is that of the periphery of the ruling system, of those invisible people who, paradoxically, maintain in their lives of struggles and dreams a bit of that flame of faith under the ashes of time.Keywords: Lutheran theology. Latin-American theology. Latin America. Ecclesial and social reality. Challenges.
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Pace, Joseph L. "I Am a Palestinian Christian." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 2 (July 1, 1998): 109–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i2.2180.
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Many small pieces fit together to create the puzzle that is Palestine. One of thesmaller, but certainly not insignificant, pieces of the puzzle is the PalestinianChristian community, which clearly traces its origins back to the first century.Mitri Raheb makes the comment that it is not necessary for a PalestinianChristian to go on pilgrimage because one “is already at the source itself, thepoint of origin” (p. 3). Pilgrimage in the sense of a physical journey is perhapsnot necessary, but some sort of spiritual exploration, which is at the heart of pilgrimage,is indeed in order. Raheb performs this pilgrimage in two ways: byexploring his family’s complicated denominational background and by providinga refreshing exegesis of a handful of biblical texts.One might assume that Palestinian Christians are all members of churchessuch as the Syrian Orthodox, Armenian, or Jacobite, together with a few adventurousconverts to eastern Orthodoxy or Roman Catholicism. The thought of aPalestinian Lutheran community is one that stretches the Western image of thePalestinian Christian community but does give a more accurate picture of thecomplicated Christian church in Palestine. In spite of its small and fragmentednature, the Palestinian Christian community has traditionally held an importantplace in the life of Palestine. Members of this community are historically progressiveand urban-oriented, many earning a living as merchants and shopkeepers(p. 19). The community is also traditionally well-educated and multilingual,in large part because of the evangelistic efforts of denominations such asGerman Lutherans and the English-speaking Anglican Church as well as otherProtestant denominations. Raheb notes that this Christian community has neverenjoyed political autonomy, as it has always existed withii occupied territory,ruled by Byzantines (technically Christian, although more concerned with politicaland cultural hegemony) and their Muslim and Ottoman successors and thenby British mandate and now by Israel. The absence of autonomy is a threat tothe swival of any community, especially a small community. Lack of self-government,or appropriate representation in the government, leads to a number ofsignificant threats to the community’s viability. Issues of economic, social, andpolitical injustice are all problems with which the Palestinian Christian communityhas had to contend.Emigration- or moving to new places where political, economic, and socialoppression are not as devastating-is one traditional way a community seeks topreserve itself; and, Raheb notes, it also has significant biblical antecedents,which become important later in the book as he explores the Exodus. Since1948, the size of the Palestinian Christian community has decreased significantly,in large part due to emigration to South and North America and WesternEurope. The comment has been made that within a few generations there will be ...
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Albeck, Gustav. "Den unge Grundtvig og Norge." Grundtvig-Studier 37, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v37i1.15941.
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The Young Grundtvig and NorwayBy Gustav AlbeckThis article is a revised and extended version of the lecture given by Professor Albeck on April 30th 1984 at the annual general meeting of the Grundtvig Society in Oslo. It describes Grundtvig’s close relationship to a number of Norwegian friends he made during his residence at the Walkendorf hostel in Copenhagen in the years 1808-11; this circle of friends lasted and widened to include other Norwegians in his later life.Grundtvig was 67 before he set foot on Norwegian soil, but from his early youth he had familiarised himself with the Norwegian landscape and history through Norwegian literature. His feeling of kinship with the spirit and history of Norway was for a time stronger than his consciousness of being Danish. In his youth Norway and the Norwegians played a major role in opinion-making in Denmark, and in this respect Grundtvig was no different from his contemporary Danes. But the idea of Norway’s future continued to concern him long after his youth was over. The lecture, however, confines itself to the way certain Norwegians