Academic literature on the topic 'Not only recognized or popular companies have been expanding their business in other countries'

Abstract This study aims to explore and investigate translation procedures and how linguistic and cultural adaptation affects communication and marketing outcomes on consumer attitudes and behaviors in Zimbabwe. To answer pertinent questions, the study adopted a mixed-method research design, combining qualitative corpus analysis and quantitative data from questionnaires. Two different questionnaires were administered to different groups, and English-to-Shona translated adverts were collected. The study made use of participant observation and responses from both company representatives and consumers were analyzed. The study is grounded in the Skopos, communicative, and appropriateness theories to understand the interplay between translation strategies and marketing goals. Results of the study revealed that Shona translations frequently employ techniques such as cultural adaptation, modulation, and reformulation to achieve linguistic and cultural equivalence. However, the impact on consumer engagement varies, with 80% of surveyed consumers occasionally influenced by Shona advertisements. <strong><em>Keywords:</em></strong> advertising, consumers, English, marketing, Shona, translation.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <em><strong>How to cite</strong></em><strong>: </strong>Phiri, R., Nge, D., &amp; Ayonghe, L. (2024). The impact of English-Shona translation of adverts on consumer attitudes in Zimbabwe. <em>GPH-International Journal of Educational Research</em>, 7(12), 15-31. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14566512 <strong>1. Introduction</strong> According to Munday (2002), translating advertisements are ways through which companies gain insight into other countries or cultures. The clamor for the presence of local languages in Africa has led to the vulgarization of adverts in various domains such as social media, audio-visual media and many more, hence the rise of translation of adverts from English to Shona languages in Zimbabwe considering culture and context to effectively communicate. Cook (2001), considers advertising to be simply, everywhere;&nbsp; we cannot walk down the street, shop, watch television, go through the mail, log on to the Internet, read a newspaper or board a train without encountering advertising. Zimbabwe&rsquo;s constitution recognizes 16 official languages, with English as the official medium, alongside Shona and Ndebele which are the predominant indigenous languages in their respective geographic spheres, namely Mashonaland in the east and Matebeleland in the west of Zimbabwe. Advertising is omnipresent, and its effectiveness depends heavily on cultural resonance and contextual appropriateness. Translating advertisements involves more than linguistic transfer, it requires transcreation and cultural adaptation to maintain the original message&rsquo;s impact. Industry theorists like Wu (2018) emphasize that advertising translation must evoke the same emotional responses as the source material. Advertising texts does not only include words, but also cultural concepts, ideas and visuals. De Mooij (2004:179) defines translating advertising copy as &lsquo;painting the tip of an iceberg and hoping the whole thing will turn red&rsquo;. To him advertising lies on the cultural notion, as advertising is not made of words only, but made of culture. Translating advertising goes beyond translating a regular written text as it includes cultural elements such as shared beliefs, attitudes, norms, roles, and values. Hence, Reboul (1978) suggests that to transfer an advertisement from one language and culture to another, it is worth considering translating, adapting, and creating. Advertising texts are rich in cultural and social elements, whether they are translatable or not is still being questioned hence attention has to be paid to cultural and textual nuances.Basem (2006) says when translating, two languages and two cultures are involved. Simply speaking translated advertisements have an attractive power to manipulate consumers as they advocate, encourage, ask questions, announcing about products or services invoking their cultures that are deeply embedded into their minds. A closer reading of these authors as well as others has led to the quest to study how advertisements are translated in Zimbabwe where there is multiculturalism thereby addressing the issue of techniques and strategies that are implied in the translation of adverts from English to Shona in Zimbabwe marketing terminology in terms of translation strategies. The purpose of this research is therefore to investigate the techniques, strategies, and impact of such translated advertisements. <strong>1.1 Problem statement</strong> It has been observed that translated advertisements from English to Shona fail to give the intended effect on the target consumers as those of the original advertisements. This study, therefore seeks to assess the translated advertisements on consumer attitudes and the procedures used in their translation. &nbsp; <strong>1.2 Research Questions</strong> 1.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; What is the impact of translating English language advertisements into Shona by companies on customers in Zimbabwe? 2.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; What are the various translation techniques used in these English adverts to Shona translated adverts? <strong>1.3 Objectives</strong> 1. Identify, analyze, describe and assess the effectiveness of the translation of advertisements in Zimbabwe on consumer attitudes and behaviors. 2. Identify, analyze and describe the techniques involved in the translation of&nbsp;&nbsp; advertisements from English to Shona. <strong>2. Review of related literature</strong> <strong>2.1 Conceptual Review</strong> In this part key concepts related to the study will be defined. <strong>2.1.1 Translation</strong> Bell (1991:20) highlights that the phenomenon of translation is, &lsquo;a replacement of a representation of a text in one language by a representation of an equivalent text in a second language&rsquo;. Bell (1991) refers to an important notion in translation theory, namely equivalence, whereby the translator renders the message to the targeted audience in the closest possible equivalence that will be well understood by the target audience. In line with this study, Bell&rsquo;s definition simply means giving an appropriate translation equivalence from source text to target text. <strong>2.1.2 Advertising</strong> Bovee and Arens (1986:5) views advertising as non-personal communication of information that is usually paid for and usually persuasive in nature about products, services or ideas by identified sponsors through the diverse media. Bovee and Arens (1986) view advertising as persuasive in nature according to messages being conveyed on various media to catch the eye of anyone who could be a possible client; for example, on social media, television, billboards, and radios whereby marketers have to pay to convey a message about their goods or services, hence the words they use in this case should be catchy to quickly attract the target audience.&nbsp; <strong>2.1.3 Advertising translation</strong> According to Sharabi (2023), advertising translation covers the conversion of marketing content to effectively reach a full-target (full-fledged) market or audience through translation, transcreation, and localization. In this way advertisements will not only be linguistically accurate but also will resonate to the essence of culture. De Mooij (2004), considers translating adverts like painting the tip of an iceberg, what you see are the words, but there is a lot behind the words that must be understood to transfer advertising from one culture to another. <strong>2.1.4 Advertising slogans</strong> Brierley (2002) says advertising slogans are short, memorable phrases used in advertising campaigns. Their purpose is to emphasize a phrase that the company wishes to be remembered by, particularly for marketing a specific corporate image or connection to a product or consumer base. Slogans speak volumes about a product, service or even the company itself to the customer&rsquo;s attention. <strong>2.1.5 Consumer behaviour </strong> According to De Mooij, (2004: 181) the correlation between consumer behavior and cultural values show that a culturally appropriate advertising style is the key to successful advertising. Consumers are products of their own culture and language therefore one has to consider certain pre-established notions of each culture before advertising. <strong>2.1.6 Translation strategies </strong> Ngoran (2017:36) describes &lsquo;domestication and foreignization&rsquo; as the two main strategies in translation. He says &lsquo;foreignization&rsquo; is source-text oriented, word for word, structure for structure and literal while &lsquo;domestication&rsquo; is target text-oriented, free, natural,and transparent and message for message. <strong>2.1.7 Translation techniques </strong> Ngoran (2017:38), considers a translation technique as an operational mechanism put in place by the translator in the course of actual translation. Translation techniques are micro strategies which narrow down the strategies that the translator uses in their translation, while techniques usually concentrate on segments of the text. They fall under strategies and they are the decision made by the translator in translating segments. Examples of translation techniques include; borrowing, calque, literal translation, reformulation, explicitation, transposition, modulation, cultural, formal and dynamic equivalence, local and global adaptation. <strong>2.2 Theoretical review </strong> The Skopos, communicative and the theory of appropriateness were used. <strong>2.2.1 The Communicative theory</strong> According to, Ngoran (2017), the communication theory of translation is a theory that aims at communicative translation, which attempts to produce on its readers an effect as close as possible to that obtained on the readers of the original language.Communication is the ultimate goal of language instruction to enable learners to communicate effectively with others in real-life situations.The communicative theory is applied to this study as translation of advertisements, requires not only the linguistic aspects but also the communicative aspect making sure that the meaning of the message has been transmitted and in its originality. <strong>2.2.2 The Skopos theory</strong> Skopos theory is a translation theory proposed in the 1970s by the German Hans J. Vermeer.Skopos as a technical term referring to the purpose of a translation and of the action of translation. Skopos is a Greek term which means &lsquo;aim&rsquo;, &lsquo;goal&rsquo; or &lsquo;purpose&rsquo;. Vermeer freed translation research from the constraints of the original text centered theory, believing that translation must follow the principles of purpose, coherence, and fidelity. Theprinciple of purpose is the primary principle as any translation behavior is determined by the purpose of translation, which determines the means of translation as stated by Munday,(2012). <strong>2.2.3 The appropriateness theory</strong> The appropriateness theory, proposed by Paul Grice in the 1970s, is a conversational implicature theory that focuses on the cooperative nature of human communication. According to this theory, speakers are expected to make their contributions appropriate to the context of the conversation. This includes observing maxims such as truthfulness, clarity, relevance, and manner (Grice, 1975), this is what is needed in the translation of adverts to make them comprehensible as the original text. <strong>2.3 Empirical review</strong> This section reviews other studies relevant to the present studies which were carried out by other scholars in different contexts To begin with, Sichkar et al (2023), on the investigation of the techniques used to translate advertising texts in English and Ukrainian languages, found that translated slogans are target-oriented and address groups of people with definite values and demands. The results of the study indicate that the translation of English advertising slogans is oriented towards preserving their pragmatic effect and function in the target culture. The results prove that lexico-semantic, grammatical, and stylistic transformations are used in rendering advertising slogans into Ukrainian. The present study relates with, Sichkar et al. (2023),however, the present study goes further to analyze the translation techniques used in the translation of advertisements and seeks to understand the impact of these translations on consumer behavior. Syahputra et al. (2022), aims to describe a unique phenomenon in a translated advertisement. The study analyses translated advertisements and their relation to translation techniques. The study focused on how the language that contains the culture of a country can be presented to other countries by one advertisement product. It is a challenge for producers to promote their products, and the translator takes over the role as a communication bridge between producers and target consumers. Results showed that translated advertisement tends to keep its original text to preserve its meaning, the sound and image of the video also influences the translated version. Kappe (2012)&rsquo; s study on the translation of advertisements seeks to assess the use of semiotics, symbolism, and techniques used by advertisers and translators in persuading customers and to know whether translators of advertisements use the same techniques in the target language as used in the original text. The study focuses on the comparative analysis of 30 English Coca-Cola advertisements and their French translations from 1905 to 2011. Analysis was done based on the relevance theory, equivalence theory, and Skopos theory within the framework of Descriptive Translation Studies (DTS) which examines and analyzes the way existing translations are carried out on advertisements. De Mooij, (2004:179), asserts that &lsquo;translating an advertising copy is like painting the tip of an iceberg&rsquo;. The study focuses on the complex interplay between language, culture, and marketing strategies. His work emphasizes that effective advertisement translation goes beyond mere linguistic conversion; it requires a deep understanding of cultural nuances and consumer behavior. De Moiji employs comparative analysis by analyzing pairs of source and target language advertisements, focusing on linguistic choices, cultural references, and marketing strategies, to identify successful translation practices and common pitfalls, offering insights into effective cross-cultural advertising.The work equally examines how language functions within specific advertising contexts considering factors such as tone, style, and persuasive techniques. These works highlight the importance of translation of advertisements in preserving culture which is the main aspect in a human what will lure the consumer to have the will power to purchase a good or a service, which is what the current study seeks to investigate in Zimbabwe and the procedures used in the translations. <strong>3. Methodology</strong> <strong>3.1 Sample population</strong> The target population for this study is divided into two categories, the first category are the companies (Bakers Inn Zimbabwe, Saraquel Ltd, Coverlink holdings, NetOne Zimbabwe, and Nash Paints Zimbabwe) and the second category is a randomly selected public, who are the possible clients and consumers of the goods and services provided by these companies. Both groups, companies and the public, responded to online questionnaires that were designed with different questions to meet the expectations from each group making this study a success. <strong>3.2 Sampling </strong> For this study, purposive sampling was used to select companies that provided data for the studyand random sampling was used for the selection of participants to answer the questionnaire for the potential clients. Purposive sampling is the intentional selection or identification of individuals or groups of individuals based on their characteristics, knowledgeof and experience with a phenomenon of interest, Cresswell and Clark (2011). Random sampling refers to a randomly selected subset of the population; every individual has an equal chance of being selected. It is the method of selecting a sample of n units out of N units by drawing units one by one with or without replacement whereby, every unit has an equal probability of selection. It is applied to allow every individual to have an opportunity to be selected. <strong>3.3 Data collection instruments</strong> To carry out this study, questionnaires, participant observation and corpus analysis were used. Questionnaires were administered online to the proposed customers (public) and the advertising companies respectively together with online observations. The study makes use of corpus analysis to investigate and analyze the techniques used to translate the advertisements. The extracts of adverts were collected from websites and from the companies&rsquo; data. Twenty (20) excerpts were collected and analysed using the Descriptive Translation Studies (DTS) model. <strong>3.4 Participant observation</strong> Participant observation was based on the advertisements on posters, flyers and social media posts, to examine carefully, check and see how the adverts are translated and the frequency of the translations. We immersed ourselves in the Zimbabwean society to observe and participate on social media sites and websites ensuring the translation of advertisements, identifying the procedures used in the translation of these advertisements, in order to fully convince customers. The goal was to gain a deep understanding of the culture, beliefs and practices from an insider&rsquo;s perspective. We even went on to consult company representatives through WhatsApp forum so that they verify if they translate their adverts from English to Shona. <strong>3.5 Descriptive Translation Studies (DTS)</strong> DTS model that involves comparative analysis of English and Shona texts, revealing cultural adaptations and shifts in meaning due to translation techniques used will be used as a guide in describing and analyzing the basic features of English and Shona corpus analysis. <strong>4. DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS</strong> Data collected through questionnaires and observations will be presented, analyzed and interpreted in this section. &nbsp; <strong>4.1 Respondent&rsquo; profile</strong> The measured demographic variables of sex, age, and level of education of the randomly chosen clients/public in Zimbabwe will be presented.&nbsp; <strong>a) Gender </strong> Results show that the majority of the respondents were female with 21 (52.5%), while the minority is male with a percentage of 19 (47.5%). <strong>b) </strong><strong>Age</strong> Twenty nine out of 40 respondents that is 72.5% of the population were 20-35 years old, then 6 (15%) were 36-55 years old, 4 (10%) were above 55 years old and 1 (2.5%) was below 20 years old.&nbsp; <strong>c) Level of English proficiency</strong> Concerning the level of English proficiency of the respondents, 32(80%) of the respondents have an advanced English proficiency, while 8 (20%) are on the immediate level in English language and no one is a beginner. The fact that most of respondents fluently speak and understand English contributed to the study as they comprehended the questions on the administered questionnaire. The level of literacy is also a contribution to the Zimbabwean marketing society as customers can understand English language. <strong>d) Languages spoken at home.</strong> Regarding the languages spoken at home 75% of the target audience speaks Shona in their homes, followed by 10% who speak English and Shona, 10% who speak Ndebele, and 5% who speak English. The majority of the respondents speak Shona, adding to the study on how Shona adverts can influence their purchasing decisions. This highlights the importance of the language in daily interactions. <strong>4.1.2 Attitude of respondents towards translation of adverts</strong> <strong>a) Purchase of product or service as a result of Shona advertisements.</strong> The study aimed to determine if Shona advertisements have influenced purchasing power. Results showed that 65% of respondents are sometimes convinced to buy goods, while 32.5% have never bought. The remaining 2.5% are neither convinced nor pushed to buy. The results suggest that Shona advertisements have not fully convinced customers to purchase or not. <strong>b) Preference of English words or translated Shona words on advertisement</strong> The majority of the population (72.5%) prefers English words over Shona translated words in advertisements, while 20% prefer their mother language for a sense of belonging and connection to their culture. The remaining 7.5% are indifferent, allowing the message to be passed regardless of the language used. This preference may be influenced by their English literacy, as the majority of the population speaks Shona at home. <strong>c) Conviction to buy goods or services as a result of either translated Shona words or English ones</strong> This question aimed to determine if consumers feel more convinced and connected with marketers when goods are advertised in their native language. Results showed that 65% of respondents found Shona advertisements more convincing than English ones, indicating patriotism or love for their language. However, 15% of respondents felt not compelled to buy goods or services by Shona advertisements. <strong>d) Motives behind the decision to purchase goods and services that are promoted in Shona: </strong> The decision to purchase goods and services advertised in Shona is influenced by the emotional and cultural resonance these advertisements evoke. Shona commercials, with their local rhythm and simple vocabulary, are rated higher by audiences compared to English ones, making them more relatable and engaging. These advertisements acknowledge the diverse consumer base, particularly by appealing to the Zimbabwean identity. When the message is relevant and the marketing strategy is tailored to the target demographic, Shona adverts inspire interest and enhance the likelihood of purchase. Skilled organizations often craft these advertisements with expertise and cultural insight. However, there are criticisms. Some respondents find Shona adverts unconvincing due to their lack of creativity, substance, and clarity, resulting in ambiguous or unrealistic messages. To enhance appeal, advertising in Shona should emphasize product attributes while avoiding jargon or overly technical language, ensuring clarity and relatability for potential customers. <strong>e) Improvements to be made to Shona adverts.