Journal articles on the topic 'Note-taking. [from old catalog]'

Context. Type II Cepheids (T2Cs) are radially pulsating variables that trace old stellar populations and provide distance estimates through their period-luminosity (PL) relation. Aims. We trace the structure of old stellar population in the Galactic bulge using new distance estimates and kinematic properties of T2Cs. Methods. We present new near-infrared photometry of T2Cs in the bulge from the VISTA Variables in the Vía Láctea survey (VVV). We provide the largest sample (894 stars) of T2Cs with JHKs observations that have accurate periods from the Optical Gravitational Lensing Experiment (OGLE) catalog. Our analysis makes use of the Ks-band time-series observations to estimate mean magnitudes and individual distances by means of the PL relation. To constrain the kinematic properties of our targets, we complement our analysis with proper motions based on both the VVV and Gaia Data Release 2. Results. We derive an empirical Ks-band PL relation that depends on Galactic longitude and latitude: Ks0 = (10.66 ± 0.02) − (2.21 ± 0.03)·(log P−1.2)−(0.020±0.003)·l+(0.050±0.008)·|b| mag; individual extinction corrections are based on a 3D reddening map. Our targets display a centrally concentrated distribution, with solid evidence of ellipsoidal symmetry – similar to the RR Lyræ ellipsoid – and a few halo outliers up to ≳100 kpc. We obtain a distance from the Galactic center of R0 = 8.46 ± 0.03(stat.) ± 0.11(syst.) kpc. We also find evidence that the bulge T2Cs belong to a kinematically hot population, as the tangential velocity components (συl∗ = 104.2 ± 3.0kms−1 and συb = 96.8 ± 5.5kms−1) agree within 1.2σ. Moreover, the difference between absolute and relative proper motion is in good agreement with the proper motion of Sgr A✻ from VLBA measures. Conclusions. We conclude that bulge T2Cs display an ellipsoidal spatial distribution and have kinematics similar to RR Lyræ stars, which are other tracers of the old, low-mass stellar population. T2Cs also provide an estimate of R0 that agrees excellently well with the literature, taking account of the reddening law.

We use the 2MFGC catalogue for investigation of large-scale flows on the basis of the Tully-Fisher relation (TFR). The catalogue contains 18020 galaxies selected from the extended sources of the infrared sky survey 2MASS XSC. The majority of galaxies in the catalogue are spiral galaxies of late morphological types whose discs are visible almost from the edge. For more than a decade of the catalogue usage, the number of galaxies in HyperLEDA database with the measured radial velocities and rotational velocities (that are necessary to construct the TFR) has been increased by about 17%. In this paper, an updated working sample of 2MFGC galaxies is presented and earlier results are revised taking into account new data. We have confined ourselves to comparison of only the "old" and "new" parameters of the dipole component of the velocity field. The dipole bulk motion of galaxies of this sample with respect to cosmic microwave radiation is characterised by a velocity of V=264±36 km/s in the direction l=308°±8°, b=-16°±6°.

Abstract Objective – The objective of the study was to determine if summary notes or table of contents notes in catalogue records are associated with the usage of e-books in a large university library. Methods – A retrospective cohort study, analyzing titles from three major collections of e-books was employed. Titles were categorized based on the inclusion of the MARC 505 note (table of contents) or MARC 520 note (summary) in the catalogue record. The usage was based on standardized reports from 2012-2013. The measures of usage were the number of titles used and the number of sections downloaded. Statistical methods used in the analysis included correlations and odd ratios (ORs). The usage measures were stratified by publication year and subject to adjust for the effects of these factors on usage. Results – The analysis indicates that these enhancements to the catalogue record increase usage significantly and notably. The probability of an e-book with one of the catalogue record enhancements being used (as indicated by the OR) was over 80% greater than for titles lacking the enhancements, and nearly twice as high for titles with both features. The differences were greatest among the oldest and the most recently published e-books, and those in science and technology. The differences were least among the e-books published between 1998 and 2007 and those in the humanities and social sciences. Conclusion – Libraries can make their collections more accessible to users by enhancing bibliographic records with summary and table of contents notes, and by advocating for their inclusion in vendor-supplied records.