regarded Grundtvig between 1808 and 1811.When Grundtvig returned to Copenhagen from Langeland in 1808 he had no friends in the capital. But at the Walkendorf hostel he met first and foremost Svend B. Hersleb, a Norwegian theologian, to whom he addressed a jocular poem in the same year, revealing that Grundtvig now felt himself young again and among young people following his unrequited passion for Constance Leth. Otherwise we have only a few witnesses to this first period of happiness, with Grundtvig gaining a foothold on the Danish parnassus through his first Norse Mythology and Scenes from Heroic Life in the North.The fullest accounts of Grundtvig’s relationship to the Norwegians in the period following his nervous breakdown and religious breakthrough in 1810 come from the journals of the Norwegian-Danish dean and poet, Frederik Schmidt, made during various trips to Denmark. These journals were published in extenso between 1966 and 1985 in three volumes, the last of which includes a commentary by the editors and a postscript by Gustav Albeck. Many of the valuable notes about Grundtvig are repeated in the lecture. Frederik Schmidt was the son of a Norwegian bishop; he became a rural dean and later a member of the first National Assembly at Eids voll in 1814. He was a Norwegian patriot but loyal to the Danes and in fact returned to Denmark in 1820. His descriptions of Grundtvig’s conversations with Niels Treschow, the Norwegian-born Professor of Philosophy at Copenhagen University, give an authentic and concentrated picture of Grundtvig’s reflections on his conversion to a strict Lutheran faith, which for a time threatened to hinder his development as a secular writer. Schmidt found their way of presenting their differing views “very interesting and human”, and Grundtvig’s Christian faith “warm, intense and sincere”. “In the animated features of his dark eyes and pale face there is something passionate yet also gentle”. When Schmidt himself talked to Grundtvig about a current paper which stated that in early Christianity there was a fusion between Greek thought and oriental feeling, Grundtvig exclaimed, “Yet another Christianity without Christ!” A draft of a reply to one of Schmidt’s articles shows that at that point, April 1811, Grundtvig did not believe in the working of “the living word” in its secular meaning. The draft was not printed and Grundtvig does not appear to have discussed it with Schmidt. There is a very precise description of Grundtvig’s appearance: “There is... something confused in his eyes; he sometimes closes them after a tiring conversation, as if he wants to pull his thoughts together again.” Schmidt in no way agrees with Grundtvig’s point of view, which he partly puts down to “disappointed hopes, humbled pride and the persecution... he has been subjected to...” But he does find another important explanation in Grundtvig’s “need for reassuring knowledge” and his conviction “that the misery of the age can only be helped by true religious feeling”.There are also descriptions of Grundtvig in a more jovial mood, for example together with Professor George Sverdrup, where Grundtvig repeated some rather unflattering accounts of the playwright Holberg’s behaviour towards a couple of professors who were colleagues. The same evening he and Schmidt set about attacking Napoleon while Treschow and Sverdrup defended him. Schmidt considered Grundtvig’s little book, New Year’s Eve, “devout to the point of pietist sentiment”, but thought the error lay rather in Grundtvig’s head than his heart. Lovely is the Clear Blue Night (Dejlig er den himmel blaa), published in April 1811 was even read aloud by Schmidt to a woman poet; but he criticised The Anholt-Campaign.After 1814 Schmidt adopted a somewhat cooler tone towards Grundtvig’s books. He was unable to go along with Grundtvig’s talk of a united Denmark- Norway as his fatherland. He criticised the poems Grundtvig published in his periodical, Danevirke, including even The Easter Lily for its “vulgar language”, which Grundtvig appeared to confuse with a true “language of power”. It is impossible to prove any close relationship between Schmidt and Grundtvig, but he was an attentive observer when they met in Copenhagen in 1811.With the opening of the Royal Frederik University in Christiania in 1813 Grundtvig became separated from his Norwegian friends, as Hersleb, Treschow and Sverdrup were all appointed to the new Norwegian university. They were keen for Grundtvig to join them as Professor of History. Sverdrup in particular was captivated by his personality, and in a letter dated April 21st 1812 he informed Grundtvig that he was among the candidates for the post proposed by the commission to the King. But Grundtvig himself hesitated; he felt “calm and quietly happy” in Udby “as minister for simple Christians”. To his friend, the Norwegian-born Poul Dons, he wrote, “... something in me draws me up there, something keeps me down here.” The fact that he never got the job was in many ways his own fault. His World Chronicle (1812) could not but offend scholars of a rationalist approach, in particular the prediction at the end of the book about the new university’s effect. It is linked to Grundtvig’s interpretation (1810) of the letters to the seven churches in Revelation, which are seen as a prediction of the seven great churches in the historical advance of Christianity.