</strong> Enhancing Shona advertisements requires a focus on clarity, engagement, and cultural authenticity. Advertisers should use simple, precise language and concise messaging to maintain viewer interest. Incorporating regional proverbs, idioms, and slang makes the content relatable and genuine. Adverts should consider Shona&rsquo;s diverse dialects and regional variations, using vibrant visuals such as traditional attire, local landscapes, and culturally significant symbols to resonate with audiences. Additionally, clear translation into Shona can extend the reach of the advertisements. Marketers should avoid complex sentences, excessive jargon, and overly scripted performances, instead fostering natural communication styles. Handouts with clear explanations and visual aids can cater to audiences with varying literacy levels. Regular production of high-quality advertisements, focused on authenticity and professionalism, is also essential. <strong>f) Opinions on the purpose of Shona adverts.</strong> The primary purpose of Shona advertisements is to promote product awareness, educate consumers, and encourage purchase while fostering a cultural connection. These adverts effectively communicate brand messages to diverse age groups, ensuring inclusivity across the Zimbabwean population. By leveraging the native language, advertisers create an accessible medium that helps bridge cultural gaps and expands product reach. Moreover, Shona advertisements celebrate and preserve African cultural diversity and heritage. They respect local languages while promoting open communication, ensuring that people from different linguistic and cultural backgrounds understand the brand&rsquo;s message. This approach strengthens cultural identity while achieving marketing goals. &nbsp; <strong>4.2 Companies</strong> The companies that participated to this study were NashPaints, Coverlink Holdings, Dairibord Zimbabwe, Saraquel ltd, Netone Zimbabwe and Baker's inn Zimbabwe. The professional positions of the people in the companies are as follows; marketing manager, customer service representative, human resource worker, marketer, marketing assistant and professional marketer, these helped ensure that the results are more accurate and aligned to the companies. &nbsp; <strong>a)&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; </strong><strong>Gender</strong> Six company representatives responded to the questionnaire, 4 are female, representing 66.67% of the total sample. On the other hand, 2(33.33%), are male. <strong>b)&nbsp; Goods and services offered</strong> The products and services provided by the different companies, are paint; insurance on cash plans, medical health, funeral insurance, legal insurance, special savings, home and auto insurance; dairy products; borehole drilling and installation; network service provider; and bread and confectionery items. The aim was to gather their opinions on translated advertisements, as these products cater to a larger market. <strong>d) Target audience</strong> The target audience for NetOne Zimbabwe and Coverlink Holdings includes all age groups, including infants, teens, adults, and professionals. Nash Paints targets adults investing in building, Saraquel Ltd targets adults, workers, and professionals for borehole drilling and installation, and Bakers&rsquo; Inn targets teens, adults, workers, and professionals for their bread and confectionery products. <strong>e) Market range</strong> This study reveals that 3 out of 6 companies target large scale markets, while others target small, medium, and all ranges.&nbsp; <strong>f) Person or department responsible for the Translations</strong> The results reveal that Zimbabwe&rsquo;s translation departments are predominantly bilinguals and agencies, with three companies relying on bilinguals and three relying on agencies. However, no professional translators are employed, highlighting the underrepresentation of qualified translators and the low status of translation as a profession in Zimbabwe, necessitating action from translator associations in the country. &nbsp; <strong>4.2.1 Opinions and attitudes towards the translation of advertisements by companies</strong> This portion of the questionnaire seeks to discuss the attitudes and opinions of respondents towards the translation of adverts. <strong>a) Advertising languages</strong> According to the results English and Shona are the primary languages used for advertising goods and services, with Ndebele being a secondary option. English is used by 100% of respondents, while Shona is also used all the companies. Ndebele is used by approximately 50% of companies. The frequency analysis shows that English and Shona are universally used, with Ndebele having a significant presence but not dominating the overall language use. <strong>b) Does translating advertisements increase sales and profits in the company?</strong> <strong>R1.</strong> It has not been measured yet but the assumption is that the message was related to more people than an English advert locally. <strong>R2</strong>.The Company hasn&rsquo;t had a direct record on profits and sales, but assumes that some of the customers who consult it would have understood the posts in the local language. So overall sales are increasing due to translating advertisements <strong>R3</strong>. Translation of promotional materials enhances communication with potential clients by bridging language barriers. Languages like Shona or Ndebele help understand product advantages and fulfill demands, increasing market reach, cultural relevance, trust, conversion rates, client loyalty, and sales. <strong>R4</strong>. In 2022, sales increased by 12%. This was the result of the introduction of Shona posts in a specific rural area of Zimbabwe, where people could read the flyers and understand without needing an explanation. Since the message containing the services was clearly stated, a lot of customers were invited. <strong>R5</strong>. There is no actual report or proof of it improving sales. Translations are valued for their potential to improve sales by reaching a broader audience, both English-speaking and non-English-speaking, thus increasing customer engagement. <strong>R6</strong>. Yes. Because the market range is wide, we understand that there is a type of consumers who prefer to engage in their native languages.&nbsp; That&rsquo;s why we use Shona and Ndebele also.&nbsp; We consider the translation of advertising materials to be a strategic move and it contributes to increased sales and expands reach.&nbsp; <strong>c) Why did you decide to translate advertising materials?</strong> <strong>R1</strong>. To make customers the center of attention. It&rsquo;s tempting to use your original tongue because you can even use popular lingo like &lsquo;Ma1, Chiremerera, ndayura, tinoramba, tichipisa, etc&rsquo;. <strong>R2</strong>. Translating promotional materials helps overcome language barriers and strengthens client connections. By speaking in Shona, we gain trust and credibility with Zimbabweans, making us their first choice for insurance services, despite not being fluent in English. <strong>R3</strong>. Translations of advertising materials are done to reach a wider audience, including those who would like information to be expressed in their language or who may not speak English well. Adverts are also translated for competitive edge because people are more likely to purchase a product when they comprehend the message than when they do not. <strong>R4</strong>. The translation of materials acknowledges, empowers, and promotes our mother tongue while reaching out to nearly all possible customers without leaving out any group. Companies translate promotional content to establish credibility and persuade customers that they are dependable and trustworthy. <strong>R5</strong>. It boosts the possibility of expanding clientele. Resonating with the cultural and language inclinations of the target customers. It shows a dedication to diversity and improves brand image. <strong>R6</strong>. Translating advertisements enhances local search engine optimization, increases visibility and traffic for Shona-based users, and makes content more accessible. Localizing content boosts sales, customer engagement, brand awareness, and helps businesses introduce new products to clients who may not speak English well. &nbsp; <strong>d) How important do you think translation of adverts is, in the promotion of African languages and preserving culture and meeting the company&rsquo;s objectives? </strong> <strong>R1</strong>. It is crucial because the message is more relatable. It also aligns with our goals, since we want the brand to represent the middle class, upper class, and the ghetto. Since our brand is universal, our advertising makes it more relatable. <strong>R2</strong>. Translating adverts enables us to become more relevant in the market by helping us localize and blend in with our business. It enables us to adapt to the specific preferences and market dynamics of the area. Additionally, it helps customers to perceive and believe that we recognize and value their particular requirements on a regional market. <strong>R3</strong>. Translations of advertisements enhance customer and company communication, conserving culture through content adaptation to cultural context and audience preferences. This ensures content is appropriate for the target audience, relevant to their culture, and has its own colloquial expressions. Translating advertising materials reduces misunderstandings and misinterpretations due to linguistic barriers, ensuring accurate communication and desired impact. <strong>R4.</strong>Translating advertising materials helps ensure accurate communication and impact, reducing misunderstandings and misinterpretations. This is crucial for entering new markets or increasing market share. Locally relevant adverts establish brand relevance and accessibility, increasing the likelihood of expanding into the target market, attracting new clients, and earning market share. <strong>R5.</strong>The company aims to be a network provider, increasing commercial activity, and supporting the Shona language. Some translations preserve indigenous Shona culture to make consumers feel valued. <strong>R6</strong>. Translating commercials into Shona and Ndebele ensures cultural alignment with target market conventions, values, and preferences. This ensures better understanding and comprehension for clients, maintains original tone and style, and evokes desired emotions and responses from the target market, thereby preserving the intended meaning. <strong>4.3 Discussions</strong> The study reveals that translating advertisements from English to Shona is crucial for upholding African culture, reducing language barriers, and promoting marketing strategies. The majority of respondents support this translation, as it gives them a sense of belonging and importance. However, they prefer English-language advertisements, despite speaking Shona in their homes. This may be due to diglossia where English is considered high and Shona is considered low. Shona advertisements provide cultural relevance and help preserve culture.The study also highlights the need for professional translators in Zimbabwe to ensure good translations.Using professional translators could help avoid errors of inappropriate jargon. The translation of advertisements from English to Shona has a positive impact on companies, as it increases client loyalty, engagement, brand awareness, sales, and profitability. This broadens the market range and allows companies to effectively communicate with people from diverse backgrounds and demographic age groups, earning brand recognition in a competitive world. &nbsp; <strong>4.4. Analytical analysis of the corpus</strong> Excerpts extracted from adverts of different companies that were collected from websites and from the companies are analyzed in this section of analysis. <strong>ST: Special savings plan</strong> <strong>TT: </strong><em>Plan yekuchengetedza mari yakanaka</em> The excerpt from an insurance companyuses borrowing technique and domestication strategy to translate the word <strong><em>plan</em></strong> as the translator did not find a word that is equivalent in the target text. The word <strong><em>special</em></strong> was also not rendered with the emphasis that it should have given in the original text, the weight of the meaning was rather reduced. The word that was rather better to use for special was <strong><em>yakakosha</em></strong>, the translation would have been, <strong><em>hurongwa hwekuchengetedza mari hwakakosha. </em></strong>The skopos theory applied, the purpose and aim of the message was conveyed to the target audience that they can trust the insurance company, one would also justify the use of the word <strong><em>plan</em></strong> as it is a word that is widely used in the society. <strong>ST: Crystal Clear Water from the original source</strong> <strong>TT: </strong><em>Mvura yakachena inoyevedza, Yabva pasi pemvura</em> This is an advert from a borehole drilling company on the cleanliness of the water that the boreholes provide, the translator used the domestication strategy and the explicitation technique as they had to explain what the original text ought to say. There is also a mistranslation on the words <strong><em>yabva pasi pemvura</em></strong> which are the elements of interestas the words <strong><em>original source</em></strong> refers to where the water is coming from that is the <strong><em>bedrock</em></strong> and in most times these could be springs and in Shona the original source that brings clean and healthy water that does not need further purification is called <strong><em>chitubu</em></strong> therefore there was a repetition of water coming from under water rather than saying the water is coming from the original source in Shona. The suggested translation is, <strong><em>Mvura yakachena inoyevedza, inobva muchitubu</em></strong>. The first part of the advert is well translated but the second rather has errors, the possible constraints here could have been finding the equivalent words for the target language. The skopos theory applies as the purpose of the source text was rather achieved. <strong>ST: Get spotted with the Baker&rsquo;s Inn loaf and win USD10</strong> <strong>TT:</strong><em> Batika paMap nechingwa che Baker&rsquo;s Inn upihwe USD10</em> The excerpt is from a bread company advertisement featuring a man holding money, offering promotions for buying bread. The advertisement aims to lure customers to buy more bread to receive vouchers and increase their chances of winning. The translation strategy is foreignization, with borrowing techniques such as map, Baker's Inn, and USD10 from English to maintain the original writer&rsquo;s spirit and relevance. Words such as <strong><em>map, Baker&rsquo;s Inn</em></strong> and <strong><em>USD10</em></strong> are borrowed from English to keep the readers in the spirit of the original writer and to maintain the sense. The word <strong><em>map</em></strong> came in to stand in for spotted so the translator just used common slang used in the country referring to being available, they say <strong><em>batika paMap</em></strong> therefore this was relatable to the reader. The word win was translated to <strong><em>upihwe</em></strong> which does not really bring the sense yet the word <strong><em>win</em></strong> in Shona is <strong><em>kubudirira/ hwinha/ kukunda</em></strong> which was rather going to emphasis on the competitive part of the promotion. The theory of appropriateness applies as the translator used the appropriate words to give the message relevance and communicate the sense and meaning. <strong>ST: Welcome home</strong> <strong>TT:</strong><em> Dzoka uyamwe</em> This is an advert from a telecommunication company, the slogan <strong><em>Welcome home</em></strong> was translated to <strong><em>dzoka uyamwe</em></strong>. The direct translation will be <strong><em>tinokutambirai kumba </em></strong>which in the case of a telecommunication company wouldn&rsquo;t render the expected impact that the source text is giving. The translation <strong><em>dzoka uyamwe</em></strong> which basically means something else different that is come back and drink was found to be more appropriate in the sense that the company is a network company that helps people connect on the internet so it is encouraging the clients to come back and take from them to get connectivity from them as it is homely. The strategy that was used is domestication and the strategy is modulation. The theory of appropriateness is applicable as the translator used words that would be appropriate to the context of the target culture. <strong>4.4.1 Discussions</strong> This study analyzed 20 excerpts of advertisements translated from English into Shona, focusing on marketing terms to persuade clients to trust the services and goods offered by companies. Translation techniques like literal translation, calque, transposition, modulation, adaptation, transposition, and explicitation were used. The study identified theories like skopos, appropriateness, and communicative, but possible constraints include translators&rsquo; influence by the source text and inaccurate renderings. The results suggest the need for more professional translators to ensure translations are conveyed in their natural state in the target culture. <strong>5. CONCLUSION</strong> The study analyzed 20 advertisements and their Shona translations using both qualitative and quantitative methods. It used Newmark&rsquo;s communicative theory, Vermeer&rsquo;s Skopos theory, and Grice&rsquo;s appropriateness theory to understand the impact of translation procedures on consumer behavior and attitudes towards companies. Data was collected through questionnaires, corpus analysis, and participant observations. Results showed that translation techniques like explicitation, transposition, borrowing, direct translation, and cultural adaptation are often used to align advertisements with Shona-speaking audiences. Public responses indicated mixed outcomes, with some consumers finding Shona translations relatable but others feeling they lacked the persuasive impact of original English adverts. The study suggests improvements in translation in Zimbabwe to meet cultural norms and values.The study indicates a need for improvement in Zimbabwe&rsquo;s advertisement translation to align with the language&rsquo;s cultural norms and values. The process requires linguistic precision, cultural sensitivity, and marketing acumen. Despite challenges, these efforts promote linguistic diversity and inclusivity in Zimbabwe&rsquo;s advertising landscape. Further studies on other indigenous languages would be necessary to assess their role in shaping consumer perceptions and equally consulting the translators in the marketing field. <strong>REFERENCES</strong> Basem, A (2006).The translation of fast-food advertising texts from English to Arabic.University of South Africa Bell, A. (1991). Translation and the translatability of advertising. In L. Venuti (Ed.), <em>the translation studies reader</em> (pp. 77-92). Routledge. Bovee, C. L., &amp; Arens, W. F. (1986). <em>Contemporary Advertising</em> (p. 5). Homewood, IL: Richard D. Irwin. Brierley, S. (2002). The importance of cultural context in advertising translation. <em>Journal of Advertising Research</em>, <em>42</em>(2), 31-40. https://doi.org/10.2501/JAR-42-2-31-40 Cook, G. 2001. The discourse of advertising, 2nd Edition, London: Routledge. Creswell, J. W., &amp; Clark, V. L. P. (2011). <em>Designing and Conducting Mixed Methods Research</em> (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE. De Mooij, M. (2004). Translating advertising copy: Painting the tip of an iceberg and hoping the whole thing will turn red. In <em>The Translator: Studies in Intercultural Communication</em> (Vol. 10, No. 2, pp. 179&ndash;198). St. Jerome Publishing. Grice, H. P. (1975). Logic and conversation. In P. Cole &amp; J. L. Morgan (Eds.), <em>Syntax and Semantics: Vol. 3. Speech Acts</em> (pp. 41&ndash;58). New York: Academic Press. Kappe.F.(2012).<em>The&nbsp;translation&nbsp;of&nbsp;advertisements:&nbsp;issues&nbsp;of&nbsp;semiotics,&nbsp;symbolism&nbsp; and&nbsp;persuasion</em>. University&nbsp;of&nbsp;the&nbsp;Witwatersrand. Munday, J. (2002). <em>Introducing Translation Studies: Theories and Applications</em>. London: Routledge. Ngoran, C.T. (2017). <em>Mastering translation in four stages.</em> ISBN: 978 9956-765-4-4 Reboul, O. (1978). <em>The Rhetoric of Advertising</em>. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. Sharabi, C. (2023). <em>Marketing and Advertising Translation Techniques for International Companies.</em>Press.https://www.getblend.com/blog/marketing-and-advertising-translation-techniques-for-international-companies/ Sichkar, S., Kaminska, M., Bryk, M., Melko, K., Zhurkova, O., Kharkevych, H. (2023). Training of future translators through advertising slogans translation. Revista Rom&acirc;nească pentru Educaţie Multidimensională, 15(2), 418-439. https://doi.org/10.18662/rrem/15.2/742 Syahputra, , Suryadi, S., &amp; Azhar, R. (2022). <em>Cross-Cultural Translation in Advertising</em>. Jakarta: Universitas Indonesia Press. Syahputra F.P, Nasution E.H&amp;Widiantho. Y. (2022) <em>Translation Techniques in Translated Commercial Break Advertisement.</em>Proceedings of English Linguistics and Literature, Vol.3 (2022) Wu, J. (2018). Evoking Emotions in Advertising Translation: A Cross-Cultural Perspective. <em>Journal of Translation Studies</em>, <em>25</em>(3), 45&ndash;62. Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press. &nbsp; <strong>IMAGES</strong> &nbsp; Image 1: English advert with Shona translation from NetOne Image 2: English and Shona translated advert for Baker&rsquo;s Inn Image 3: English and Shona translated advert for Saraquel ltd