Resum: L’anàlisi comparativa de l’obra de Ciceró Paradoxa Stoicorum i la traducció del s. XV fetaper Ferran Valentí és d’alguna utilitat des de la perspectiva lingüística. En aquest article, examinemun element d’interès per a la semàntica del català: l’expressió de l’evidencialitat mitjançant algunsverbs com jutjar, estimar, pensar, sentir, etc. En aquest estudi, observem com tradueix Valentí elsverbs llatins en català i provem de reconèixer quins evidentials del català medieval són el resultatd’una interferència del llatí. L’objectiu és establir el valor evidencial de cadascun d’aquests verbs i feraixí un primer acostament a l’expressió de l’evidencialitat en un registre formal del català medieval.Paraules clau: Evidencialitat, Català antic, Ferran Valentí, Onomasiologia, Registre lingüísticAbstract: A comparative analysis of the work of Cicero Paradoxa Stoicorum and the 15thtranslation by Ferran Valentí is of some linguistic utility. In this article, we examine a point ofinterest to Catalan semantics: the expression of the evidentiality by means of some verbs suchas jutjar, estimar, pensar, sentir, etc. In this study, we note how Valentí translates the Latin verbsin Catalan and we try to recognize which evidentials in the Medieval Catalan are the result of aninterference from a form that is peculiar to Latin. The aim is to establish its evidential value in orderto describe the formal uses of evidentiality in Medieval Catalan.Keywords: Evidentiality, Old Catalan, Ferran Valentí, Onomasiology, Linguistic register

We report the case of a 22-year-old woman with a 3-day history of watery stool, generalized abdominal pain, repeated vomiting, and decreased urine output following the consumption of fish gallbladder for self-treatment of acne. She was admitted and received empirical antiemetic, proton pump inhibitor, and intravenous saline treatment. Urine output reduced drastically with markedly elevated urea and creatinine, and she underwent urgent hemodialysis (HD). Based on thorough history taking and prompt biochemical investigations that showed extremely high urea and creatinine levels, we made a diagnosis of acute kidney injury (AKI) secondary to fish gallbladder poisoning. Renal function improved over a period of 5 weeks. Fish gallbladder poisoning is quite frequent in several developing countries in Asia. General physicians in these countries should note that various types of food poisoning can be involved in the etiology of AKI. The condition is commonly reversible, and therefore proper history taking is important and prompt biochemical investigations including blood urea and creatinine are needed to enable early diagnosis and fast institution of treatment, which may include HD.

The imagery of the vision of the valley of dry bones (Ezek 37. 1–14) still fascinates theologians and historians of religion with its exegetical and liturgical significance. Rarely represented in medieval art, the iconography of this singular topic related to the Last Judgment deserves closer attention on the part of art historians. The aim of the present contribution is to remedy this situation by offering an analysis of the main pictorial representations of Ezekiel’s prophecy within the medieval East and West. This paper examines the evolution of the theme from the first pictorial evidence from Mesopotamia through the Roman late antique funerary sculpture into the Catalan and Germanic illuminated manuscript production from 11th and 12th centuries. Then, the field of the investigation broadens by taking into consideration the Byzantine artistic patterns of Ezekiel’s vision of the resurrection of the dead. Finally, this paper accents the multilayered contribution of the mural paintings from the Balkan cultural field. In order to reconsider this subject through the prism of the artistic interactions between East and West, the continuity of an ancient pictorial tradition that seems to have been previously neglected is highlighted.