“It was an idea,” says Albeck, “which in spite of its obvious irrationality never left Grundtvig, and as late as 1860 it found poetic form in the great poem, The Pleiades of Christendom (Christenhedens Syvstjerne).” Grundtvig “was in no doubt that the sixth church was the Nordic, and that it would grow out of the Norwegian university, the new Wittenberg.” In 1810 Grundtvig felt himself “chosen to be the forerunner of a new reformer, a new Johan Huss before a new Luther.” From a scholarly point of view there is no reason to reproach the Danish selection panel for the negative judgment they reached regarding Grundtvig’s qualifications as a historian. His name was not even mentioned in the appointments for the new professorships. He had caused quite a stir not long before by writing a birthday poem for the King in which he directly expressed his wish that the new university might become a Wittenberg. The poem took the form of a series of accusations against Norway and the Norwegians, and in particular against Nicolai Wergeland, who in a prize-winning essay on the Norwegian university entitled Mnemosyne had stuck a few needles into Denmark and the Danes. Grundtvig accused the Norwegians of ingratitude to Denmark and unchristian pride. Even his good friend Hersleb reacted to such an attack.From the diaries of the Norwegian, Claus Pavels, we know how the Norwegian poet, Jonas Rein, wrote and told Grundtvig that “a greater meekness towards people with a different opinion would be more fitting for a teacher of Christianity.” Grundtvig replied that he had had to speak the truth loud and clear in a degenerate age. The Bishop of Bergen, Nordal Brun, also considered Grundtvig’s views as expressed to the King “misplaced and insulting”. He was particularly hurt that Norway “should have to thank Denmark for its Christianity and protestantism”. When Grundtvig printed the poem in Little Songs (Kv.dlinger) in 1815, Nicolai Wergeland was moved to write Denmark’s Political Crimes against the Kingdom of Norway, published in 1816.For Grundtvig’s Norwegian friends it was a matter of regret that he did not come to Norway, not least for Stener Stenersen, who in 1814 became a lecturer and in 1818 a professor of theology at the Norwegian university. His correspondence with Grundtvig from 1813 is now regarded as a valuable source for Grundtvig’s view of Christianity at that time. In his diary entry for August 27th 1813 Pavels notes that Stenersen had proposed that the Society for the Wellbeing of Norway should use all its influence to get Grundtvig to Norway. In his proposition Stenersen asked who possessed such unity and purity of thought as to be able to understand fully the importance of scholarship; he himself had only one candidate - Grundtvig. From a contemporary standpoint he had won his way to the Christian faith. But the rationalist Pavels, the source of our information, was far from convinced that “no man in the whole of Norway” possessed these abilities in equal measure to Grundtvig”. He therefore had misgivings about “requesting him as Norway’s last and only deliverer”.When Grundtvig heard of Stenersen’s proposition he sought an audience with the King on September 8th at which he clearly expressed his desire to become Professor of History at the Norwegian University. Two Danish professors, Børge Thorlacius and Laurids Engelsto. found it strange, however, that Treschow, Sverdrup and Hersleb could “deify Grundtvig”. And his great wish was never fulfilled. Nonetheless he did not give up. On November 15th he saw that the post of curate was being advertised at Aggers church near Christiania and applied for the job. From his book Roskilde Rhymes (published on February 1st 1814) it is clear that he believed that it was there that his great work was to be accomplished. But in those very days Frederik VI was signing the peace of Kiel which would separate Norway from Denmark, and Grundtvig from his wish.In the preface to Danevirke (dated May 1817) he realised that he had deserved the scorn of the Norwegians, for he had expected too much of them. But he never forgot his Norwegian friends. He named one of his sons after Svend Hersleb, and another son married Stenersen’s daughter. When he himself visited Norway in 1851 he was welcomed like a prince.