The COVID-19 pandemic has laid the foundation for a virtual world, ushering in an era of digital transformation1. Previously, physical presence was deemed essential for learning, with teachers serving as the primary source of knowledge. However, with the advent of online platforms, the landscape of teaching and learning has dramatically shifted2. Studies have shown that online educators now use social media platforms like YouTube and Instagram, leveraging cutting-edge technologies to maintain learner engagement through interactive content, community building, continuous reinforcement, and strategic gamification3. One notable form of online education is Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs), an educational model that allows individuals to access information without needing to enroll in a university, pay tuition fees, or join an undergraduate program4. These elements ensure that online courses are not mere fleeting experiences but enduring journeys of discovery diversity and growth5. A systematic review has shown that while online courses in medical education are generally effective, their success is highly dependent on the course design, including the use of interactive components like quizzes and discussion forums6. A study tracking medical students over a year found that those who participated in online or blended learning environments retained more of their clinical skills compared to those who only received traditional instruction. This was particularly true for courses that incorporated hands-on virtual simulations7. This era can be the digital transformation in education, shifting the focus from physical presence to online platforms Designing online courses, however, is a complex and demanding task that requires expertise. Additionally, challenges such as managing finances, production delays, and sourcing academic materials further complicate this format8. These hurdles have been effectively addressed through joint ventures between entrepreneurs and educators. Educators bring their subject matter expertise and pedagogical knowledge, while entrepreneurs contribute innovative thinking and business acumen9. Globally, countries are increasingly focusing on entrepreneurship education and training programs (EETPs) to boost entrepreneurial activity, as policymakers recognize the positive impact of entrepreneurship on economic growth. Smith et al. have emphasized the role of entrepreneurs and medical educators in developing innovative online education platforms for medical training10. Together, they create courses that are not only educational but also marketable and scalable. Numerous researchers have demonstrated that entrepreneurship plays a crucial role in marketing courses aimed at skill development and knowledge enhancement. Entrepreneurial orientation significantly influences entrepreneurial success and is now being highlighted in many researches. Entrepreneurs bring technological expertise and a market-driven approach, while medical educators provide the necessary content expertise, ensuring the quality and accuracy of the information delivered11. Kumar et al. have highlighted key challenges, including regulatory hurdles, funding constraints, and the need for alignment between educational and business objectives. Successful initiatives often involve stakeholder engagement, clear business models, and adaptive learning technologies10.Entrepreneurship offers individuals opportunities for independence, financial success, and positive economic impact. Several online education platforms exemplify the successful collaboration between educators and entrepreneurs. Popular examples include Coursera (California, USA), Edx (USA), Udacity (USA), FutureLearn (Milton Keynes, England), Codecademy (New York, USA), Open Learning (Sydney, Australia), NPTEL (India), Khan Academy (California, USA), Udemy (California, USA), and ALISON (Galway, Ireland)5. Coursera, for instance, is a prime example where the collaboration between two Stanford professors and the entrepreneurial community has not only enhanced the teaching-learning experience but also generated significant revenue12. Platforms like Udemy and Kenhub allow educators and entrepreneurs to create and sell their courses, providing a user-friendly interface and robust marketing tools that enable instructors to reach a global audience and generate income. Khan Academy, a non-profit organization, offers free interactive exercises and instructional videos, making learning accessible and enjoyable for students of all ages13. Focuses on structured courses, often in collaboration with top universities and companies. Courses on Coursera are typically more academic, with options to earn certificates, degrees, or specializations. This platform appeals to learners seeking formal education and recognized credentials. Udemy Offers a wide range of courses, from hobby-related subjects to professional skills. The content varies in quality and depth, as it is user-generated13. Khan Academy’s strength lies in its diversity and accessibility, making it appealing to learners looking for specific skills or knowledge rather than formal education14. These platforms complement each other in the online education landscape, showcasing different approaches to democratizing learning. The concept of joint ventures between entrepreneurship and education is also gaining traction in Pakistan. Despite this progress, the country continues to face significant challenges due to inadequate infrastructure and low internet penetration, limiting access to these resources4. Potential solutions include developing interactive online platforms for course stakeholders and enhancing academic materials with engaging elements such as animations and video descriptions. The development of Entrepreneurial Universities in Pakistan aims to design entrepreneurship content and activities within the local context and to train entrepreneurial coaches15.16. Initiatives like Wonder Tree, which designs and develops interactive games and educational tools for children with autism, showcase the potential of entrepreneurship in achieving sustainable educational goals17. By providing access to high-quality education and tools for success in the marketplace, entrepreneurship can play a crucial role in addressing unemployment and fostering economic growth in Pakistan. How to Cite This: Iqbal K. Pioneering Online Education courses: The Synergy of Entrepreneurs and Medical Educators. Isra Med J. 2024; 16(2): 34-35. DOI: https://doi.org/10.55282/imj.ed66

Taeko Hoshino. Industrialisation and Private Enterprises in Mexico. Chiba: Institute of Developing Economies (Occasional Paper Series No. 36), 2001. Pages 142. Hardbound. Price not given. Taeko Hoshino is a Senior Research Fellow specialising in the study of economic development in Mexico at the Institute of Developing Economies, Hitotsubashi University, Tokyo. In Industrialisation and Private Enterprises in Mexico Hoshino sheds lights on the structure of Mexican industry laying particular emphasis on the behavioural implications of prevalent structures. Failure on the part of the Mexican government to understand these features may compromise the neo- liberal development strategy currently being pursued. Hoshino attributes Mexico’s shift from import substitution industrialisation (ISI) to neo-liberalism, and also to the economic crises of 1982, 1987, and 1994. These recurring crises stem from Mexico’s external debt problem and economic liberalisation itself. Of particular interest is the fact that in spite of an unfavourable operating environment, large-scale Mexican enterprises have been able to adapt and compete successfully. In assessing the causes of the relative success of large-scale enterprises, several factors are of significance. First, as the government privatises its productive assets, large-scale Mexican firms are the only indigenous players with the resources to buy and operate them. Thus, part of the expansion is due to the transfer of state assets. Second, an increasing share of the domestic market has enabled large-scale enterprises to expand abroad, mainly within the Western Hemisphere. In addition to these two factors are internal reorganisation and the re-negotiation of external debts. This does not imply that Mexico’s big businesses are expanding by default. A major thrust of Hoshino’s argument is that by examining the early period of Mexican industrial development before the 1980s strong internal factors, such as superior business strategy, become apparent. The empirical basis for this contention is established by case studies of individual large-scale private sector firms drawn from the beer brewing, steel, mining, auto-parts, and banking industries. Viewed in the present context of rising popular opposition to corporate globalisation, Industrialisation and Private Enterprises in Mexico is an important and timely work. What many readers will find disturbing is that in Mexico, as in other countries, neo-liberalism works to the direct advantage of large companies and exacerbates difficulties faced by small and medium scale enterprises.

Developing communication skills among students is an interesting and difficult task for the teacher. The teachers keep himself/herself busy thinking about innovative and interesting activities every time so that the student should take an interest in the activities and the teacher should meet the expected goal. If the students get surprised by the activity organized by the teacher for communication skills, they get enthusiastic about participating in the activities. Therefore, if the teacher uses different activities for developing communication skills, students become a good communicator. Even the teacher also takes an interest in exciting that activity. In this research paper, the researcher tries to find out the effectiveness of a new tool, which is the Election Campaign Banner, and for it, he designed many interesting activities to enhance communication skills.

Introduction Our era of urgent climate action is underpinned by a perplexing paradox: a continued reliance on fossil fuels is presented as a solution to the very crisis it perpetuates. We live in a world where this logical inconsistency is normalised and accepted; an artificial fantasy realm where we can have our fossil fuel cake and eat it as well. In this realm, society, business, and government acknowledge the reality of climate change and its cause, yet do little to alleviate it. Instead, they express bi-partisan support for zero emissions targets while expanding fossil fuel projects, and promote corporate decarbonisation pledges while advocating against legislation reducing greenhouse gas emissions. They celebrate manipulated emissions reduction data while pushing aside the reality of rapidly breaking heat records (UN News) and decades of locked-in continuous emissions increases (Bhatia) through unabated approvals of coal and gas mines (Roe and Lowrey). Our ability to construct and sustain artificial worlds is nothing new, having long featured in philosophical discourse. From Plato's Allegory of the Cave—where prisoners mistake shadows for reality—to modern conspiracy theories, people have long explored and exploited the notion that our understanding of the world has flexible epistemological foundations which can be easily manipulated. Modern scholars have expanded this analysis to a societal scale. For example, Jean Baudrillard explored how media and symbols can create a 'hyperreality' that obscures or replaces objective truth (Wolny), while Noam Chomsky and Edward Herman analysed the mechanisms of 'manufacturing consent', whereby public opinion is carefully curated to align with specific interests (Chomsky and Herman). Through our growing immersion in online communities, networks of power work to create epistemic bubbles and echo chambers. Information is curated to reinforce existing beliefs and exclude contradictory evidence, leveraging our tendency to reject information that does not align with our beliefs. These blurred lines of the fossil-fuelled artificial reality can be difficult to discern given the entrenched role these resources play in our society. Australia is one of the world’s largest fossil fuel exporters, with one of the highest carbon emissions per capita (Grant and Hare). Fossil fuels hold a central place in the Australian economy, community, and psyche (Botrel et al.). The pervasive grip of the fossil fuel industry compels our continued consumption regardless of climate concerns while offering few pathways for escape. This creates a profound cognitive dissonance: we must simultaneously acknowledge climate change while participating in the very systems that accelerate it. Not only that: in managing this psychological tension, we acquiesce to the industry’s preferred narrative of an ongoing fossil-fuelled future (Wright et al.). In this mythical future, fossil fuel expansion will bring unbridled collective goods so long as we sweep away any inconvenient concerns about climate change from our thoughts. In doing so, the direct link between fossil fuel production and carbon emissions is severed: rendered trivial, eclipsed by the carefully constructed myth of fossil fuel dependence. And thus a new world comes into existence, one where the use of fossil fuels becomes both necessary and inevitable. In this article, I explore the many channels by which the fossil fuel industry has constructed this artificial reality. I draw on parallels between the tactics employed by the fossil fuel industry and those previously used by other health- and planet-harming industries, particularly the tobacco industry (Lacy-Nichols et al.). Using data compiled from a comprehensive longitudinal database of state and federal lobbying registers, combined with online and archival sources, the following sections explore how the industry and its enablers wield these strategies to perpetuate this artificial reality. The Construction of the Artificial Fossil-Fuelled World Strategy 1: Constructing and Controlling the Narrative Sustaining this artificial reality requires narratives that mask fossil fuels' climate destruction. A veneer of plausibility justifies acceptance of this reality, making it crucial for the industry to control the narrative of its societal role. Accordingly, industry-favoured solutions—such as carbon capture and storage—are framed as 'common sense' (Parkin). Mirroring Gramsci’s concept of "cultural hegemony", this pro-fossil fuel ideology is perpetuated through the extensive material, organisational, and communicative power of the industry, allowing it to be accepted as natural and inevitable (Blondeel). These resources fuel the small army of PR firms, lobbyists, think tanks, and 'junk scientists', who all play various roles in customising narratives for different audiences in a way that is most likely to maintain this artificial reality, as described below (Hoggan and Littlemore). Promoting gas as a transition fuel. The idea of a ‘transition’ fuel has been highly effective in neutralising threats to fossil fuel extraction as well as renewable energy challenges (Heras 49). Through dedicated websites and industry reports like "Gas Vision 2050" the industry reframes gas as a climate solution while avoiding direct discussion of its climate impacts. This extends to misleading claims; the Australian Petroleum Production and Exploration Association (APPEA) framed gas as 50% cleaner than an unspecified alternative fuel, in claims subsequently found to have breached environmental advertising codes (Ad Standards Community Panel). Sowing doubt from denial to delay. Despite knowing about climate change since the 1960s, companies like Exxon Mobile promoted scepticism for decades (Bennett). Today, this narrative has now shifted from denial to delay (Hoggan and Littlemore). The industry acknowledges climate change while claiming its fossil fuel expansion serves the public good. Net zero targets are one particularly prominent narrative of delay: companies promote targets to postpone meaningful action while maintaining an appearance of progress (e.g., APPEA's rebranding to Australian Energy Producers). Another example is natural gas company Tamboran Resources, which mirrors this narrative in front-page claims about their net zero vision, despite its role in the controversial Beetaloo fracking project set to emit more greenhouse gases than all Pacific Island nations combined (Ogge, Emissions). Emphasising economic benefits. The fossil fuel industry maintains legitimacy by emphasising economic benefits and jobs (Bryson). Both major political parties adhere to this framing, enabling fossil fuel expansion to continue unabated while the role of other industries in providing jobs—such as renewable energy and tourism in the Great Barrier Reef—gains little space in the narrative (Bryson). Companies like Origin Energy promote direct benefits to landowners as “a valuable addition to farm income” (Origin Energy), aligning themselves with economic growth, stability, and the broader national interest while downplaying their role in climate-related disasters (Wright et al.). Capturing the media. Media outlets play a crucial role in reinforcing fossil fuel narratives. Some, like the West Australian, openly support the industry and attack climate initiatives (Dumas). More broadly, media outlets perpetuate the connection between fossil fuels and economic wellbeing, while overstating the industry's employment significance relative to environmental concerns (Nyberg and Wright). Strategy 2: Camouflaging and Greenwashing The second strategy used to maintain this artificial reality is camouflaging and greenwashing. These mechanisms actively work to disguise the industry's harmful impacts and present a deceptively eco-friendly image. They construct a picture of corporate virtue, allow destructive companies to deflect criticism, position themselves as solution providers, and act as mouthpieces for industry (Lacy-Nichols et al.). Fossil fuel companies seek to promote their public role through partnerships in the public sector, while sponsorship and advertising help deflect attention from emissions and minimise criticism (Nyberg and Wright; Plec and Pettenger). Three examples of camouflaging and greenwashing are presented below. Promoting front groups. The Climate Leaders Coalition has 47 members each paying around $3000 a year to join and claim their title as a climate leader (Fernyhough; Climate Leaders Coalition, "About"). Members of the group include major gas producers Santos and Woodside, who ostensibly agree with the statement "We take climate change seriously in our business" (Climate Leaders Coalition, "About"). This group is used as a way to overlay a fake climate lens to climate emissions, with Santos even earning its own climate case study in the 2020 Roadmap to Zero report (Climate Leaders Coalition, Roadmap). Fostering public-private partnerships. The Queensland Resources Council highlighted partnerships between Arrow Energy, Moranbah State High School, and Simply Sunshine Day Care (Queensland Resources Council), while Santos provided funding to Queensland police, regional councils, health committees, and government departments (Santos). Similarly, the Australian Earth Science Education Group is supported by Woodside, Santos, and Chevron, and promotes gas-positive education to children in Years 4-10 (AusEarthEd). Sponsorship and advertising. The Australian Institute of Marine Science, despite its goal of supporting sustainable use and protection of oceans, is sponsored by BHP, Santos, Shell, and Woodside (Australian Institute of Marine Science, "World’s"; Australian Institute of Marine Science, "Industry"). Fossil fuel companies advertise and sponsor sporting venues like the Canberra Tennis Arena (Rimmer), while hundreds of health, community, and education organisations receive sponsorship from energy companies. Major initiatives like Bright-r invest $750 million in community projects (Bright-r), while partnerships with state governments, like Western Australia’s Resources Community Investment Initiative, further legitimise the industry. Collectively they create a discourse of community wellbeing, supported by actors across industry, politics, and the media (Wright et al.). Strategy 3: Influencing Public Policy and Research Narrative control alone does not maintain fossil fuel dominance. Instead, "petro-hegemony" describes how companies gain deeper political and economic control through lobbying, undermining science, and funding climate denial (LeQuesne 19; Parkin). Fossil fuel interests are crafted to appear synonymous with democratic governance (LeQuesne), enabling them to counter climate policies that threaten their business model (Böhler et al.). In this "carbon democracy" (LeQuesne), historical links between coal and politics give lobbyists significant policy influence, turning modest economic gains into remarkable political power (Baer 199). As demonstrated below, the industry's extensive financial resources allow for persistent lobbying that climate advocates cannot match (Botrel et al.) often resulting in business-friendly policy outcomes (Meng and Rode). Lobbying. Major gas companies have been shown to engage in "predatory lobbying" to secure investments and influence policy (ACCR). This lobbying also involves developing alternatives to public policy, usually promoting options such as fast-tracking projects, tax breaks, self-regulation, or voluntary commitments. Industry bodies promote self-regulation and reduced climate reporting (EY; Minerals Council of Australia). The revolving door between politics and industry has been demonstrated to have influenced major projects (Lucas) and sought preferential treatment for certain companies such as Beach Energy, Sibelco, and Linc Energy (Aulby and Ogge). These lobbying efforts often emphasise decarbonisation risks to communities and employment, while highlighting the industry's economic contributions (Wright et al.; Minerals Council of Australia). Undermining legitimate science. The distortion of evidence and exaggeration of uncertainty is a well-established tactic to neutralise threats to business models (Lacy-Nichols et al.). The Gas Industry Social and Environmental Research Alliance (GISERA) exemplifies this approach: funded 75% by gas companies and overseen by industry executives (Ogge, GISERA; Australia Institute, “CSIRO”; Bambrick et al.), GISERA has been accused of publishing biased reports, such as claiming fracking was environmentally safe based on a limited sample of just six out of Queensland's 19,000 coal seam gas wells, and conducting surveys that inflate apparent support for coal seam gas projects (Australia Institute, “CSIRO”; Lock the Gate). Meanwhile, a 2010 Australian Research Council project on CSG health risks was reportedly not undertaken due to the industry partner, Santos, withdrawing funding (McCarron). Strategy 4: Leveraging State Power The alliance between state power and fossil fuel interests combines financial support with dissent suppression, protecting industry interests while maintaining the narrative that fossil fuels are essential for national prosperity. State support for expansion alongside suppression of protection as described below, makes it increasingly difficult for sustainable energy alternatives to gain public traction. Providing government support. State power actively supports fossil fuel expansion (e.g., see Nyberg and Wright), such as Queensland's backing of the Carmichael coal mine despite market doubts (Bryson). State support can be linked to political donations, as suggested by donations to the Western Australia Labor Party by Mineral Resources and Woodside during consideration of increasing gas export allowances (Readfearn). Financial support to the sector is also provided through the estimated A$14.5b annual cost to the state for various fossil fuel subsidies (Australia Institute, "Fossil"). Criminalising protest. Governments and corporations leverage state power to suppress, protest, and convert political communication practices into offences (Gulliver et al., "Criminalisation"). These include new anti-protest laws, expanded applications of existing discretionary powers, and portraying protesters as extremists (Brock et al.; Irwin et al.). Companies also use private security, strategic lawsuits, and surveillance, as well as attempting to remove environmental organisations' charitable status (Al-Azzawi et al.; Hoggan and Littlemore; Kirkwood). Our Shared Duplicity: Moral Disengagement and Identity Capture While personal choices offer accessible forms of dissent, a focus on individual responsibility to reduce individual emissions serves industry interests by deflecting attention from their role in perpetuating fossil fuel dependence. Two key psychological responses emerge to maintain fossil fuel control: moral disengagement and identity capture, both of which may help individuals cope with but ultimately reinforce the status quo. Moral disengagement. The ubiquitous influence wielded by the fossil fuel industry only succeeds because of societal acceptance of fossil fuel norms (Blondeel). These norms are often at their most visible amongst those who work in environmentally destructive industries where employees justify carbon impacts through various strategies: by emphasising the positive outcomes as opposed to the negative influence of their efforts, through promoting gradual change or relying on future solutions, and by dismissing carbon data (Torres-Delgado et al. 1). Identity capture. Simultaneously, climate change beliefs have become deeply tied to personal identity, with stronger identity attachments increasing resistance to change (Marquart-Pyatt et al.). Climate change beliefs are also substantially linked to, and constrained by, political affiliation (Hornsey et al.; Fielding et al.). This identity capture extends to professional spheres, as evidenced by Arctic tourism operators who morally disengage from their environmental impacts while portraying activities as sustainable (Vespestad et al.). Dismantling the Artificial World The industry gains popular consent by normalising the entrenched role of fossil fuels in our lives and rigorously challenging threats that question the assumptions, beliefs, and patterns that maintain these prevailing norms (Blondeel). However, history demonstrates that social movements offer a powerful mechanism for effectively challenging the status quo. Environmental movements constitute a counter-hegemonic force, mobilising resources, establishing alternative institutions, and developing organisational capacity to challenge the dominant power structure (Heras). In Australia, evidence suggests these efforts can be effective (Gulliver et al., "Understanding"; Gulliver et al., "Civil"). Advocacy groups across the country challenge the processes that enable fossil fuel companies and their enablers to perpetuate this artificial world by demanding greater action on climate change and transparency on climate-harming activities. Legal challenges focussing on climate accountability and greenwashing are proving to be effective avenues to shatter the industry's narrative veneer. Yet, despite increasing awareness of these strategies used to maintain this artificial world, emissions continue to rise. Dismantling this artificial world, therefore, requires more: a multifaceted approach that dismantles the industry's narrative control, economic influence, and societal embeddedness. By shifting focus from individual actions to the systemic forces that lock in fossil fuel use, we can more effectively confront the power structures that underpin the fossil fuel industry’s power. 