With the advancement of technology nowadays, taking notes by hand seems old-fashioned to most students nowadays. They prefer typing using their various gadgets since it will be done faster, especially when there is a lot of information to be recorded. However, the use of ICT devices (such as laptops, smartphones, and tablets) in the classroom has a tendency to be distracting for the students – it is very easy for the students to take out their gadgets and click on Facebook or other applications during a dull lecture. The purpose of the present study is to find out whether note-taking using ICT devices affect the students’ understanding of the lecture. This study will use a quasi-experimental design, with 52 English department students of a private university as the participants. They will be divided into two groups as the control and experimental group. Participants of both groups were instructed to watch a video from TED talks twice. While watching the video, the control group was instructed to take notes by hand, while the other group was instructed to take notes using their various devices. After that, participants had to do a comprehension test of the lecture video. The results revealed that participants who took notes by handwriting performed better in comprehension test compared to those who took notes using ICT devices.

Pivot translations are very often used in film festivals, but have been granted little consideration from an academic viewpoint. This article analyses the role of pivot languages in audiovisual translation within the framework of Asian film festivals held in Catalonia. There are three aims of this paper: (i) to examine to what extent pivot translations are part of the translation process in films screened in such festivals, (ii) to determine the justifications for their use, and (iii) to analyse the effects of their use from a qualitative perspective. In order to do so, the answers from a questionnaire distributed among the most relevant agents in Asian film festivals in Catalonia will be analysed. Additionally, the Chinese film Old Stone by Johnny Ma that has been translated into and subtitled in Catalan through English as its pivot language, will be presented as a case study. Lay abstract The use of a third language or pivot translation is widespread in film festivals, although very few studies focus on this practice, which usually remains unnoticed by the average spectator. This article seeks to examine just how common this phenomenon is in film festivals and to analyse its impact with a case study, taking the Chinese film Old Stone by Johnny Ma and its translation into Catalan as an example. More precisely, the article aims to answer two questions regarding the use of pivot languages in audiovisual translation. Firstly, to what extent and for what exact purpose are pivot translations currently being used in Asian film festivals in Catalonia? Secondly, how does using a pivot language, in our case English, affect quality?

The possibility of application in the practice of customs control of the anechoic regime created by means of non-standardized measuring instruments in the form of an anechoic chamber is analyzed. From the standpoint of the principle of reliability of confirmation of conformity, the calibration of a hole-like anechoic chamber was performed as a basis for additional tools in the information system of customs control of an anechoic chamber. The task is to create a data bank of images of typical objects for the introduction into customs practice of methods and means of radar detection and recognition. The functional scheme of the laboratory installation from the anechoic chamber is given and the results of experimental researches are presented. Comprehensive mathematical modeling in the information-measuring system of customs control was carried out, which allowed to choose a more reliable required mode of certification of the involved control-measuring equipment not only from the point of view of their information security due to detection of own accompanying parasitic electromagnetic radiation objects. Note that, for the purity of the experiment when creating a catalog of images of hidden objects of artificial origin, it is advisable to use the anechoic mode, created by special methods and techniques that implement them, for example, anechoic cameras. Thus, without a priori information about hidden objects of artificial origin, it is advisable to create banks of images of hidden objects, taking into account their interaction in the process of detection, measurement and recognition.