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Gaitniece, Lāsma, and Alīda Zigmunde. "THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE BLŪMĪTIS FAMILY TO LATVIA." Via Latgalica, no. 8 (March 2, 2017): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/latg2016.8.2228.
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The aim of this article is to show through research in the archives and libraries of Latvia what the Blūmītis family accomplished in the first half of the 20th century for Latvia and how they worked successfully for the children's asylum and the private school. As even today people are speaking about the Blūmītis family, it is necessary to ask the question why this is so and what was so outstanding about this family. Out of the three brothers Osvalds Blūmītis (1903–1971) is the best known. After his studies in England at the Spurgeon's college he returned to his home-village Tilža in Latgale and founded a children's asylum there in 1928. Not only orphans found their new home there, but also many children from poor families who were impoverished by alcoholism. The children belonged to different religious communities; there were not only Baptists like Osvalds Blūmītis, but also Roman-Catholics, Lutheran-Protestants and Russian-Orthodox. Since 1927 a Baptist private school existed in Tilža which later was renamed Osvalds Blūmītis School. Besides this school there existed a children's asylum and a private primary school, which were financed by donations from Latvia, England, Sweden and Brazil. Untill 1940 there was only one institution of this kind for orphans in Latgale. About 200 children found loving care and shelter in it.Osvald’s brothers, Arturs and Adolfs were also Baptist priests as he was. Arturs Blūmītis founded a children's asylum in Jaunjelgava in 1939. In 1940 the Baptist orphan asylums and primary schools were closed. Osvalds Blūmītis left Latvia in 1939 and continued his activities in the US. When he arrived in the US, he started to work as a real estate agent but later continued his work for the Baptist church. Osvalds Blūmītis has helped about 250 Latvians to start a new life after arrival in the US. He fought communism and the policies of the Soviet Union. He also conducted radio shows ''The voice of the oppressed people''. Osvalds, Arturs and Adolfs left the country at the end of the war and became entrepreneurs in America. The active participation of the Blūmītis family – their sister and mother worked in the orphanage too – shows us how much this family was able to do for the needy.
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Gritsch, Eric W. "Muhlenberg's ministerium, Ben Franklin's deism, and the Churches of the twenty-first century. Reflections on the 250th anniversary of the oldest Lutheran church body in North America. Edited by John Reumann. Pp. vii + 235. Grand Rapids, Mi–Cambridge: Eerdmans, 2011. £14.99 ($22) (paper). 978 0 8028 6246 4." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 64, no. 1 (January 2013): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046912001479.
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Wåhlin, Vagn. "Folk, dannelse og styreform: En anmeldelse af Ove Korsgaard, Kampen om folket (2004)." Grundtvig-Studier 55, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 267–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v55i1.16463.
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Folk, dannelse og styreform: En anmeldelse af Ove Korsgaard “Kampen om folket” (2004).[People, Education and Government: A Review of Ove Korsgaard ‘The Battle over the People’ (2004) ]By Vagn WåhlinOve Korsgaard, Kampen om folket. Et dannelsesperspektiv på dansk historie gennem 500 år [The Battle over the People: A Perspective of Education through 500 years of Danish History] (Gyldendal, Copenhagen, 2004), 672 p.From the day of its publication, Ove Korsgaard’s brilliant dissertation has had much influence on the Danish understanding of Denmark’s 500-year process of establishing the concepts of individual, society, people, and democracy. The author distinguishes between demos, the general population of the state, and ethnos, that part of the population which has inherited and accepted rights and obligations as far as and beyond a constitution and written laws. These latter are folket, the people.This primary division leads to a similar distinction between state and nation as well as a parallel distinction in government between representative government and democratic, self-organization of the citizens. A special focus of the book is the interaction and mutual dependency of the specified categories in an historical perspective of change from a late feudal society to a modem democratic welfare state. Essential institutions in this long societal process have been (a) the Lutheran Church; (b) from 1814, the municipal local schools for all, including girls; (c), for centuries, the patriarchal household; and (d) the rising centralized power of king and state. These four institutions formed the ideological and practical base of society until, through the slow effect of the Enlightenment, the individual and the people as such, within a national and democratic framework, took over in the period 1870-1900 and became the ideological basis of society with special and defined rights and duties