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In light of the COVID-19 pandemic, where income has become precarious and Internet use has soared, the influencer industry has to strategise over new ways to sustain viewer attention, maintain income flows, and innovate around formats and messaging, to avoid being excluded from continued commercial possibilities. In this article, we review the press coverage of the influencer markets in Australia, Japan, and Korea, and consider how the industry has been attempting to navigate their way through the pandemic through deviations and detours. We consider the narratives and groups of influencers who have been included and excluded in shaping the discourse about influencer strategies in the time of COVID-19. The distinction between inclusion and exclusion has been a crucial mechanism to maintain the social normativity, constructed with gender, sexuality, wealth, able-ness, education, age, and so on (Stäheli and Stichweh, par. 3; Hall and Du Gay 5; Bourdieu 162). The influencer industry is the epitome of where the inclusion-exclusion binary is noticeable. It has been criticised for serving as a locus where social norms, such as femininity and middle-class identities, are crystallised and endorsed in the form of visibility and attention (Duffy 234; Abidin 122). Many are concerned about the global expansion of the influencer industry, in which young generations are led to clickbait and sensational content and normative ways of living, in order to be “included” by their peer groups and communities and to avoid being “excluded” (Cavanagh). However, COVID-19 has changed our understanding of the “normal”: people staying home, eschewing social communications, and turning more to the online where they can feel “virtually” connected (Lu et al. 15). The influencer industry also has been affected by COVID-19, since the images of normativity cannot be curated and presented as they used to be. In this situation, it is questionable how the influencer industry that pivots on the inclusion-exclusion binary is adjusting to the “new normal” brought by COVID-19, and how the binary is challenged or maintained, especially by exploring the continuities and discontinuities in industry. Methodology This cross-cultural study draws from a corpus of articles from Australia, Japan, and Korea published between January and May 2020, to investigate how local news outlets portrayed the contingencies undergone by the influencer industry, and what narratives or groups of influencers were excluded in the process. An extended discussion of our methodology has been published in an earlier article (Abidin et al. 5-7). Using the top ranked search engine of each country (Google for Australia and Japan, Naver for Korea), we compiled search results of news articles from the first ten pages (ten results per page) of each search, prioritising reputable news sites over infotainment sites, and by using targeted keyword searches: for Australia: ‘influencer’ and ‘Australia’ and ‘COVID-19’, ‘coronavirus’, ‘pandemic’; for Japan: ‘インフルエンサー’ (influensā) and ‘コロナ’ (korona), ‘新型コロ ナ’ (shin-gata korona), ‘コロナ禍’ (korona-ka); for Korea: ‘인플루언서’ (Influencer) and ‘코로나’ (corona) and ‘팬데믹’ (pandemic). 111 articles were collected (42 for Australia, 31 for Japan, 38 for Korea). In this article, we focus on a subset of 60 articles and adopt a grounded theory approach (Glaser and Strauss 5) to manually conduct open, axial, and close coding of their headline and body text. Each headline was translated by the authors and coded for a primary and secondary ‘open code’ across seven categories: Income loss, Backlash, COVID-19 campaign, Misinformation, Influencer strategy, Industry shifts, and Brand leverage. The body text was coded in a similar manner to indicate all the relevant open codes covered in the article. In this article, we focus on the last two open codes that illustrate how brands have been working with influencers to tide through COVID-19, and what the overall industry shifts were on the three Asia-Pacific country markets. Table 1 (see Appendix) indicates a full list of our coding schema. Inclusion of the Normal in Shifting Brand Preferences In this section, we consider two main shifts in brand preferences: an increased demand for influencers, and a reliance on influencers to boost viewer/consumer traffic. We found that by expanding digital marketing through Influencers, companies attempted to secure a so-called “new normal” during the pandemic. However, their marketing strategies tended to reiterate the existing inclusion-exclusion binary and exacerbated the lack of diversity and inequality in the industry. Increased Demand for Influencers Across the three country markets, brokers and clients in the influencer industry increased their demand for influencers’ services and expertise to sustain businesses via advertising in the “aftermath of COVID-19”, as they were deemed to be more cost-efficient “viral marketing on social media” (Yoo). By outsourcing content production to influencers who could still produce content independently from their homes (Cheik-Hussein) and who engage with audiences with their “interactive communication ability” (S. Kim and Cho), many companies attempted to continue their business and maintain their relationships with prospective consumers (Forlani). As the newly enforced social distancing measures have also interrupted face-to-face contact opportunities, the mass pivot towards influencers for digital marketing is perceived to further professionalise the industry via competition and quality control in all three countries (Wilkinson; S. Kim and Cho; Yadorigi). By integrating these online personae of influencers into their marketing, the business side of each country is moving towards the new normal in different manners. In Australia, businesses launched campaigns showcasing athlete influencers engaging in meaningful activities at home (e.g. yoga, cooking), and brands and companies reorganised their marketing strategies to highlight social responsibilities (Moore). On the other hand, for some companies in the Japanese market, the disruption from the pandemic was a rare opportunity to build connections and work with “famous” and “prominent” influencers (Yadorigi), otherwise unavailable and unwilling to work for smaller campaigns during regular periods of an intensely competitive market. In Korea, by emphasising their creative ability, influencers progressed from being “mere PR tools” to becoming “active economic subjects of production” who now can play a key role in product planning for clients, mediating companies and consumers (S. Kim and Cho). The underpinning premise here is that influencers are tech-savvy and therefore competent in creating media content, forging relationships with people, and communicating with them “virtually” through social media. Reliance on Influencers to Boost Viewer/Consumer Traffic Across several industry verticals, brands relied on influencers to boost viewership and consumer traffic on their digital estates and portals, on the premise that influencers work in line with the attention economy (Duffy 234). The fashion industry’s expansion of influencer marketing was noticeable in this manner. For instance, Korean department store chains (e.g. Lotte) invited influencers to “no-audience live fashion shows” to attract viewership and advertise fashion goods through the influencers’ social media (Y. Kim), and Australian swimwear brand Vitamin A partnered with influencers to launch online contests to invite engagement and purchases on their online stores (Moore). Like most industries where aspirational middle-class lifestyles are emphasised, the travel industry also extended partnerships with their current repertoire of influencers or international influencers in order to plan for the post-COVID-19 market recovery and post-border reopening tourism boom (Moore; Yamatogokoro; J. Lee). By extension, brands without any prior relationships with influencers, whcih did not have such histories to draw on, were likely to have struggled to produce new influencer content. Such brands could thus only rely on hiring influencers specifically to leverage their follower base. The increasing demand for influencers in industries like fashion, food, and travel is especially notable. In the attention economy where (media) visibility can be obtained and maintained (Duffy 121), media users practice “visibility labor” to curate their media personas and portray branding themselves as arbiters of good taste (Abidin 122). As such, influencers in genres where personal taste can be visibly presented—e.g. fashion, travel, F&amp;B—seem to have emerged from the economic slump with a head start, especially given their dominance on the highly visual platform of Instagram. Our analysis shows that media coverage during COVID-19 repeated the discursive correlation between influencers and such hyper-visible or visually-oriented industries. However, this dominant discourse about hyper-visible influencers and the gendered genres of their work has ultimately reinforced norms of self-presentation in the industry—e.g. being feminine, young, beautiful, luxurious—while those who deviate from such norms seem to be marginalised and excluded in media coverage and economic opportunities during the pandemic cycle. Including Newness by Shifting Format Preferences We observed the inclusion of newness in the influencer scenes in all three countries. By shifting to new formats, the previously excluded and lesser seen aspects of our lives—such as home-based content—began to be integrated into the “new normal”. There were four main shifts in format preferences, wherein influencers pivoted to home-made content, where livestreaming is the new dominant format of content, and where followers preferred more casual influencer content. Influencers Have Pivoted to Home-Made Content In all three country markets, influencers have pivoted to generating content based on life at home and ideas of domesticity. These public displays of homely life corresponded with the sudden occurrence of being wired to the Internet all day—also known as “LAN cable life” (랜선라이프, lan-seon life) in the Korean media—which influencers were chiefly responsible for pioneering (B. Kim). While some genres like gaming and esports were less impacted upon by the pivot, given that the nature and production of the content has always been confined to a desktop at home (Cheik-Hussein), pivots occurred for the likes of outdoor brands (Moore), the culinary industry (Dean), and fitness and workout brands (Perelli and Whateley). In Korea, new trends such as “home cafes” (B. Kim) and DIY coffees—like the infamous “Dalgona-Coffee” that was first introduced by a Korean YouTuber 뚤기 (ddulgi)—went viral on social media across the globe (Makalintal). In Japan, the spike in influencers showcasing at-home activities (Hayama) also encouraged mainstream TV celebrities to open social media accounts explicitly to do the same (Kamada). In light of these trends, the largest Multi-Channel Network (MCN) in Japan, UUUM, partnered with one of the country’s largest entertainment industries, Yoshimoto Kogyo, to assist the latter’s comedian talents to establish a digital video presence—a trend that was also observed in Korea (Koo), further underscoring the ubiquity of influencer practices in the time of COVID-19. Along with those creators who were already producing content in a domestic environment before COVID-19, it was the influencers with the time and resources to quickly pivot to home-made content who profited the most from the spike in Internet traffic during the pandemic (Noshita). The benefits of this boost in traffic were far from equal. For instance, many others who had to turn to makeshift work for income, and those who did not have conducive living situations to produce content at home, were likely to be disadvantaged. Livestreaming Is the New Dominant Format Amidst the many new content formats to be popularised during COVID-19, livestreaming was unanimously the most prolific. In Korea, influencers were credited for the mainstreaming and demotising (Y. Kim) of livestreaming for “live commerce” through real-time advertorials and online purchases. Livestreaming influencers were solicited specifically to keep international markets continuously interested in Korean products and cultures (Oh), and livestreaming was underscored as a main economic driver for shaping a “post-COVID-19” society (Y. Kim). In Australia, livestreaming was noted among art (Dean) and fitness influencers (Dean), and in Japan it began to be adopted among major fashion brands like Prada and Chloe (Saito). While the Australian coverage included livestreaming on platforms such as Instagram, Facebook, YouTube, Twitch, and Douyin (Cheik-Hussein; Perelli and Whateley; Webb), the Japanese coverage highlighted the potential for Instagram Live to target young audiences, increase feelings of “trustworthiness”, and increase sales via word-of-mouth advertising (Saito). In light of reduced client campaigns, influencers in Australia had also used livestreaming to provide online consulting, teaching, and coaching (Perelli and Whateley), and to partner with brands to provide masterclasses and webinars (Sanders). In this era, influencers in genres and verticals that had already adopted streaming as a normative practice—e.g. gaming and lifestyle performances—were likely to have had an edge over others, while other genres were excluded from this economic silver lining. Followers Prefer More Casual Influencer Content In general, all country markets report followers preferring more casual influencer content. In Japan, this was offered via the potential of livestreaming to deliver more “raw” feelings (Saito), while in Australia this was conveyed through specific content genres like “mental or physical health battles” (Moore); specific aesthetic choices like appearing “messier”, less “curated”, and “more unfiltered” (Wilkinson); and the growing use of specific emergent platforms like TikTok (Dean, Forlani, Perelli, and Whateley). In Korea, influencers in the photography, travel, and book genres were celebrated for their new provision of pseudo-experiences during COVID-19-imposed social distancing (Kang). Influencers on Instagram also spearheaded new social media trends, like the “#wheredoyouwannago_challenge” where Instagram users photoshopped themselves into images of famous tourist spots around the world (Kang). Conclusion In our study of news articles on the impact of COVID-19 on the Australian, Japanese, and Korean influencer industries during the first wave of the pandemic, influencer marketing was primed to be the dominant and default mode of advertising and communication in the post-COVID-19 era (Tate). In general, specific industry verticals that relied more on visual portrayals of lifestyles and consumption—e.g. fashion, F&amp;B, travel—to continue partaking in economic recovery efforts. However, given the gendered genre norms in the industry, this meant that influencers who were predominantly feminine, young, beautiful, and luxurious experienced more opportunity over others. Further, influencers who did not have the resources or skills to pivot to the “new normals” of creating content from home, engaging in livestreaming, and performing their personae more casually were excluded from these new economic opportunities. Across the countries, there were minor differences in the overall perception of influencers. There was an increasingly positive perception of influencers in Japan and Korea, due to new norms and pandemic-related opportunities in the media ecology: in Korea, influencers were considered to be the “vanguard of growing media commerce in the post-pandemonium era” (S. Kim and Cho), and in Japan, influencers were identified as critical vehicles during a more general consumer shift from traditional media to social media, as TV watching time is reduced and home-based e-commerce purchases are increasingly popular (Yadogiri). However, in Australia, in light of the sudden influx of influencer marketing strategies during COVID-19, the market seemed to be saturated more quickly: brands were beginning to question the efficiency of influencers, cautioned that their impact has not been completely proven for all industry verticals (Stephens), and have also begun to reduce commissions for influencer affiliate programmes as a cost-cutting measure (Perelli and Whateley). While news reports on these three markets indicate that there is some level of growth and expansion for various influencers and brands, such opportunities were not experienced equally, with some genres and demographics of influencers and businesses being excluded from pandemic-related pivots and silver linings. Further, in light of the increasing commercial opportunities, pressure for more regulations also emerged; for example, the Korean government announced new investigations into tax avoidance (Han). 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Reid, Elise. “COVID-19 Could See Advertisers Move from Influencers to Streaming Sites.” Channel News 27 Apr. 2020. &lt;https://www.channelnews.com.au/covid-19-could-see-advertisers-move-from-influencers-to-streaming-sites/&gt;. Rowell, Andrew. “Coronavirus: Big Tobacco Sees an Opportunity in the Pandemic.” The Conversation 14 May 2020. &lt;https://theconversation.com/coronavirus-big-tobacco-sees-an-opportunity-in-the-pandemic-138188&gt;. Saito, Yurika. “コロナ禍で急増の「インスタライブ」。誰でも簡単に出来る視聴・配信方法 [The Boom of Instagram Live during the Pandemic: Anyone Can Easily Watch and Stream Content].” Forbes Japan 19 May 2020. &lt;https://forbesjapan.com/articles/detail/34475&gt;. Sanders, Krystal. “Perth Influencer Brooke Vulinovich Says Instagram Has Become ‘Lifeline’ for Small Businesses.” Perth Now 29 Apr. 2020. &lt;https://www.perthnow.com.au/news/coronavirus/perth-influencer-brooke-vulinovich-says-instagram-has-become-lifeline-for-small-businesses-ng-b881533823z&gt;. Stäheli, Urs, and Rudolf Stichweh. "Introduction: Inclusion/Exclusion–Systems Theoretical and Poststructuralist Perspectives." Inclusion/Exclusion and Socio-Cultural Identities, 2002. Stephens, Lee. “Why Influencer Marketing Will Win after COVID-19.” Ad News 9 Apr. 2020. &lt;https://www.adnews.com.au/opinion/why-influencer-marketing-will-win-after-covid-19&gt;. Tate, Andrew. “How Vanity Viral Marketing Ran Headlong into Coronavirus.” The New Daily 29 Apr. 2020. &lt;https://thenewdaily.com.au/news/coronavirus/2020/04/28/how-vanity-viral-marketing-ran-headlong-into-corornavirus/&gt;. Webb, Loren. “Brands Pivot Their Marketing Strategies in the Wake of the Coronavirus.” Dynamic Business 13 Mar. 2020. &lt;https://dynamicbusiness.com.au/topics/news/brands-pivot-their-marketing-strategies-in-the-wake-of-the-coronavirus.html&gt;. Wilkinson, Zoe. “Head to Head: Will the Economy of Celebrity and Influencer Endorsement Recover after the COVID-19 Crisis?” Mumbrella 28 Apr. 2020. &lt;https://mumbrella.com.au/head-to-head-will-the-economy-of-celebrity-and-influencer-endorsement-recover-after-the-covid-19-crisis-625987&gt;. Yadorigi, Yuki. “【第7回】コロナ禍のなかで生まれた光明、新たなアプローチによるコミュニケーション [Episode 7: A Light Emerged during the Corona Crisis, a Communication Based on a New Approach].” C-Station 28 Apr. 2020. &lt;https://c.kodansha.net/news/detail/36286/&gt;. Yamatogokoro. “アフターコロナの観光・インバウンドを考えるVol.4世界の観光業の取り組みから学ぶ、自治体・DMOが今まさにすべきこと [After Corona Tourism and Inbound Tourism Vol. 4: What Municipalities and DMOs Should Do Right Now to Learn from Global Tourism Initiatives].” Yamatogokoro 19 May 2020. Yoo, Hwan-In. "코로나 여파, 연예인·인플루언서 마케팅 활발 [COVID-19, Star-Influencer Marketing Becomes Active].” SkyDaily 19 May 2020. &lt;http://www.skyedaily.com/news/news_view.html?ID=104772&gt;. Appendix Open codes Axial codes 1) Brand leverage Targeting investors Targeting influencers Targeting new digital media formats Targeting consumers/customers/viewers Types of brands/clients 2) Industry shifts Brand preferences Content production Content format Follower preferences Type of Influencers Table 1: Full list of codes from our analysis