AbstractAmong the books in the sale catalogue of Pieter Saeraredam's library (Note I) was a virtually forgotten work on pagan mythology, Hcydensche afgoden, belden, tcmpcls en offerhanden, published in Haarlem in 1646 (Note 2). This rare book crops up again in the 1893 catalogue of Frederik Muller's stock, but the only known example appears to be in the Royal Library in Brussels (Note 3). Among the Dutch sources on the subject, most of which continue the tradition of such Renaissance mythologists as Giraldi, Conti and Cartari, the Haarlem work appears to be the least known and most curious (Note 8). It was published anonymously, bul is dedicated to the author's teacher's, the Haarlem Classicist painters Pieter Fransz. de Grebber (Note 15) and Willem de Poorter. In the dedication the author declares that he felt the lack of descriptions in Dutch of pagan temples, altars and images during his apprenticeship and delermined to make it good later, despite his failure to become an artist. The book was inlended for 'Painters, Poets and others'. It consists of two volumes. The first sections are devoled to pagan religion in general, to the idols mentioned in the Old Testament and to each of the antique gods individually. The second, divided up into countries, offers a kind of information that is rather unusual in the 17th century. Not much is known about the pupils of the two painters mentioned (Notes 10, 11), but among the names we do have (certainly not a complete list) that of Pieter Casteleyn is of unusual interest. He certainly did not become a painter, for in 1645, lert years after the beginning of his apprenticeship to De Poorter, he is recorded as apprenticed to his father Vincent, a well-known Haarlem printer, who in fact printed Heydensche afgoden. Pieter Casteleyn became a member of the Haarlem booksellers' guild in 1649 and from 1650 onwards he was to puhlish the famous Hollandsche Mercurius. In 1649 he printed Pieter de Grebber's 'rules of art', possibly as his masterpiece (Note 14). He may have found some consolation for his failure as an artist in the publication of notes on the gods, which would certainly have been of interest to his teachers, and there would have been time enough to gather the material between 1635 and 1646. He belonged to a relatively well-to-do Mennonite milieu, there is evidence to suggest that he and his brother Vincent probably attended the Latin School and the inventory of his estate made in 1676 included no fewer than 43 paintings, mythological scenes among them (Note 19), none of which contrardicts the hypothesis. If Pieter Casteleyn was indeed the author of the book, there would be some excuse for its weakness, as a youthful work by someone who had not yet found his metier. The book is a mishmash of arbitrary information presented in a totally uncritical and often muddle-headed manner. Casteleyn took over much from the 1581 Frenh edition of Cartari, with the great difference that he was not interested in the meaning, but only in the externals of the images he describes. In the case of Fortuna, f or example, Casteleyn gives a completely arbitrary list of attributes, possibly taken from the illustrations in Cartari (Fig. I), including that of Nemesis (Fig. 2), whose 'measure' he may have wrongly construed as the 'telescope' he so strangely refers to. The illustrations in the book, ten small and rathe primitive woodcuts, are not related to those in the French edition of Cartari. Indeed, in the case of that of Janus (Fig.3), it seems that the artist did not know Cartari's illustration (Fig. 4), since the rod shown there has been transformed, through a linguistic mistake, into a bundle of twigs. As, for the other illustrations (Figs. 5-10), some are of subjects not illustrated in Cartari, while the last one is a rendering in reverse of the illustration of the 'Abgott Jodute' in the Sächsisch Chronicon of 1596 (Note 24). In the title-page print (Fig. 11 ), on the other hand, which may be by Casteleyn himself, the statue of Mercury in the left foreground is a direct borrowing from Carlari (Fig. 12). Whether the Heydenschc afgoden was of any practical use to artists or had any influence on Dutch art seems doubtful, but it did have ils roots in the artistic milieu in Haarlem and as such it remains a highly curious phenomenon.

In the second edition of the Oxford Latin Dictionary (2012) an otherwise laudable attempt to be more forthright in defining obscene terms seems to have introduced an error. The word irrumo was defined in the first edition of the dictionary as ‘to practise irrumatio on’, which is correct but unilluminating, especially since irrumatio was defined as ‘the action of an irrumator’. Irrumator was then defined as ‘one who submits to fellatio’, which is technically correct, though it suggests a passivity in the action that is not found in the lines from Catullus given as an example of its usage: praesertim quibus esset irrumator | praetor, nec faceret pili cohortem (‘not least when said praetor was a fuckface | and didn't give a shit for his poor staffers’, Catull. 10.11–12). In this poem Catullus is using the word irrumator as a term of abuse, suggesting that his praetor (in Bithynia) took advantage of his staff members rather than taking care that they too should reap some rewards from the province. Although the literal meaning is secondary to a more metaphorical use here, the charge is repeated with more direct reference to its sexual usage in Catull. 28.9–10: o Memmi, bene me ac diu supinum | tota ista trabe lentus irrumasti (‘Memmius, man, you really reamed me over, | force-fed me slowly with that giant whanger!’). In both cases it is clear that Catullus is an unwilling recipient of the praetor's attentions, and the action is aggressive and demonstrates the latter's ability to dominate his victim. It would not therefore be correct to say that Memmius is ‘submitting to fellatio’ at the hands, or rather mouth, of Catullus, even metaphorically. The term fellatio, by the way, was not defined in the original OLD at all, and the verb fello had, as its second sense, only ‘transf., as a sexual perversion’. The definitions as given therefore seem deliberately obscure, as well as misleading about the roles and intent of the people involved.