attaching to every adult male and, from 1920, female. After the pre-1814 ethnic and cultural Danish-Norwegian-German conglomerate state finally broke down with the loss (1814) of Norway to Sweden and (1864) the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein to Pmssia, Denmark became the most ethnically and linguistically homogeneous state of Europe. Not until then could the ethnic concept of ‘the p e o p l folket, finally take over the indisputable role as the rock of the Danish society - a role which was further strengthened by the German occupation of Denmark 1940-45.Before 1870, 75% of all cultivated land was worked by the owners of medium-sized family farms, and some 75% of the population made their living in the agrarian sector of society. Agriculture produced the necessary surplus to pay for Denmark’s imports. From 1870, when the farmers began to organize effectively, they gained a higher economic, cultural and political status in Danish class-structured society which they were able to maintain for a hundred years. Up to 1870-90 Copenhagen was the only urban-industrial centre of any great significance, and from the 1890s the organized industrial capital and its workforce rose in influence; but not until the 1960s and 70s did these succeed in outdoing the fundamental influence of the agrarian sector on a national scale. Regrettably, this economic perception of the lower middle-class appearance of Danish society has been under evaluated in Korsgaard’s book, and the reader may thus miss a vital factor in the development of the democratic understanding of the Danish ethnos.The labour unions and the labour movement in politics never became revolutionary to any great extent and from 1916-29 renounced any such tendency and won a national position as a trustworthy partner in a coalition with other political and social forces. They graduated from expressing purely class interests to representing the whole population of Denmark. This led to the formation of a general welfare state for all after the Second World War. All political parties and national movements took part in building a welfare provision from cradle to grave, covering 80-90% of the population, which led to an embracing of both ethnos and demos.From the post-industrial and post-modern society of 1970 until today no leading classes in coalition with other groups have been able to formulate a common ideology and political guidelines for the future. So the Danes collectively are insecure about the future, and divided as to whether they want globalisation, Muslim newcomers, the EUconstitution etc.All in all, this book is a fascinating and well-written contribution to the current debate: Where do we come from? Who are we? And where are we heading?
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Mørck, Endre. "The Reformation and the Linguistic Situation in Norway." Nordlit, no. 43 (August 5, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/13.4903.
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The article gives a short account of the development of the spoken language from Old Norwegian to Modern Norwegian, the transition from Norwegian to Danish as the written language in Norway and the language of the church around the Reformation. It is argued that the changes in the spoken language were a long-term development completed, on the whole, at the time of the Reformation, that the transition from Norwegian to Danish as the written language was also well on the way before the Reformation, and that the vernacular was not abruptly introduced in the Lutheran service. So, the linguistic situation in the centuries following the Reformation is only to a lesser degree a result of the Reformation itself. The Reformation should first and foremost be credited with the translation of the Bible into Danish and with it the consolidation of a modern form of Danish which was spread through the extensive religious literature of the time. Later this consolidated written language formed the basis for the development of a higher variety of spoken Norwegian.
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Lundby, Knut. "Conflictual Diversity and Contested Cultural Heritage: Newspaper Coverage of Religion in Norway 1938–2018." Temenos - Nordic Journal of Comparative Religion 55, no. 2 (December 10, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.33356/temenos.87828.
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The visibility and diversity of religion in selected Norwegian newspapers published in the capital of Oslo is studied in a quantitativeanalysis at ten-year intervals from 1938 to 2018, with an emphasis onthe last forty years. Recent structural transformations in the newspaper industry and editorial choices cut the number of articles on religionconsiderably in 2018 compared to earlier years. However, the relativevisibility of religion in the share of the total editorial output is fairlystable, at about 1.5 per cent of the content. Rather, the changes havebeen with the diversity and criticism of religion. The representationof Islam has strongly increased, while the newspapers have playeddown the coverage of the Lutheran majority church. The conflictualdiversity and contested cultural heritage in the newspaper material arepartly shaped by the media dynamics in the mediatization of religion.