Introduction For the past ten years, a transformative trend has emerged in the consumption of journalistic content, diverging significantly from its traditional engagement pathways. This evolution is characterised by the allure of serial journalistic podcasts such as Serial, which have seamlessly integrated narrative techniques typically reserved for fiction into journalistic storytelling (Kulkarni et al.). These podcasts have leveraged episodic structures, suspenseful build-ups, and dramatic climaxes to foster a level of engagement akin to fiction's grip on audiences. This shift towards addictive media consumption is eloquently linked to the binge-watching culture of on-demand television described by Dowling and Miller, situating such podcasts within a lineage of high-calibre television narratives (168). The concept of "binge-listening" (Krause and Uhrig 446) has emerged from this trend, signifying a consumption pattern where audiences, particularly those drawn to multi-part serial podcasts in genres like true crime, engage in extended listening sessions or eagerly anticipate new episodes. This pattern, reflective of an excessive indulgence in content, underscores the creators' success in crafting compelling narratives that captivate and retain audience interest. Illustrative of this phenomenon are listener testimonials for Die Mafiaprinzessin, a narrative podcast series by Süddeutsche Zeitung Magazine (part of Germany’s major quality newspaper), where users expressed their inability to disengage, consuming the entire series rapidly. One user stated, "I couldn't stop listening", and another, "I binged all episodes in two days" (quoted in Krause and Uhrig 447). But what makes serial storytelling podcasts in Germany so appealing, and which lessons can be drawn from this? This article provides answers through a historical lens and a focus on the creative process, distribution, and the transparency of journalistic research. Incorporating these sources and viewpoints, the discussion provides an overview of the cultural shift in media consumption towards serialised journalistic podcasts, highlighting their role in redefining audience engagement with media content. From Written to Spoken Storytelling Traditions The narrative-driven approach to audio journalism discussed in this article is typically unfolding over five to ten serialised podcast episodes of 30 to 45 minutes each, and diverges from shorter news snippets or dialogue-based formats, tackling complex topics through well-researched and dramatised storytelling. Kelleter defines serial storytelling as the delivery of continuation stories featuring consistent characters, produced and narrated in a mass-appealing, schematic manner (18). This definition, originally pertaining to fiction, aptly describes the serialised journalistic content's approach, emphasising that while the storytelling techniques may mirror fiction, the content remains firmly anchored in journalistic rigour and quality. It is neither based on a true story nor loosely associated with fiction. The podcast series that are the focus of this article are journalism in audio form, dedicated to journalism’s core values. This article aims to shed light on the development, cultural significance, and economic implications of such podcasts in Germany, specifically those produced by publishing houses as part of their digital strategy to gain digital subscriptions and hence turn readers into paying customers. The economic potential of such journalistic storytelling podcasts can be quite significant, as Newman describes in the 2023 Digital News Report: “podcasting may not yet be a mass market medium, but its audience profile is extremely interesting to publishers and to advertisers” (48). Newman continues to describe that podcast audiences generally have higher incomes, are more educated, and, notably, skew towards a younger demographic, making them an attractive demographic for publishers. While it is true that podcasts have achieved mass-market appeal on a global scale, the particular narratives that resonate with individual listeners can be highly specialised and varied, mirroring their diverse interests. This phenomenon is analogous to the realm of print magazines, which as a medium cater to a broad readership. However, individual publications often cater to distinct niches, attracting readers who share a specific set of interests. However, individual publications often target distinct niches, appealing to readers who share a specific set of interests. Podcasts in general appeal to a wide range of ages as a versatile medium, suitable for listening during various activities such as travel to and from work, dog walking, gym sessions, or while engaging in routine household chores like tidying up. Their capacity to build meaningful relationships with the audience is just beginning to be analysed. It has been found that “podcasts can provide informational and social gratifications to listeners” (Tobin and Guadagno 2). First Steps towards Serial Storytelling Podcasts in Germany The surge in serialised storytelling podcasts started shortly after the first season of the NPR podcast Serial in the English-speaking world, and was dubbed the medium’s “Golden Age” (Berry 170). These intricately produced journalistic podcasts became a new avenue for traditional media companies to market their in-depth research beyond print and online articles. And in many ways, this makes a lot of sense: with in-depth investigative research being one of the core values (and yet one of the most time-consuming, sometimes frustrating, and often very expensive assets) of any editorial medium, it makes economic sense to use as many channels as possible to publish the results of this research. In terms of content diversity, podcasts occupy a niche that is similar to what investigative journalism books or documentaries once did as a premium journalistic product where complex stories or investigations can be told in full, without the length constraints of typical journalistic formats (Krause and Uhrig 449). Podcasts have been distributed since 2005, but it took almost a decade for them to break away from the time limitations of linear radio slots. In Germany, serialised podcast storytelling arrived a year after Serial, with the Rundfunk Berlin-Brandenburg series Wer hat Burak erschossen? (Who Shot Burak?) from 2015, which many consider to be one of the first German podcast series in this new narrative tradition (Preger 7). Since then, the range of podcast series has diversified rapidly in Germany, just like in the US, in terms of both topics and providers. Following the already successful American themes of crime and terrorism, there were soon investigative research stories about topics ranging from the rise and fall of the former German economic powerhouse (and later notoriously fraudulent) Wirecard by Süddeutsche Zeitung or the popular media scandal about the publication of the fake diaries of Adolf Hitler by Stern Magazine in the 1980s, which the publishing house turned into a successful podcast series in 2020. And from 2021 onwards, there was an increase in biographically centred podcasts that combine elements of portraiture with investigative or contemporary historical elements such as the 2022 series Who the F*** Is Alice by Süddeutsche Zeitung Magazine, elaborating on the controversial work of Germany’s most popular first-generation feminist Alice Schwarzer. Yet, one of the most successful German storytelling podcasts is the episodic tale about the tragic descent of former radio host Ken Jebsen, from beloved (yet edgy) media personality to controversial conspiracy theorist, which was turned into a stunning tale in the series Cui Bono: WTF Happened to Ken Jebsen in 2021 (Eins 37), hitting a nerve in German society in times of Covid and the subsequent rise of populist conspiracy movements. Other notable German storytelling podcasts about prominent figures in Germany include the 2023 Series SchwarzRotGold: Mesut Özil zu Gast bei Freunden, about football player Mesut Özil and his complicated and highly political life story as an immigrant in Germany (published on RTL+), or Wild Wild Web: The Kim Dotcom Story from 2021 about Kim Dotcom, the controversial entrepreneur and founder of the now defunct file-sharing operator Megaupload, by Bayerischer Rundfunk. Specifics of Successful German Storytelling Podcasts While audio journalism has traditionally been a domain of public and private broadcasting companies in Germany, there has been a shift towards podcast productions from a more diverse set of media outlets. Approximately 66% of daily and weekly papers in Germany are currently producing podcasts, with 29% offering at least three different podcast series (Eins 104). This is a trend that is not limited to the big national subscription newspapers but can also be observed in smaller regional and local publications. According to a study by Wild &amp; Wild, at least one third of the 308 regional and local subscription newspapers examined have incorporated podcasts into their offerings. The content of these podcasts primarily focusses on society and social issues (25%) and sports and leisure activities (20%) (175). What makes these podcasts specifically German (in contrast to series from other countries) is hard to answer and would require further research. What can be said, however, is that Germany has a vibrant scene for audio journalism and German audiences are rather familiar with the form of long-form audio reporting through the country's relatively strong public broadcasting system, which has been publishing quite elaborate forms of audio journalism since the 1950s. Even though many statistics and audience engagement metrics remain confidential, it has been written that audience engagement has been very good (Wild and Wild). It is evident that serial podcasts rank among the most successful digital offerings of large national media companies such as Süddeutsche Zeitung, fetching significant digital subscriptions with series like Wer ist Joni? (Who is Joni?), which was selected as one of the best podcasts in 2023 by the German newspaper Die Tageszeitung and was described as follows: Who is Joni? is a podcast about trust on the internet. We've all heard about marriage swindlers or people who extort money online. But Joni's case is different. It's particularly compelling because Christiane Lutz narrates it so personally. She contrasts her research with her own thoughts and feelings. She feels naïve, paranoid, angry, relieved, and all of this is completely relatable to the listener. (Fromm) As described here, the role of the host as the storyteller is paramount. The host serves as a convivial guide, offering subjective but meticulously researched narratives, sometimes paired with a serious sidekick for contrast. A recent study in Journalism Practice suggests that even news journalism benefits from narrative elements (Nee and Santana). Another study highlights two factors that enthral listeners: intimacy and emotion (Lindgren), which are prevalent across all podcast genres, including the often-criticised "chat podcasts" where two hosts discuss daily matters. At least in Germany, they are predominantly male, yet the masculine dominance has been challenged and reflected upon in recent discourse (Attig). These podcasts, which often rank highly on the German podcast charts on platforms such as Spotify, are quite different from the serial storytelling podcasts that many publishing houses see as a new way to engage with journalistic content. Common Ingredients of Successful German Storytelling Podcasts According to Schlütz, several characteristics distinguish narrative journalism as specific to podcasts, among them subjectivity, personalisation, contextualisation, and transparency (10). Building upon these findings, this article looks at various attributes of successful German podcasts from the serial storytelling variety. The selection of these podcasts was driven by their demonstrated popularity, as evidenced by reviews in newspapers, radio shows, or newsletters, as well as their recognition in the form of nominations or receipt of prestigious awards such as the German Reporter Prize and the German Podcast Prize. Such honours imply that these podcasts distinguish themselves by features like captivating storytelling, perceptive journalism, inventive production methods, or other exceptional qualities that have earned the respect and admiration of both their industry peers and listeners. Nevertheless, it should be acknowledged that this curated group does not represent an exhaustive overview of Germany's storytelling podcast landscape. The evaluation of the chosen podcasts was based on an analysis of their auditory content and the media's reception of them, including interviews with and reviews of both the podcasts and their creators. From this investigation, three principal insights emerged: Strong host figures who, in many cases, not only guide through the story, but become part of the story themselves. In the Norddeutscher Runkfunk production Eschede – 25 Jahre danach from 2023 (Eschede – 25 years after) the reporter Miriam Arndts researches the tragic accident that occurred in Eschede, Lower Saxony, in 1998, where a high-speed train derailed and collided with a bridge, resulting in the loss of 101 lives. Among the bereaved was Arndts, who lost her mother in the disaster. Making this podcast highly personal, Arndts engages with survivors and relatives of the victims, intertwining their accounts with her personal story, in line with Lindgren’s findings that “the involvement of the journalist (or host) in the story transcends self-reflexive metacommentary on journalistic practice to focus on the journalist as a private person” (10). Suspense and drama are leading elements of many of the successful podcasts: in Frauke Liebs – die Suche nach dem Mörder (Frauke Liebs – the search for the murderer) from the Magazine Stern, host and journalist Dominik Stawski embarks on a mission to solve a crime that he has been following for a good part of his career – addressing the murderer directly over the course of the episodes. This series could only be realised because of the reporter’s deep involvement in the story and his contacts with many of the people involved in the case, including the family of the victim. This is a good example of how such a series can be created from investigations that have already been published, but can now use the advantages of the longer form of serial storytelling in audio. The understanding of topical events and news is deepened by serial podcasts. As has been mentioned by Planer and Godulla, news stories can also be the drivers of in-depth audio storytelling (105). In Germany this can be exemplified by the popular series Die Flut – Warum musste Johanna sterben? (The flood – why did Johanna have to die?) from 2022, whose team of reporters from Westdeutscher Rundfunk investigates the circumstances of the tragic events of the deadly flood of the river Ahr in Germany that lead to many deaths in the summer of 2021. While this event is clearly of journalistic relevance, such tragedies are typically covered only for a short period by traditional news media. This podcast, in contrast, puts a lot of time and effort into trying to understand the consequences of such a natural disaster for those directly affected by it. The producers of the podcast describe their experience like this: During production, tears were shed more than once. And then, it is precisely this directness of emotion that makes the cruelty of the events tangible. It glosses over nothing, hides nothing. It makes the questions of responsibility directed at politicians even more pressing. (Beisenherz) These aspects show that – among others – these elements are recurring themes of storytelling podcasts in Germany. Of course, there are other factors that determine success of podcasts – the production (Preger 233), the distribution (Krause &amp; Uhrig 457), and the marketing (Eins 169) being the most obvious ones. Current Trends and Economic Potential As Eins has pointed out, many leading publishers in Germany, including Der Spiegel, Süddeutsche Zeitung, and Handelsblatt, have in recent years created digital team positions to manage podcast productions (104). Audio studios have been established within publishing houses. Some editorial teams turn to external service providers, such as Die Zeit working with Pool Artists in Berlin for their podcasts or Süddeutsche Zeitung seeking external expertise for dramaturgy or sound design. The decision to manage podcasts in-house or to hire external providers depends on the available budget, expertise, and the complexity of the project (Eins 105). As Eins has pointed out, simple two-microphone interviews can be self-recorded by amateurs familiar with recording equipment and basic audio editing. However, sophisticated audio features with intricate sound design require teamwork, which is often sought from outside companies. German Media houses increasingly collaborate with external production companies. As podcast market competition grows, distinctive dramaturgy and sound may become crucial, especially for major media brands – this makes collaborations more interesting. For example, Süddeutsche Zeitung has produced elaborate investigative audio features, often in partnership with streaming services. The series Im Schattenkloster (2023/24) about a destructive religious cult in rural Bavaria has been produced in collaboration with Audible, an Amazon company. These podcast series sometimes continue the narrative of previously published investigations and articles in audio form, such as Der Spiegel's Made in Germany – das Flughafenfiasko BER or Going to Ibiza by Süddeutsche Zeitung, or they may be released as exclusive digital content like Narcoland by Aachener Zeitung. The appeal of producing serialised podcasts in an era where digital performance and the attraction of many paying customers to buy digital subscriptions is very important could be attributed to their relatively long production cycle (Krause and Uhrig 456). Unlike topical formats tied to release dates, complex storytelling podcasts retain significance over time in what is known as the Long Tail, described by Anderson, which encapsulated the concept of (digital) products that do not rely on high sales volume from a few mainstream products but achieve sales through a variety of niche products. And the numbers point in this direction: the 2020 podcast series Der Mörder und meine Cousine (The Murderer and My Cousin) produced by Bayerischer Rundfunk registered over 1.2 million plays between June 2020 and January 2022. Of these, 534,000 plays were recorded in the first two months following its release. Over the next 18 months, it garnered an additional 677,973 listens. Even in January 2022, more than 18 months post-release, the monthly play count exceeded 10,000, according to data from the provider's portal Spotify for Podcasters and the internal analysis tool MeFo Charts used by Bayerischer Rundfunk (Krause and Uhrig 457) Conclusion In the landscape of modern journalism in Germany, the advent of serial storytelling through podcasts has carved out a novel niche for high-quality narrative forms. Their appeal lies significantly in their adaptability, which has seen their popularity skyrocket and has made them an important asset in the sales strategy of digital subscriptions for publishing houses (Eins 106). By leveraging the power of audio, these formats not only captivate new demographics but also play a crucial role in shaping journalistic identities, presenting narratives in ways that resonate with the changing consumption patterns of listeners. These narratives, designed for on-the-go consumption, echo the episodic consumption trends set by intricate television and streaming shows, seamlessly fitting into the listener's lifestyle. Journalistically, these podcast series offer a compelling twist on storytelling (Krause and Uhrig 459), often expanding beyond traditional broadcast journalism principles to explore deeper, more intricate narratives, marking an exciting evolution in the way stories are told and consumed. This article has pointed out three aspects that storytelling podcasts in Germany have in common: strong host figures, suspense and drama, and a relation to current news and events, building bridges between classic news reporting and storytelling techniques exemplified by this article. It remains to be seen how these trends evolve in the future: the trend towards audio is described by the current Reuters Institute Digital News Report (Newman et al. 28) as “help[ing to] build loyal relationships, and ... good at attracting younger audiences”. Nevertheless, and despite all positive opportunities, there are of course limiting factors, such as the relatively high costs and long production cycles of such series, which require further investigation. References Anderson, Chris. The Long Tail: Why the Future of Business Is Selling Less of More. Hyperion, 2008. Attig, Christiane. "Männlich, Mittelalt, Gebildet – oder? Eine Charakterisierung deutschsprachiger Podcaster:Innen". Kommunikation@gesellschaft 21.2 (2020). Beisenherz, C. "Die Flut—Warum musste Johanna sterben?" 19 June 2023. &lt;https://www1.wdr.de/podcast/die-flut-100.html&gt;. Berry, Richard. "A Golden Age of Podcasting? Evaluating Serial in the Context of Podcast Histories." Journal of Radio &amp; Audio Media 22.2 (2015): 170-178. Dowling, D.O., and K.J. Miller. "Immersive Audio Storytelling: Podcasting and Serial Documentary in the Digital Publishing Industry." Journal of Radio &amp; Audio Media 26.1 (2019): 167-184. Eins, P. Podcasts im Journalismus: Eine Einführung für die Praxis. Springer Fachmedien, 2022. Fromm, A. "Recherche-Podcast ‘Wer ist Joni?’: Das einsame Mädchen." Die Tageszeitung, 22 Jan. 2023. &lt;https://taz.de/!5907468/&gt;. Kelleter, F. Populäre Serialität: Eine Einführung. Transcript Verlag, 2012. Krause, T., and K. Uhrig. "Journalismus zum Bingen: Potenziale und Funktionen serieller Podcasts für das digitale Storytelling." In Podcasts, eds. V. Katzenberger, J. Keil, and M. Wild. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien, 2022. 445-460. Kulkarni, S., et al. "Innovating Online Journalism: New Ways of Storytelling." Journalism Practice 17.9 (2023): 845-1863. Lindgren, M. "Intimacy and Emotions in Podcast Journalism: A Study of Award-Winning Australian and British Podcasts." Journalism Practice 17.4 (2023): 704-719. Nee, R.C., and A.D. Santana. "Podcasting the Pandemic: Exploring Storytelling Formats and Shifting Journalistic Norms in News Podcasts Related to the Coronavirus." Journalism Practice 16.8 (2022) 1559-1577. Newman, N. "News Podcasts: Who Is Listening and What Formats Are Working?" In Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2023, eds. N. Newman et al. Oxford: Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, 2023. 48-52. Planer, R., and A. Godulla. "Storytelling in Podcasts deutscher Medienhäuser: Echte Interaktion, geplante Spontanität." In Podcasts, eds. V. Katzenberger, J. Keil, and M. Wild. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien, 2022. 101-118. Preger, S. Geschichten erzählen: Storytelling für Radio und Podcast. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien, 2019. Schlütz, D. "Auditive ‘Deep Dives’: Podcasts als narrativer Journalismus." Kommunikation@gesellschaft 21.2 (2020). Tobin, S.J., and R.E. Guadagno. "Why People Listen: Motivations and Outcomes of Podcast Listening." PLOS ONE 17.4 (2022). Wild, M., and T. Wild. "Vermessung der Podcastlandschaft: Eine explorative Analyse der Podcastangebote der Lokal- und Regionalzeitungen in Deutschland." In Podcasts: Perspektiven und Potenziale eines digitalen Mediums, eds. V. Katzenberger, J. Keil, and M. Wild. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien, 2022. 153-179.