Feminine virtue. An attempt at understanding the evolution of the meaning of cnota (virtue) over the centuriesThe article is devoted to the evolution of the meaning of the Polish lexeme cnota (virtue) starting from the Old Polish to the present time. The starting point is the change in the meaning of the lexeme virtue from the ‘complex of ethical qualities’ in the Old Polish language to the ‘hymen’ in the twentieth century. From the beginning of the Polish language, the lexeme virtue contained a different catalogue of values in relation to men and women. Analysis concerned these meanings which referred to a woman and were related to the valuation not only of the virtue, but also of a woman in general, taking into consideration non-linguistic, social and cultural determinants. The material comes from historical and contemporary Polish language dictionaries. The studies also included the use of lexemes related to the lexem cnota (virtue), such as an adjective cnotliwy (virtuous) or a noun cnotka (would-be virgin, goody-goody), if they concerned the woman‘s virtue. The meaning of the lexeme virtue in relation to a woman was associated with virginity, chastity, considered as a key factor for determining the value of a woman. Such meaning, associated with a positive valuation of virtue persisted until the nineteenth century. In the twentieth century, the broad importance of the lexeme virtue has fallen into disuse, the meaning has been narrowed to ‘virginity’. Following this, in connection with social and customary changes, the virtue, already as ‘virginity’, lost its traditional high rating in the category of moral values.