Photo by Christian Bowen on Unsplash ABSTRACT Assisted Reproductive Technology can be a beneficial tool for couples unable to reproduce independently; however, it has historically discriminated against the LGBTQ+ community members. Given the evolution and acceptance of LGBTQ rights in recent years, discrimination and barriers to access reproductive technology and health care should be readdressed as they still exist within this community. INTRODUCTION In recent years, the LGBTQ+ community has made great strides toward attaining equal rights. This fight dates back to 1970 when Michael Baker and McConnell applied for a marriage license in Minnesota.[1] After the county courthouse denied the couple's request, they appealed to the Minnesota Supreme Court. Baker and McConnell’s dispute reached the US Supreme Court. Baker v. Nelson[2] was the first time a same-sex couple attempted to pursue marriage through higher courts in the US.[3] Because the couple lost the case, Baker changed his name to a gender-neutral one, and McConnell adopted Baker, allowing Baker and McConnell to have legal protections like the ability to receive certain inheritances. Baker and McConnell received a marriage license from an unsuspecting clerk from Blue Earth County, where they wed on September 3, 1971.[4] BACKGROUND The Supreme Court’s decision left individual state legislatures the option to accommodate same-sex couples’ rights constitutionally. As a result, some states banned same-sex marriage, while others offered alternative options such as domestic partnerships. With many obstacles, such as the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) and President Bush’s efforts to limit marriage to heterosexual people, Massachusetts became the first state to legalize gay marriage in 2003.[5] Other states slowly followed. Finally, in 2015 the US Supreme Court made same-sex marriage legal in all 50 states in Obergefell v. Hodges,[6] marking an important milestone for the LGBTQ+ community’s fight toward marriage equality. The Obergefell v. Hodges decision emphasized that members of the homosexual community are “not to be condemned to live in loneliness, excluded from one of civilization's oldest institutions,” thus granting them the right to “equal dignity in the eyes of the law.”[7] This paper argues that in the aftermath of the wide acceptance of LGBTQ rights, discrimination and barriers to access reproductive technology and health care persist nationally. Procreation also faces discrimination. Research supports that children’s overall psychological and physical welfare with same-sex parents does not differ compared to children with heterosexual parents.[8] Some others worry about the children’s developmental health and argue that same-sex male couples’ inability to breastfeed their children may be harmful; however, such parents can obtain breast milk via surrogate donation.[9] Further concerns regarding confusion in gender identity in children raised by same-sex parents are not supported by research in the field indicating that there are “no negative developmental or psychological outcomes for a child, nor does it result in differing gender identity, gender role behavior or sexual partner preference compared to opposite-sex parents.”[10] ANALYSIS l. Desire to Procreate The American perception toward same-sex unions has evolved “from pathology to deviant lifestyle to identity.”[11] In 2001, only 35 percent of Americans favored same‐sex marriage, while 62 percent favored it in 2017.[12] The “Gay marriage generation”[13] has a positive attitude toward same-sex unions, arising from the “interaction among activists, celebrities, political and religious leaders, and ordinary people, who together reconfigured Americans’ social imagination of homosexuality in a way that made gay marriage seem normal, logical, and good.”[14] Same-sex couples’ right to build a biological family and ability to do so using modern reproductive technology is unclear. The data generated by the LGBTQ Family Building Survey revealed “dramatic differences in expectations around family building between LGBTQ millennials (aged 18-35) and older generations of LGBTQ people,”[15] which may be in part attributable to recent federal rulings in favor of same-sex couples. Three important results from this survey are that 63 percent of LGBTQ millennials are considering expanding their families throughout parenthood, 48 percent of LGBTQ millennials are actively planning to grow their families, compared to 55 percent of non-LGBTQ millennials; and 63 percent of those LGBTQ people interested in building a family expect to use assisted reproductive technology (ART), foster care, or adoption to become parents.[16] There are 15.9 million Americans who identify as LGBTQ+ (6.1 million of whom are 18 to 35 years old); thus, an estimated “3.8 million LGBTQ+ millennials are considering expanding their families in the coming years, and 2.9 million are actively planning to do so.”[17] Yet access and affordability to ART, especially in vitro fertilization (IVF) and surrogacy for same-sex couples, has not been consistent at a national level. The two primary problems accessing ART for the LGBTQ community are the lack of federal law and cost. A federal law that guaranteed coverage would address both problems. ll. ART for Same-Sex Couples All same-sex male (SSM) couples and same-sex female (SSF) couples must involve third parties, including surrogates or egg or sperm donors.[18] ART involves the legal status of “up to two women (surrogate and egg donor),” the intended parents, and the child for SSM couples.[19] While sometimes necessary for heterosexual couples using ART, an egg or sperm from someone other than the intended parents or a surrogate will always be necessary for the LGBTQ people seeking ART. ART, in particular IVF, is essential for infertile couples unable to conceive on their own. Unlike other industrialized countries (such as Canada, the United Kingdom, Sweden, Germany, and Australia), the US does not heavily oversee this multibillion-dollar industry.[20] The American Society for Reproductive Medicine does provide lengthy guidelines to fertility clinics and sperm banks; however, state lawmakers have been less active as they seem to avoid the controversy surrounding controversial topics like embryo creation and abortion.[21] As a result, states “do not regulate how many children may be conceived from one donor, what types of medical information or updates must be supplied by donors, what genetic tests may be performed on embryos, how many fertilized eggs may be placed in a woman or how old a donor can be.”[22] lll. A Flawed Definition of Infertility The WHO defines the medical definition of infertility as “a disease of the reproductive system defined by the failure to achieve a clinical pregnancy after twelve months or more of regular unprotected sexual intercourse.”[23] This antiquated definition must be updated to include social infertility to integrate same-sex couples’ rights.[24] In the US, single individuals and LGBTQ couples interested in building a family by biological means are considered “socially infertile.”[25] If insurance coverage is allotted only to those with physical infertility, then it is exclusive to the heterosexual community. Although some states, such as New York, discussed below, have directly addressed this inequality by extending the definition of infertility and coverage of infertility treatments to include all residents regardless of sexual orientation, this is not yet the norm everywhere else. The outdated definition of infertility is one of the main issues affecting same-sex couples’ access to ART, as medical insurance companies hold on to the formal definition of infertility to deny coverage. lV. Insurance Coverage for IVF Insurance coverage varies per state and relies on the flawed definition of infertility. As of August 2020, 19 states have passed laws requiring insurance coverage for infertility, 13 of which include IVF coverage, as seen in Figure 1. Also, most states do not offer IVF coverage to low-income people through Medicaid.[26] In states that mandate IVF insurance coverage, the utilization rate was “277% of the rate when there was no coverage,”[27] which supports the likelihood that in other states, the cost is a primary barrier to access. When insurance does not cover ART, ART is reserved for wealthy individuals. One cycle of ART could cost, on average, “between $10,000 and $15,000.”[28] In addition, multiple cycles are often required as one IVF cycle only has “about a 25% to 30%” live birth success rate.[29] Altogether, the total cost of successful childbirth was estimated from $44,000 to $211,940 in 1992.[30] On February 11, 2021, New York Governor Andrew M. Cuomo “directed the Department of Financial Services to ensure that insurers begin covering fertility services immediately for same-sex couples who wish to start a family.”[31] New York had recently passed an IVF insurance law that required “large group insurance policies and contracts that provide medical, major medical, or similar comprehensive-type coverage and are delivered or issued for delivery in New York to cover three cycles of IVF used in the treatment of infertility.”[32] But the law fell short for same-sex couples, which were still required to “pay 6 or 12 months of out-of-pocket expenses for fertility treatments such as testing and therapeutic donor insemination procedures before qualifying for coverage.”[33] Cuomo’s subsequent order made up for gaps in the law, which defined infertility as “the inability to conceive after a certain period of unprotected intercourse or donor insemination.”[34] Cuomo’s order and the law combine to make New York an example other states can follow to broaden access to ART. V. Surrogacy Access to surrogacy also presents its own set of problems, although not exclusive to the LGBTQ community. Among states, there are differences in how and when parental rights are established. States in dark green in Figure 2 allow pre-birth orders, while the states in light green allow post-birth parentage orders. Pre-birth orders “are obtained prior to the child’s birth, and they order that the intended parent(s) will be recognized as the child’s only legal parent(s) and will be placed on the child’s birth certificate,” while post-birth parentage orders have the same intent but are obtained after the child’s birth. [35] For instance, states can require genetic testing post-birth, possibly causing a delay in establishing parentage.[36] Although preventable through the execution of a health care power of attorney, a surrogate mother could be the legal, medical decision-maker for the baby before the intended parents are legally recognized. On February 15, 2021, gestational surrogacy – the most popular type of surrogacy in which the surrogate has no biological link to the baby – was legalized in New York,[37] but it remains illegal in some states such as Nebraska, Louisiana, and Michigan.[38] In addition, the costs of surrogacy are rising, and it can cost $100,000 in the US.[39] Medicaid does not cover surrogacy costs,[40] and some health insurance policies provide supplemental surrogacy insurance with premiums of approximately $10,000 and deductibles starting at $15,000.[41] Thus, “surrogacy is really only available to those gay and lesbian couples who are upper class,”[42] leaving non-affluent couples out of options to start a family through biological means. Vl. A Right to Equality and Procreation Some argue that same-sex couples should have the right to procreate (or reproductive rights). Based on arguments stemming from equal rights and non-discrimination, same-sex couples who need to use ART to procreate should have access to it. The need to merge social infertility into the currently incomplete definition of fertility could help same-sex couples achieve access through insurance coverage. The human right of equality and non-discrimination guarantees “equal and effective protection against discrimination on any ground.”[43] The United Nations later clarified that “sexual orientation is a concept which is undoubtedly covered” [44] by this protection. The right to procreate is not overtly mentioned in the US Constitution; however, the Equal Protection Clause states that “No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States… without due process of law.”[45] In fact, some states have abridged the reproductive privileges of some US citizens by upholding prohibitive and intricate mechanisms that deter same-sex couples from enjoying the privileges other citizens have. The Supreme Court acknowledged procreation as a “fundamental”[46] personal right, in Skinner v. Oklahoma, mandating that the reproductive rights of individuals be upheld as the right to procreate is “one of the basic civil rights of man”[47] because “procreation [is] fundamental to the very existence and survival of the race.”[48] In Eisenstadt v. Baird, the courts also supported that “the decision whether to bear or beget a child” fundamentally affects a person.[49] I argue that this protection extends to same-sex couples seeking to procreate. Finally, Obergefell v. Hodges held that the Due Process and Equal Protection clauses ensure same-sex couples the right to marriage, as marriage “safeguards children and families, draw[ing] meaning from related rights of childrearing, procreation, and education.”[50] By implicit or explicit means, these cases align with the freedom to procreate that should not be unequally applied to different social or economic groups. Yet, the cases do not apply to accessing expensive tools to procreate. As heterosexuals and the LGBTQ community face trouble accessing expensive ART for vastly different reasons, especially IVF and surrogacy, the equal rights or discrimination argument is not as helpful. For now, it is relevant to adoption cases where religious groups can discriminate.[51] The insurance coverage level may be the best approach. While the social norms adapt and become more inclusive, the elimination of the infertility requirement or changing the definition of infertility could work. Several arguments could address the insurance coverage deficit. Under one argument, a biological or physical inability to conceive exists in the homosexual couple trying to achieve a pregnancy. Depending on the wording or a social definition, a caselaw could be developed arguing the medical definition of infertility applies to the LGBTQ community as those trying to procreate are physically unable to conceive as a couple planning to become parents. One counterargument to that approach is that it can be offensive to label people infertile (or disabled) only because of their status as part of a homosexual couple.[52] CONCLUSION In the last 50 years, there has been a notable shift in the social acceptance of homosexuality.[53] Marriage equality has opened the door for further social and legal equality, as evidenced by the increased number of same-sex couples seeking parenthood “via co-parenting, fostering, adoption or surrogacy” – colloquially referred to as the ‘Gayby Boom’.[54] However, some prejudice and disdain toward LGBTQ+ parenting remain. Equitable access to ART for all people may be attainable as new technology drives costs down, legislators face societal pressure to require broader insurance coverage, and social norms become more inclusive. [1] Eckholm, E. (2015, May 17). The same-sex couple who got a marriage license in 1971. Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.nytimes.com/2015/05/17/us/the-same-sex-couple-who-got-a-marriage-license-in-1971.html [2] Eckholm, E. [3] A brief history of civil rights in the United States: A timeline of the legalization of same-sex marriage in the U.S. (2021, January 27). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://guides.ll.georgetown.edu/c.php?g=592919&amp;p=4182201 [4] Eckholm, E. [5] A brief history of civil rights in the United States: A timeline of the legalization of same-sex marriage in the U.S. (2021, January 27). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://guides.ll.georgetown.edu/c.php?g=592919&amp;p=4182201 [6] A brief history of civil rights in the United States [7] A brief history of civil rights in the United States [8] Lee, J., &amp; Bolzendahl, C. (2019). Acceptance and Rejection: Patterns of opinion on homosexuality in the United States and the world. Sociological Forum, 34(4), 1026-1031. doi:10.1111/socf.12562 [9] Lee, J., et al. [10] Lee, J., et al. [11] Lee, J., et al. [12] Lee, et al. [13] Lee, et al. [14] Lee, et al. [15] LGBTQ family building survey. (2020, July 02). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.familyequality.org/resources/lgbtq-family-building-survey/ [16] LGBTQ family building survey. (2020, July 02). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.familyequality.org/resources/lgbtq-family-building-survey/ [17] LGBTQ family building survey. (2020, July 02). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.familyequality.org/resources/lgbtq-family-building-survey/ [18] Mackenzie, S. C., Wickins-Drazilova, D., &amp; Wickins, J. (2020). The ethics of fertility treatment for same-sex male couples: Considerations for a modern fertility clinic. European Journal of Obstetrics &amp; Gynecology and Reproductive Biology, 244, 71-75. doi:10.1016/j.ejogrb.2019.11.011 [19] Mackenzie, et al. [20] Ollove, M. (2015, March 18). States not eager to regulate fertility industry. Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/research-and-analysis/blogs/stateline/2015/3/18/states-not-eager-to-regulate-fertility-industry [21] Ollove, M. [22] Ollove, M. [23] World Health Organization. (2020, September 14). Infertility. World Health Organization. https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/infertility [24] Leondires, M. P. (2020, March 19). Fertility insurance Mandates &amp; same-sex couples. Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.gayparentstobe.com/gay-parenting-blog/fertility-insurance-mandates-same-sex-couples/ [25] Lo, W., &amp; Campo-Engelstein, L. (2018). Expanding the Clinical Definition of Infertility to Include Socially Infertile Individuals and Couples. Reproductive Ethics II, 71–83. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89429-4_6 [26] Mohapatra, S. (2015). Assisted Reproduction Inequality and Marriage Equality. Chicago-Kent Law Review, 92(1). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4146&amp;context=cklawreview [27] Mohapatra, S. [28] Mohapatra, S. [29] Mohapatra, S. [30] Mohapatra, S. [31] Governor Cuomo announces new actions to expand access to FERTILITY coverage for same sex couples as part of 2021 Women's Agenda. (n.d.). [32] Health Insurers FAQs: IVF and Fertility Preservation Law Q&amp;A Guidance. (n.d.). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.dfs.ny.gov/apps_and_licensing/health_insurers/ivf_fertility_preservation_law_qa_guidance [33] Governor Cuomo announces new actions to expand access to FERTILITY coverage for same sex couples as part of 2021 Women's Agenda. (n.d.). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/governor-cuomo-announces-new-actions-expand-access-fertility-coverage-same-sex-couples-part#:~:text=February%2011%2C%202021-,Governor%20Cuomo%20Announces%20New%20Actions%20to%20Expand%20Access%20to%20Fertility,Part%20of%202021%20Women's%20Agenda&amp;text=Cuomo%20today%20directed%20the%20Department,wish%20to%20start%20a%20family. [34] Leondires, M. P. [35] Assisted reproduction parentage proceedings information: Academy of Adoption and Assistive Reproduction Attorneys (AAAA). (2019, March 14). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://adoptionart.org/assisted-reproduction/parentage-proceedings/ [36] Assisted reproduction parentage proceedings information. [37] Governor Cuomo reminds surrogates and parents of their new Insurance rights and protections During Gestational Surrogacy. (n.d.). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/governor-cuomo-reminds-surrogates-and-parents-their-new-insurance-rights-and-protections-during [38] U.S. Surrogacy Map: Surrogacy laws by state. (2020, December 23). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.creativefamilyconnections.com/us-surrogacy-law-map/ [39] Mohapatra, S. [40] Beitsch, R. (2017, June 29). As surrogacy surges, new parents seek legal protections. Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/research-and-analysis/blogs/stateline/2017/06/29/as-surrogacy-surges-new-parents-seek-legal-protections#:~:text=Medicaid%20does%20not%20cover%20surrogacy,and%20intended%20parents%20at%20risk. [41] Where to find surrogacy insurance? (2017, November 02). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://surrogate.com/intended-parents/surrogacy-laws-and-legal-information/where-can-i-find-surrogacy-insurance/ [42] Mohapatra, S. [43] International covenant on civil and political rights. (n.d.). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/ccpr.aspx [44] United Nations. (2003). Human rights in the administration of justice: a manual on human rights for judges, prosecutors and lawyers. [45] U.S. Const. amend. XIV, § 1. [46] Skinner v. Oklahoma, Https://caselaw.findlaw.com/us-supreme-court/316/535.html (June 1, 1942). [47] Skinner v. Oklahoma [48] Skinner v. Oklahoma [49] Eisenstadt v. Baird, Https://www.lexisnexis.com/community/casebrief/p/casebrief-eisenstadt-v-baird (March 22, 1972). [50] Obergefell v. Hodges [51] Higgins, T. (2021, June 17). Supreme Court sides with Catholic adoption agency that refuses to work with LGBT couples. CNBC. https://www.cnbc.com/2021/06/17/supreme-court-sides-with-catholic-adoption-agency-that-refuses-to-work-with-lgbt-couples.html. [52] Bowerman, M., May, A., &amp; Rossman, S. (2017, April 24). Should the definition of infertility be more inclusive? USA Today. https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation-now/2017/04/22/same-sex-couples-covered-infertility-insurance/100644092/. [53] Mackenzie, et al. [54] Mackenzie, et al.