AbstractAry Scheffer (1795-1858) is so generally included in the French School (Note 2)- unsurprisingly, since his career was confined almost entirely to Paris - that the fact that he was born and partly trained in the Netherlands is often overlooked. Yet throughout his life he kept in touch with Dutch colleagues and drew part of his inspiration from Dutch traditions. These Dutch aspects are the subject of this article. The Amsterdam City Academy, 1806-9 Ary Scheffer was enrolled at the Amsterdam Academy on 25 October 1806, his parents falsifying his date of birth in order to get him admitted at the age of eleven (fifteen was the oficial age) . He started in the third class and in order to qualify for the second he had to be one of the winners in the prize drawing contest. Candidates in this were required to submit six drawings made during the months January to March. Although no-one was supposed to enter until he had been at the Academy for four years, Ary Scheffer competed in both 1808 and 1809. Some of his signed drawings are preserved in Dordrecht. (Figs. 1-5 and 7), along with others not made for the contest. These last in particular are interesting not only because they reveal his first prowess, but also because they give some idea of the Academy practice of his day. Although the training at the Academy broadly followed the same lines as that customary in France, Italy and elsewhere (Note 4), our knowledge of its precise content is very patchy, since there was no set curriculum and no separate teachers for each subject. Two of Scheffer's drawings (Figs. 2 and 3) contain extensive notes, which amount to a more or less complete doctrine of proportion. It is not known who his teacher was or what sources were used, but the proportions do not agree with those in Van der Passe's handbook, which came into vogue in the 18th century, or with those of the canon of a Leonardo, Dürer or Lebrun. One gets the impression that what are given here are the exact measurements of a concrete example. Scheffer's drawings show him gradually mastering the rudiments of art. In earlier examples the hatching is sometimes too hasty (Fig. 4) or too rigidly parallel (Fig.5), while his knowledge of anatomy is still inadequate and his observation not careful enough. But right from the start he shows flair and as early as 1807 he made a clever drawing of a relatively complex group (Fig. 6) , while the difficult figure of Marsyas was already well captured in 1808 and clearly evinces his growing knowledge o f anatomy, proportion , foreshortening and the effects of light (Fig. 7). The same development can be observed in his portrait drawings. That of Gerardus Vrolik (1775-1859, Fig.8), a professor at the Atheneum Illustre (the future university) and Scheffer' s teacher, with whom he always kept in touch (Note 6), is still not entirely convincing, but a portrait of 1809, thought to be of his mother (Fig.9, Note 7), shows him working much more systematically. It is not known when he left the Academy, but from the summer of 1809 we find him in France, where he was to live with only a few breaks from 1811 to his death. The first paintings and the Amsterdam exhibitions of 1808 and 1810 Ary Scheffer's earliest known history painting, Hannibal Swearing to Avenge his Brother Hasdrubal's Death (Fig. 10) Notes 8-10) was shown at the first exhibition of living masters in Amsterdam in 1808. Although there was every reason for giving this subject a Neo-Classical treatment, the chiaroscuro, earthy colours and free brushwork show Scheffer opting for the old Dutch tradition rather than the modern French style. This was doubtless on the prompting of his parents,for a comment in a letter from his mother in 1810 (Note 12) indicates that she shared the reservations of the Dutch in general about French Neo-Classicism. (Note 11). As the work of a twelve to thirteen year old, the painting naturally leaves something to be desired: the composition is too crowded and unbalanced and the anatomy of the secondary figures rudimentary. In a watercolour Scheffer made of the same subject, probably in the 1820's, he introduced much more space between the figures (Fig. 11, Note 13). Two portraits are known from this early period. The first, of Johanna Maria Verbeek (Fig. 12, Note 14), was done when the two youngsters were aged twelve. It again shows all the characteristics of an early work, being schematic in its simplicity, with some rather awkward details and inadequate plasticity. On the other hand the hair and earrings are fluently rendered, the colours harmonious and the picture has an undeniable charm. At the second exhibition of works by living masters in 1810, Ary Scheffer showed a 'portrait of a painter' (Fig. 13), who was undoubtedly his uncle Arnoldus Lamme, who also had work in the exhibition as did Scheffer's recently deceased father Johan-Bernard and his mother Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme, an indication of the stimulating surroundings in which he grew up. The work attracted general attention (Note 16) and it does, indeed, show a remarkable amount of progress, the plasticity, effects of light, brushwork and colour all revealing skill and care in their execution. The simple, bourgeois character of the portrait not only fits in with the Dutch tradition which Scheffer had learned from both his parents in Amsterdam, but also has points in common with the recent developments in France, which he could have got to know during his spell in Lille from autumn 1809 onwards. A Dutchman in Paris Empire and Restoration, 1811-30 In Amsterdam Scheffer had also been laught by his mother, a miniature painter, and his father, a portrait and history painter (Note 17). After his father's death in June 1809, his mother, who not only had a great influence on his artistic career, but also gave his Calvinism and a great love of literature (Note 18), wanted him to finish his training in Paris. After getting the promise of a royal grant from Louis Napoleon for this (Note 19) and while waiting for it to materialize, she sent the boy to Lille to perfect his French as well as further his artistic training. In 1811 Scheffer settled in Paris without a royal grant or any hope of one. He may possibly have studied for a short time under Prudhon (Note 20) , but in the autumn of 1811 he was officially contracted as a pupil of Guérin, one of the leading artists of the school of David, under whom he mastered the formulas of NeD-Classicism, witness his Orpheus and Eurydice (Fïg.14), shown in the Salon of 1814. During his first ten years in Paris Scheffer also painted many genre pieces in order, so he said, to earn a living for himself and his mother. Guérin's prophecy that he would make a great career as a history painter (Note 21) soon came true, but