Introduction‘Dream’ has been researched across numerous fields in its multiplicity within both a physical and emotional capacity. For Pagel et al., there is no fixed definition of what ‘dream’ is or are. However, in an advertising context, ’dream’ is the idealised version of our desires, re-visualised in real life (Coombes and Batchelor 103). It could be said that for countless consumers, advertising imagery has elicited dreams of living the perfect life and procuring material pleasures (Manca et al.; Hood). Goodis asserts, “advertising doesn’t always mirror how people are acting but how they are dreaming, in a sense what we are doing is wrapping up your emotions and selling them back to you” (qtd. in Back and Quaade 65). One component of this notion of ‘dream’ in advertising is captured by wishful images of the face and body in their ‘perfect form’ presented in a field of other beauty ideals. For our purposes, ‘dream’ is a “philosophical concept” (Pagel et al. 14) by which dreams are a series of aspirations and desires that consumers internalise, while at the same time, find difficult to achieve. ‘Dream’, then, will be used to critically explore how the beauty and advertising industries collectively employ ethnic ambiguity in addition to other tactics and strategies to sell us dream-like visions of idealised beauty. Forever Dreaming: The Introduction of Ethnic AmbiguityWe can link dreams to beauty as both areas of analysis contain many cultural interpretations and can be deconstructed to reveal different meanings (Sontag). In many ways, beauty is another dream and Sontag notes that the concept of beauty is often linked to certain physical traits that an individual possesses. These physical traits are capitalised upon by product marketing by which Hood claims, aims to enhance one, or even more, of them. For example, lipstick is not marketed as simply as a mixture of wax and pigment but rather a way to “obtain beauty, find romance or gain confidence” (7). As a result, global beauty brands can find long term marketing success through meaningful product marketing. This long-term marketing success relies on influencing human behaviour and perceptions. As a result of meaningful marketing, consumers may find themselves driven to purchase implicit qualities in products advertised to reflect their dreams (Hood).Following the 1980s, this version of meaningful marketing has become a driving purpose for advertising agencies around the globe (Steel). Advertising agencies rely on deeper human insights, identifying latent desires to create a brief that must ultimately sell a dream (Steel). The ideal strategy needs to define something that will build brand loyalty and encourage consumers to have a symbiotic relationship connecting their dreams with the product being sold. As Hood argues, “advertising consists of selling not just things but also dreams”. While this concept is one that “some see as inherently damning”, it is also inherently necessary (7). We understand that people are emotional beings, investing in the artefacts they build, obtain or use with significance “beyond merely utilitarian” (7). For these reasons, beauty advertisers act as the purveyors of dreams in the form of physical perfection as an articulation of consumer’s own aspirations of beauty.These aspirations of dream beauty are a direct representation of our thoughts and feelings. As such, it should be noted that we as consumers are often encouraged to draw inspiration from imagery that is often times seen as ethnically ambiguous. “Ethnic ambiguity” is the absence of any one prominent ethnic or racial feature that is easily discernible to one specific group (Garcia 234; Harrison et al.). An example of this ethnic ambiguity can be seen in marketing campaigns by high end makeup artist and her eponymous range of cosmetics, Charlotte Tilbury. Most notably, in a 2015 launch for her “Makeup Wardrobe”, Tilbury’s makeup palettes boasted 10 aspirational ‘looks’ and personas that could be achieved simply through purchase. The images of women featured on a figurative ‘wheel of fortune’ digital display used to market products online. This digital ‘wheel of fortune’ comprised of ethnically ambiguous models against descriptive persona’s such as “The Dolce Vita” and “The Glamour Muse”. These kinds of digital marketing tools required consumers to make a decision based on what their dream ‘look’ is through an ethnically ambiguous lens and from here are guided to purchase their desired aesthetic. Like Charlotte Tilbury, the beauty industry has seen a growing body of cosmetic brands that employ ethnic ambiguity to sell dreams of homogenised beauty. We will see the ways in which modern day beauty brands, such as Kylie Jenner Cosmetics and Fenty Beauty have come to adopt ethnic ambiguity or embrace entire ethnic and racial groups in order to expand their consumer influence.Aspirational Ambiguity: Dreams of DisempowermentSince the early 2000s, beauty advertising has seen a prominent rise in the use of ethnically ambiguous models. Some see this as an effort to answer the global desire for diversity and inclusion. However, the notion that beauty standards transcend racial boundaries and is inclusive, is simply another form of appropriating and fetishising ethnicity (R. Sengupta). In many ways, these manufactured dream-like versions of beauty have evolved to reach wider markets, in the hope that consumers will be emboldened to both embrace their racial heritage, and at the same time conform to homogenised standards of beauty (Frith et al.; Harrison et al.).In this bid to diversify and extend consumer reach, there are three prominent reasons why ethnically ambiguous models are more likely to be featured over models whose African, Indigenous, and/or Asian heritage is more prominent. Firstly, ethnically ambiguous models do not seem to conform to a particular notion of what is considered beautiful. For many decades, popular culture has been saturated with images of thin, of young, of narrow noses and hips, of blonde, blue eyes, and Caucasian hair textures (Harrison et al.; Hunter; Saraswati). These Westernised beauty ideals have been historically shaped through years of colonial influence, grounded in an imbalance of power and imposed to create a culture of dominance and oppression (Saraswati). Secondly, ethnic models are featured to convey “the sense of the ‘exotic’, and their ‘otherness’ acts to normalise and entrench the dominant ideal of white beauty” (qtd. in Redmond 175). ‘Otherness’ can be defined as the opposite of the majority, in Westernised society this ‘other’ can mean “people who are other than white, male, able bodied, heterosexual” (qtd. in Graycar 74). This ‘otherness’ showcased by ethnically ambiguous models draws viewers in. Physical features that were possessed by one specific ethnic group such as African, Asian, Latinx or Indigenous peoples have now become blended and are no longer confined to one race. Additionally, ethnically ambiguous models enable white consumers to dream about an exotic local or lifestyle, while at the same time providing ethnic audiences a way to see themselves.Finally, it is undeniable that ethnically ambiguous and mixed-race models have become desirable due to a historical preference for light skin (Saraswati). The visual references of light-skinned beauty epitomise a colonial dream and this standardisation has been transferred to indigenous peoples, or ethnic minorities in Western countries. According to Harrison et al, “marketers use mixed-race representations as cultural currency by mythologising mixed-race bodies as the new beauty standard” to represent a racial bridge, “tailored to ameliorate perceived racial divides” (503). Therefore, ethnically ambiguous models have an assumed advantage over their racially dominant counterparts, because they appear to straddle various racial boundaries. They are constructed to embody whomever, from wherever and whenever, fetishising their roleplay for the industry, when it pleases. This further exoticises multi-racial beauty models and renders them a commodified fantasy for many consumers alike. The continued commodification of ethnic ambiguity is problematic as it exploits models with distinctly mixed-race heritage to continue to sell images of white-washed beauty (Solomon et al.). An argument could be made that scarcity contributes to mixed-race models’ value, and therefore the total number of advertising opportunities that are offered to mixed-race models remains limited. To date, numerous studies highlight a limited use of racially diverse models within the beauty industry and does not reflect the growing global body of diverse consumers with purchasing power (Wasylkiw et al.; Redmond; Johnson; Jung and Lee; Frith et al.). In fact, prior to globalisation, Yan and Bissell claim that “each culture had a unique standard of attractiveness, derived from traditional views about beauty as well as the physical features of the people” (197) and over time the construction of dream beauty is characterised using Western features combined with exoticised traits of indigenous ethnic groups. Akinro and Mbunyuza-Memani claim that this “trend of normalising white or 'western' feminine looks as the standard of beauty” has pervaded a number of these indigenous cultures, eventually disseminated through the media as the ultimate goal (308). It can also be argued that the “growing inclusion of mixed-race models in ads is driven less by the motivation to portray diversity and driven more by pragmatism,” and in a more practical sense has implications for the “financial future of the advertised brands and the advertising industry as a whole” (Harrison et al. 513). As a result, uses of mixed-race models “are rather understood as palatable responses within dominant white culture to racial and ethnic minority populations growing in … cultural prominence” (513) in a tokenistic bid to sell a dream of unified beauty.The Dream Girl: Normalisation of Mixed-RaceIn 2017, an article in CNN’s Style section highlighted the growing number of mixed-race models in Japan’s fashion and beauty industry as a modern-day phenomenon from Japan’s interlocking history with the United States (Chung and Ogura). These beauty and fashion influencers refer to themselves as hafu, an exclusionary term that historically represented an “othered” minority of mixed-race heritage in Japanese society signalling complex and troubled interactions with majority Japanese (Oshima). The complications once associated with the term ‘hafu’ are now being reclaimed by bi-racial beauty and fashion models and as such, these models are beginning to defy categorisation and, in some ways, national identity because of their chameleon-like qualities. However, while there is an increasing use of mixed-race Japanese models, everyday mixed-race women are regularly excluded within general society; which highlights the incongruent nature of ‘half’ identity. And yet there is an increasing preference and demand from fashion and beauty outlets to feature them in Japanese and Western popular culture (Harrison et al.; Chung and Ogura). Numéro Tokyo’s editorial director Sayumi Gunji, estimated that almost 30-40 per cent of runway models in present day Japan, identify as either bi-racial mixed-race or multi-racial (Chung and Ogura).Gunji claims:"Almost all top models in the their 20s are hafu, especially the top models of popular fashion magazines ... . [In] the Japanese media and market, a foreigner's flawless looks aren't as readily accepted -- they feel a little distant. But biracial models, who are taller, have bigger eyes, higher noses [and] Barbie-doll-like looks, are admired because they are dreamy looking but not totally different from the Japanese. That's the key to their popularity," she adds. (Qtd. in Chung and Ogura)The "dreamy look" that Gunji describes is attributed to a historical preference toward light skin and a kind of willingness and sensuality, that once, only white models could be seen to tout (Frith et al. 58). Frith et al. and O’Barr discuss that beauty in Japanese advertising mirrors “the way women are portrayed in advertising in the West” (qtd. in Frith et al. 58). The emergence of hafu in Japanese beauty advertising sees these two worlds, a mixture of doll-like and sensual beauty, converging to create a dream-like standard for Japanese consumers. The growing presence of Japanese-American models such as Kiko Mizuhara and Jun Hasegawa are both a direct example of the unattainable ‘dreamy look’ that pervades the Japanese beauty industry. Given this ongoing trend of mixed-race models in beauty advertising, a recent article on Refinery29 talks about the significance of how mixed-race models are disassembling their once marginalised status.A. Sengupta writes:In contrast to passing, in which mixedness was marginalized and hidden, visibly multiracial models now feature prominently in affirmative sites of social norms. Multiracial looks are normalized, and, by extension, mixed identity is validated. There’s no cohesive social movement behind it, but it’s a quiet sea change that’s come with broadened beauty standards and the slow dismantling of social hierarchies.Another example of the normalisation in multi-racial identity is Adwoa Aboah, a mixed-race British model and feminist activist who has been featured on the covers of numerous fashion publications and on runways worldwide. In British Vogue’s December 2017 issue, titled “Great BRITAIN”, Adwoa Aboah achieved front cover status, alongside her image featured other politically powerful names, perhaps suggesting that Aboah represents not only the changing face of a historically white publication but as an embodiment of an increasingly diverse consumer landscape. Not only is she seen as both as a voice for those disenfranchised by the industry, by which she is employed, but as a symbol of new dreams. To conclude this section, it seems the evolution of advertising’s inclusion of multi-racial models reveals a progressive step change for the beauty industry. However, relying simply on the faces of ethnically ambiguous talent has become a covert way to fulfil consumer’s desire for diversity without wholly dismantling the destructive hierarchies of white dominance. Over this time however, new beauty creations have entered the market and with it two modern day icons.Architecting Black Beauty through the American DreamAccording to Kiick, the conception of the ‘American Dream’ is born out of a desire to “seek out a more advantageous existence than the current situation” (qtd. in Manca et al. 84). As a result of diligent hard work, Americans were rewarded with an opportunity for a better life (Manca et al.). Kylie Jenner’s entry into the beauty space seemed like a natural move for the then eighteen-year-old; it was a new-age representation of the ‘American Dream’ (Robehmed 2018). In less than five years, Jenner has created Kylie Cosmetics, a beauty empire that has since amassed a global consumer base, helping her earn billionaire status. A more critical investigation into Jenner’s performance however illustrates that her eponymous range of beauty products sells dreams which have been appropriated from black culture (Phelps). The term cultural appropriation refers to the way dominant cultures “adopt and adapt certain aspects of another’s culture and make it their own” (qtd. in Han 9). In Jenner’s case, her connection to ethnic Armenian roots through her sisters Kourtney, Kim, and Khloe Kardashian have significantly influenced her expression of ‘othered’ culture and moreover ethnic beauty ideals such as curvier body shapes and textured hair. Jenner’s beauty advertisements have epitomised what it means to be black in America, cherry picking racialised features of black women (namely their lips, hips/buttocks and afro-braided hairstyles) and rearticulated them through a white lens. The omission of the ‘black experience’ in her promotion of product is problematic for three reasons. Firstly, representing groups or people without invitation enables room for systemic stereotyping (Han). Secondly, this stereotyping can lead to continued marginalisation of minority cultures (Kulchyski). And finally, the over exaggeration of physical attributes, such as Jenner’s lips, hips and buttocks, reinforces her complicity in exoticising and fetishising the “other”. As a result, consumers of social media beauty advertising may pay less attention to cultural appropriation if they are already unaware that the beauty imagery they consume is based on the exploitation of black culture.Another perspective on Jenner’s use of black culture is in large part due to her cultural appreciation of black beauty. This meaning behind Jenner’s cultural appreciation can be attributed to the inherent value placed on another person’s culture, in the recognition of the positive qualities and the celebration of all aspects of that culture (Han). This is evidenced by her recent addition of cosmetic products for darker complexions (Brown). However, Jenner’s supposed fascination with black culture may be in large part due to the environment in which she was nurtured (Phelps). As Phelps reveals, “consider the cultural significance of the Kardashian family, and the various ways in which the Kardashian women, who are tremendously wealthy and present as white, have integrated elements of black culture as seemingly “natural” in their public bodily performances” (9). Although the Kardashian-Jenner family have faced public backlash for their collective appropriation they have acquired a tremendous “capital gain in terms of celebrity staying power and hyper-visibility” (Phelps 9). Despite the negative attention, Kylie Jenner’s expression of black culture has resurfaced the very issues that had once been historically deemed insignificant. In spite of Jenner’s cultural appropriation of black beauty, her promotion through Kylie Cosmetics continues to sell dreams of idealised beauty through the white lens.In comparison, Rihanna Fenty’s cosmetic empire has been touted as a celebration of diversity and inclusion for modern-age beauty. Unlike Kylie Cosmetics, Fenty’s eponymous brand has become popular for its broader message of inclusivity across both skin tone, body shape and gender. Upon her product release, Fenty Beauty acknowledged a growing body of diverse consumers and as a direct response to feature models of diverse skin tones, cultural background and racial heritage. Perhaps more importantly, Fenty Beauty’s challenge to the ongoing debate around diversity and inclusion has been in stark contrast to Kylie Jenner’s ongoing appropriation of black culture. Images featured at the first brand and product launch of Fenty Beauty and in present day advertising, show South Sudanese model Duckie Thot and hijab-wearing model Halima Aden as central characters within the Fenty narrative, illustrating that inclusion need not remain ambiguous and diversity need not be appropriated. Fenty’s initial product line up included ninety products, but most notably, the Pro Filt’r foundation caused the most publicity. Since its introduction in 2017, the foundation collection contained range of 40 (now 50) inclusive foundation shades, 13 of these shades were designed to cater for much darker complexions, an industry first (Walters). As a result of the brand’s inclusion of diverse product shades and models, Fenty Beauty has been shown to push boundaries within the beauty industry and the social media landscape (Walters). Capitalising on all races and expanding beauty ideals, Fenty’s showcase of beauty subscribes to the notion that for women everywhere in the world, their dreams can and do come true. In conclusion, Fenty Beauty has played a critical role in re-educating global consumers about diversity in beauty (Walters) but perhaps more importantly Rihanna, by definition, has become a true embodiment of the ‘American Dream’.Conclusion: Future Dreams in BeautyIt is undeniable that beauty advertising has remained complicit in selling unattainable dreams to consumers. In the context of ‘dream’ as a philosophical concept, it is more important than ever to ensure our dreams are mirrored, not as an ambiguous body of consumers, but as diverse and unique individuals. Changemakers in the industry such as Fenty Beauty are challenging this status quo and beauty advertising in general will have to evolve their strategy in a bid to answer to an increasingly globalised market. It must be reinforced however, that while “beauty companies and advertisers work effectively to reach a growingly multicultural market, scholars have a responsibility to assess the ramifications that accompany such change,” (Harrison et al. 518). If advertising’s role is to mirror consumers’ dreams then, our roles as dreamers have never been so important. ReferencesAkinro, Ngozi, and Lindani Mbunyuza-Memani. "Black Is Not Beautiful: Persistent Messages and the Globalization of 'White' Beauty in African Women’s Magazines." 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Introduction Documentary film has grown significantly in the past decade, with high profile films such as Fahrenheit 9/11, Supersize Me, and An Inconvenient Truth garnering increased attention both at the box office and in the news media. In addition, the rising prominence of web-based media has provided new opportunities for documentary to create social impact. Films are now typically released with websites, Facebook pages, twitter feeds, and web videos to increase both reach and impact. This combination of technology and broader audience appeal has given rise to a current landscape in which documentary films are imbedded within coordinated multi-media campaigns. New media have not only opened up new avenues for communicating with audiences, they have also created new opportunities for data collection and analysis of film impacts. A recent report by McKinsey and Company highlighted this potential, introducing and discussing the implications of increasing consumer information being recorded on the Internet as well as through networked sensors in the physical world. As they found: "Big data—large pools of data that can be captured, communicated, aggregated, stored, and analyzed—is now part of every sector and function of the global economy" (Manyika et al. iv). This data can be mined to learn a great deal about both individual and cultural response to documentary films and the issues they represent. Although film has a rich history in humanities research, this new set of tools enables an empirical approach grounded in the social sciences. However, several researchers across disciplines have noted that limited investigation has been conducted in this area. Although there has always been an emphasis on social impact in film and many filmmakers and scholars have made legitimate (and possibly illegitimate) claims of impact, few have attempted to empirically justify these claims. Over fifteen years ago, noted film scholar Brian Winston commented that "the underlying assumption of most social documentaries—that they shall act as agents of reform and change—is almost never demonstrated" (236). A decade later, Political Scientist David Whiteman repeated this sentiment, arguing that, "despite widespread speculation about the impact of documentaries, the topic has received relatively little systematic attention" ("Evolving"). And earlier this year, the introduction to a special issue of Mass Communication and Society on documentary film stated, "documentary film, despite its growing influence and many impacts, has mostly been overlooked by social scientists studying the media and communication" (Nisbet and Aufderheide 451). Film has been studied extensively as entertainment, as narrative, and as cultural event, but the study of film as an agent of social change is still in its infancy. This paper introduces a systematic approach to measuring the social impact of documentary film aiming to: (1) discuss the context of documentary film and its potential impact; and (2) argue for a social science approach, discussing key issues about conducting such research. Changes in Documentary Practice Documentary film has been used as a tool for promoting social change throughout its history. John Grierson, who coined the term "documentary" in 1926, believed it could be used to influence the ideas and actions of people in ways once reserved for church and school. He presented his thoughts on this emerging genre in his 1932 essay, First Principles of Documentary, saying, "We believe that the cinema's capacity for getting around, for observing and selecting from life itself, can be exploited in a new and vital art form" (97). Richard Barsam further specified the definition of documentary, distinguishing it from non-fiction film, such that all documentaries are non-fiction films but not all non-fiction films are documentaries. He distinguishes documentary from other forms of non-fiction film (i.e. travel films, educational films, newsreels) by its purpose; it is a film with an opinion and a specific message that aims to persuade or influence the audience. And Bill Nichols writes that the definition of documentary may even expand beyond the film itself, defining it as a "filmmaking practice, a cinematic tradition, and mode of audience reception" (12). Documentary film has undergone many significant changes since its inception, from the heavily staged romanticism movement of the 1920s to the propagandist tradition of governments using film to persuade individuals to support national agendas to the introduction of cinéma vérité in the 1960s and historical documentary in the 1980s (cf. Barnouw). However, the recent upsurge in popularity of documentary media, combined with technological advances of internet and computers have opened up a whole new set of opportunities for film to serve as both art and agent for social change. One such opportunity is in the creation of film-based social action campaigns. Over the past decade, filmmakers have taken a more active role in promoting social change by coordinating film releases with action campaigns. Companies such as Participant Media (An Inconvenient Truth, Food Inc., etc.) now create "specific social action campaigns for each film and documentary designed to give a voice to issues that resonate in the films" (Participant Media). In addition, a new sector of "social media" consultants are now offering services, including "consultation, strategic planning for alternative distribution, website and social media development, and complete campaign management services to filmmakers to ensure the content of nonfiction media truly meets the intention for change" (Working Films). The emergence of new forms of media and technology are changing our conceptions of both documentary film and social action. Technologies such as podcasts, video blogs, internet radio, social media and network applications, and collaborative web editing "both unsettle and extend concepts and assumptions at the heart of 'documentary' as a practice and as an idea" (Ellsworth). In the past decade, we have seen new forms of documentary creation, distribution, marketing, and engagement. Likewise, film campaigns are utilizing a broad array of strategies to engage audience members, including "action kits, screening programs, educational curriculums and classes, house parties, seminars, panels" that often turn into "ongoing 'legacy' programs that are updated and revised to continue beyond the film's domestic and international theatrical, DVD and television windows" (Participant Media). This move towards multi-media documentary film is becoming not only commonplace, but expected as a part of filmmaking. NYU film professor and documentary film pioneer George Stoney recently noted, "50 percent of the documentary filmmaker's job is making the movie, and 50 percent is figuring out what its impact can be and how it can move audiences to action" (qtd. in Nisbet, "Gasland"). In his book Convergence Culture, Henry Jenkins, coined the term "transmedia storytelling", which he later defined as "a process where integral elements of a fiction get dispersed systematically across multiple delivery channels for the purpose of creating a unified and coordinated entertainment experience" ("Transmedia"). When applied to documentary film, it is the elements of the "issue" raised by the film that get dispersed across these channels, coordinating, not just an entertainment experience, but a social action campaign. Dimensions of Evaluation It is not unreasonable to assume that such film campaigns, just like any policy or program, have the possibility to influence viewers' knowledge, attitudes, and behavior. Measuring this impact has become increasingly important, as funders of documentary and issue-based films want look to understand the "return on investment" of films in terms of social impact so that they can compare them with other projects, including non-media, direct service projects. Although we "feel" like films make a difference to the individuals who also see them in the broader cultures in which they are embedded, measurement and empirical analysis of this impact are vitally important for both providing feedback to filmmakers and funders as well as informing future efforts attempting to leverage film for social change. This type of systematic assessment, or program evaluation, is often discussed in terms of two primary goals—formative (or process) and summative (or impact) evaluation (cf. Muraskin; Trochim and Donnelly). Formative evaluation studies program materials and activities to strengthen a program, and summative evaluation examines program outcomes. In terms of documentary film, these two goals can be described as follows: Formative Evaluation: Informing the Process As programs (broadly defined as an intentional set of activities with the aim of having some specific impact), the people who interact with them, and the cultures they are situated in are constantly changing, program development and evaluation is an ongoing learning cycle. Film campaigns, which are an intentional set of activities with the aim of impacting individual viewers and broader cultures, fit squarely within this purview. Without formulating hypotheses about the relationships between program activities and goals and then collecting and analyzing data during implementation to test them, it is difficult to learn ways to improve programs (or continue doing what works best in the most efficient manner). Attention to this process enables those involved to learn more about, not only what works, but how and why it works and even gain insights about how program outcomes may be affected by changes to resource availability, potential audiences, or infrastructure. Filmmakers are constantly learning and honing their craft and realizing the impact of their practice can help the artistic process. Often faced with tight budgets and timelines, they are forced to confront tradeoffs all the time, in the writing, production and post-production process. Understanding where they are having impact can improve their decision-making, which can help both the individual project and the overall field. Summative Evaluation: Quantifying Impacts Evaluation is used in many different fields to determine whether programs are achieving their intended goals and objectives. It became popular in the 1960s as a way of understanding the impact of the Great Society programs and has continued to grow since that time (Madaus and Stufflebeam). A recent White House memo stated that "rigorous, independent program evaluations can be a key resource in determining whether government programs are achieving their intended outcomes as well as possible and at the lowest possible cost" and the United States Office of Management and Budget (OMB) launched an initiative to increase the practice of "impact evaluations, or evaluations aimed at determining the causal effects of programs" (Orszag 1). Documentary films, like government programs, generally target a national audience, aim to serve a social purpose, and often do not provide a return on their investment. Participant Media, the most visible and arguably most successful documentary production company in the film industry, made recent headlines for its difficulty in making a profit during its seven-year history (Cieply). Owner and founder Jeff Skoll reported investing hundreds of millions of dollars into the company and CEO James Berk added that the company sometimes measures success, not by profit, but by "whether Mr. Skoll could have exerted more impact simply by spending his money philanthropically" (Cieply). Because of this, documentary projects often rely on grant funding, and are starting to approach funders beyond traditional arts and media sources. "Filmmakers are finding new fiscal and non-fiscal partners, in constituencies that would not traditionally be considered—or consider themselves—media funders or partners" (BRITDOC 6). And funders increasingly expect tangible data about their return on investment. Says Luis Ubiñas, president of Ford Foundation, which recently launched the Just Films Initiative: In these times of global economic uncertainty, with increasing demand for limited philanthropic dollars, assessing our effectiveness is more important than ever. Today, staying on the frontlines of social change means gauging, with thoughtfulness and rigor, the immediate and distant outcomes of our funding. Establishing the need for evaluation is not enough—attention to methodology is also critical. Valid research methodology is a critical component of understanding around the role entertainment can play in impacting social and environmental issues. The following issues are vital to measuring impact. Defining the Project Though this may seem like an obvious step, it is essential to determine the nature of the project so one can create research questions and hypotheses based on a complete understanding of the "treatment". One organization that provides a great example of the integration of documentary film imbedded into a larger campaign or movement is Invisible Children. Founded in 2005, Invisible Children is both a media-based organization as well as an economic development NGO with the goal of raising awareness and meeting the needs of child soldiers and other youth suffering as a result of the ongoing war in northern Uganda. Although Invisible Children began as a documentary film, it has grown into a large non-profit organization with an operating budget of over $8 million and a staff of over a hundred employees and interns throughout the year as well as volunteers in all 50 states and several countries. Invisible Children programming includes films, events, fundraising campaigns, contests, social media platforms, blogs, videos, two national "tours" per year, merchandise, and even a 650-person three-day youth summit in August 2011 called The Fourth Estate. Individually, each of these components might lead to specific outcomes; collectively, they might lead to others. In order to properly assess impacts of the film "project", it is important to take all of these components into consideration and think about who they may impact and how. This informs the research questions, hypotheses, and methods used in evaluation. Film campaigns may even include partnerships with existing social movements and non-profit organizations targeting social change. The American University Center for Social Media concluded in a case study of three issue-based documentary film campaigns: Digital technologies do not replace, but are closely entwined with, longstanding on-the-ground activities of stakeholders and citizens working for social change. Projects like these forge new tools, pipelines, and circuits of circulation in a multiplatform media environment. They help to create sustainable network infrastructures for participatory public media that extend from local communities to transnational circuits and from grassroots communities to policy makers. (Abrash) Expanding the Focus of Impact beyond the Individual A recent focus has shifted the dialogue on film impact. Whiteman ("Theaters") argues that traditional metrics of film "success" tend to focus on studio economic indicators that are far more relevant to large budget films. Current efforts focused on box office receipts and audience size, the author claims, are really measures of successful film marketing or promotion, missing the mark when it comes to understanding social impact. He instead stresses the importance of developing a more comprehensive model. His "coalition model" broadens the range and types of impact of film beyond traditional metrics to include the entire filmmaking process, from production to distribution. Whiteman (“Theaters”) argues that a narrow focus on the size of the audience for a film, its box office receipts, and viewers' attitudes does not incorporate the potential reach of a documentary film. Impacts within the coalition model include both individual and policy levels. Individual impacts (with an emphasis on activist groups) include educating members, mobilizing for action, and raising group status; policy includes altering both agenda for and the substance of policy deliberations. The Fledgling Fund (Barrett and Leddy) expanded on this concept and identified five distinct impacts of documentary film campaigns. These potential impacts expand from individual viewers to groups, movements, and eventually to what they call the "ultimate goal" of social change. Each is introduced briefly below. Quality Film. The film itself can be presented as a quality film or media project, creating enjoyment or evoking emotion in the part of audiences. "By this we mean a film that has a compelling narrative that draws viewers in and can engage them in the issue and illustrate complex problems in ways that statistics cannot" (Barrett and Leddy, 6). Public Awareness. Film can increase public awareness by bringing light to issues and stories that may have otherwise been unknown or not often thought about. This is the level of impact that has received the most attention, as films are often discussed in terms of their "educational" value. "A project's ability to raise awareness around a particular issue, since awareness is a critical building block for both individual change and broader social change" (Barrett and Leddy, 6). Public Engagement. Impact, however, need not stop at simply raising public awareness. Engagement "indicates a shift from simply being aware of an issue to acting on this awareness. Were a film and its outreach campaign able to provide an answer to the question 'What can I do?' and more importantly mobilize that individual to act?" (Barrett and Leddy, 7). This is where an associated film campaign becomes increasingly important, as transmedia outlets such as Facebook, websites, blogs, etc. can build off the interest and awareness developed through watching a film and provide outlets for viewers channel their constructive efforts. Social Movement. In addition to impacts on individuals, films can also serve to mobilize groups focused on a particular problem. The filmmaker can create a campaign around the film to promote its goals and/or work with existing groups focused on a particular issue, so that the film can be used as a tool for mobilization and collaboration. "Moving beyond measures of impact as they relate to individual awareness and engagement, we look at the project's impact as it relates to the broader social movement … if a project can strengthen the work of key advocacy organizations that have strong commitment to the issues raised in the film" (Barrett and Leddy, 7). Social Change. The final level of impact and "ultimate goal" of an issue-based film is long-term and systemic social change. "While we understand that realizing social change is often a long and complex process, we do believe it is possible and that for some projects and issues there are key indicators of success" (Barrett and Leddy, 7). This can take the form of policy or legislative change, passed through film-based lobbying efforts, or shifts in public dialogue and behavior. Legislative change typically takes place beyond the social movement stage, when there is enough support to pressure legislators to change or create policy. Film-inspired activism has been seen in issues ranging from environmental causes such as agriculture (Food Inc.) and toxic products (Blue Vinyl) to social causes such as foreign conflict (Invisible Children) and education (Waiting for Superman). Documentary films can also have a strong influence as media agenda-setters, as films provide dramatic "news pegs" for journalists seeking to either sustain or generation new coverage of an issue (Nisbet "Introduction" 5), such as the media coverage of climate change in conjunction with An Inconvenient Truth. Barrett and Leddy, however, note that not all films target all five impacts and that different films may lead to different impacts. "In some cases we could look to key legislative or policy changes that were driven by, or at least supported by the project... In other cases, we can point to shifts in public dialogue and how issues are framed and discussed" (7). It is possible that specific film and/or campaign characteristics may lead to different impacts; this is a nascent area for research and one with great promise for both practical and theoretical utility. Innovations in Tools and Methods Finally, the selection of tools is a vital component for assessing impact and the new media landscape is enabling innovations in the methods and strategies for program evaluation. Whereas the traditional domain of film impact measurement included box office statistics, focus groups, and exit surveys, innovations in data collection and analysis have expanded the reach of what questions we can ask and how we are able to answer them. For example, press coverage can assist in understanding and measuring the increase in awareness about an issue post-release. Looking directly at web-traffic changes "enables the creation of an information-seeking curve that can define the parameters of a teachable moment" (Hart and Leiserowitz 360). Audience reception can be measured, not only via interviews and focus groups, but also through content and sentiment analysis of web content and online analytics. "Sophisticated analytics can substantially improve decision making, minimize risks, and unearth valuable insights that would otherwise remain hidden" (Manyika et al. 5). These new tools are significantly changing evaluation, expanding what we can learn about the social impacts of film through triangulation of self-report data with measurement of actual behavior in virtual environments. Conclusion The changing media landscape both allows and impels evaluation of film impacts on individual viewers and the broader culture in which they are imbedded. Although such analysis may have previously been limited to box office numbers, critics' reviews, and theater exit surveys, the rise of new media provides both the ability to connect filmmakers, activists, and viewers in new ways and the data in which to study the process. This capability, combined with significant growth in the documentary landscape, suggests a great potential for documentary film to contribute to some of our most pressing social and environmental needs. A social scientific approach, that combines empirical analysis with theory applied from basic science, ensures that impact can be measured and leveraged in a way that is useful for both filmmakers as well as funders. In the end, this attention to impact ensures a continued thriving marketplace for issue-based documentary films in our social landscape. References Abrash, Barbara. "Social Issue Documentary: The Evolution of Public Engagement." American University Center for Social Media 21 Apr. 2010. 26 Sep. 2011 ‹http://www.centerforsocialmedia.org/›. Aufderheide, Patricia. "The Changing Documentary Marketplace." Cineaste 30.3 (2005): 24-28. Barnouw, Eric. Documentary: A History of the Non-Fiction Film. New York: Oxford UP, 1993. Barrett, Diana and Sheila Leddy. 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