not in the way Guérin thought it would, Scheffer participating in the revolution initiated by his friends and fellow-pupils, Géricault and Delacroix, which resulted in the rise of the Romantic Movement. It was not very difficult for him to break with Neo-Classicism, for with his Dutch background he felt no great affinity with it (Note 22). This development is ilustrated by his Gaston de Foix Dying on the Battlefield After his Victory at Ravenna, shown at the Salon of 1824, and The Women of Souli Throwing Themselves into the Abyss (Fig.15), shown at that of 1827-8. The last years of the Restoration and the July Monarchy. Influence of Rembrandt and the Dutch masters In 1829, when he seemed to have become completely assimilated in France and had won wide renown, Scheffer took the remarkable step of returning to the Netherlands to study the methods of Rembrandt and other Dutch old masters (Note 23) . A new orientation in his work is already apparent in the Women of Souli, which is more harmonious and considered in colour than the Gaston dc Foix (Note 24). This is linked on the one hand to developments in France, where numbers of young painters had abandoned extreme Romanticism to find the 'juste milieu', and on the other to Scheffer's Dutch background. Dutch critics were just as wary of French Romanticism as they had been of Neo-Classicism, urging their own painters to revive the traditions of the Golden Age and praising the French painters of the 'juste milieu'. It is notable how many critics commented on the influence of Rembrandt on Scheffer's works, e.g. his Faust, Marguérite, Tempête and portrait of Talleyrand at the Salon of 1851 (Note 26). The last two of these date from 1828 and show that the reorientation and the interest in Rembrandt predate and were the reasons for the return to the Netherlands in 1829. In 1834 Gustave Planche called Le Larmoyeur (Fig. 16) a pastiche of Rembrandt and A. Barbier made a comparable comment on Le Roi de Thule in 1839 (Note 27). However, as Paul Mantz already noted in 1850 (Note 28), Scheffer certainly did not fully adopt Rembrandt's relief and mystic light. His approach was rather an eclectic one and he also often imbued his work with a characteristically 19th-century melancholy. He himself wrote after another visit to the Netherlands in 1849 that he felt he had touched a chord which others had not attempted (Note 29) . Contacts with Dutch artists and writers Scheffer's links with the Netherlands come out equally or even more strongly in the many contacts he maintained there. As early as 1811-12 Sminck-Pitloo visited him on his way to Rome (Note 30), to be followed in the 1820's by J.C. Schotel (Note 31), while after 1830 as his fame increased, so the contacts also became more numerous. He was sought after by and corresponded with various art dealers (Note 33) and also a large number of Dutch painters, who visited him in Paris or came to study under him (Note 32) Numerous poems were published on paintings by him from 1838 onwards, while Jan Wap and Alexander Ver Huell wrote at length about their visits to him (Note 34) and a 'Scheffer Album' was compiled in 1859. Thus he clearly played a significant role in the artistic life of the Netherlands. International orientation As the son of a Dutch mother and a German father, Scheffer had an international orientation right from the start. Contemporary critics and later writers have pointed out the influences from English portrait painting and German religious painting detectable in his work (Note 35). Extracts from various unpublished letters quoted here reveal how acutely aware he was of what was likely to go down well not only in the Netherlands, but also in a country like England, where he enjoyed great fame (Notes 36-9) . July Monarchy and Second Empire. The last decades While most French artists of his generation seemed to have found their definitive style under the July Monarchy, Scheffer continued to search for new forms of expression. In the 1830's, at the same time as he painted his Rembrandtesque works, he also produced his famous Francesca da Rimini (Fig. 17), which is closer to the 'juste milieu' in its dark colours and linear accents. In the 1840's he used a simple and mainly bright palette without any picturesque effects, e.g. in his SS. Augustine and Monica and The Sorrows of the Earth (Note 41), but even this was not his last word. In an incident that must have occurred around 1857 he cried out on coming across some of his earlier works that he had made a mistake since then and wasted his time (Note 42) and in his Calvin of 1858 (Fig. 18) he resumed his former soft chiaroscuro and warm tones. It is characteristic of him that in that same year he painted a last version of The Sorrows of the Earth in the light palette of the 1840's. Despite the difficulty involved in the precise assessment of influences on a painter with such a complex background, it is clear that even in his later period, when his work scored its greatest successes in France, England and Germany, Scheffer always had a strong bond with the Netherlands and that he not only contributed to the artistic life there, but always retained a feeling for the traditions of his first fatherland. Appendix An appendix is devoted to a study of the head of an old man in Dordrecht, which is catalogued as a copy of a 17th-century painting in the style of Rembrandt done by Ary Scheffer at the age of twelve (Fig.19, Note 43). This cannot be correct, as it is much better than the other works by the twelve-year-old painter. Moreover, no mention is made of it in the catalogue of the retrospective exhibition held in Paris in 1859, where the Hannibal is given as his earliest work (Note 44). It was clearly unknown then, as it is not mentioned in any of the obituaries of 1858 and 1859 either. The earliest reference to it occurs in the list made bv Scheffer's daughter in 1897 of the works she was to bequeath to the Dordrecht museum. A clue to its identification may be a closely similar drawing by Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme (Fig. 20, Note 46), which is probably a copy after the head of the old man. She is known to have made copies after contemporary and 17th-century masters. The portrait might thus be attributable to Johan-Bernard Scheffer, for his wife often made copies of his works and he is known from sale catalogues to have painted various portraits of old men (Note 47, cf. Fig.21). Ary Scheffer also knew this. In 1839 his uncle Arnoldus Lamme wrote to him that he would look out for such a work at a sale (Note 48). It may be that he succeeded in finding one and that this portrait came into the possession of the Scheffer family in that way, but Johan-Bernard's work is too little known for us to be certain about this.

Purpose This descriptive multiple case study examined the effects of a contextualized expository strategy intervention on supported and independent note-taking, verbal rehearsal, and reporting skills for three elementary students with language disorders. Method Two 9-year-old fourth grade students and one 11-year-old sixth grade student with language disorders participated. The intervention was delivered as sixteen individual 20-minute sessions across nine weeks by the school speech-language pathologist. Students learned to take written and pictographic notes from expository texts and use verbal formulation and rehearsal of individual sentences and whole reports in varied learning contexts. To explore both emergent and independent accomplishments, performance was examined in final intervention session presentations and pre/post intervention testing. Results Following the intervention, all three students effectively used notes and verbal rehearsal to prepare and present fluent, organized, accurate, confident oral reports to an audience. From pre- to post-test, the students showed a range of improvements in the quality of notes, use of verbal rehearsal, holistic quality of oral and written reporting, and strategy awareness. Conclusions Sketch and Speak shows potential as an expository intervention for students who struggle with academic language learning. The results support further examination of this intervention for supported strategy use by younger students and independent use by older students.

Abstract. INTRODUCTIONThe Reverend Henry Eley ma was a little-known Victorian cleric who wrote a delightful book entitled Geology in the Garden in 1859. In it are described and illustrated many foraminifera preserved in flint, which are some of the first recorded Upper Cretaceous foraminifera from south east England. Jones & Parker thought well enough of his work to review Eley’s material in 1872. Eley’s collection is preserved in The Natural History Museum, London.BACKGROUNDWhilst undertaking an investigation into the life and work of Professor Thomas Rupert Jones, I came across an old collection of foraminifera in The Natural History Museum (registration numbers 54916–54944) attributed to a Rev. H. Eley. This, Jones had not only recorded in his Catalogue (1882: p. 14) but earlier in 1872 (with W. K. Parker) had thought worthy of revision – much as they had done with other more famous collections during the 1860s in their series On the Nomenclature of the Foraminifera. Why they should choose such an apparently obscure collection was unclear until I had chance to read a letter in the Museum’s archive, which Jones (1882) had previously mentioned. The letter was written by Eley to Jones on the 23 February 1872 from 5 Bloomsbury Place, Brighton. This indicates that Jones knew Eley and his whereabouts, since the former writes that he was going to read the March 1872 issue of the Geological Magazine with interest, because he remembered that ... ‘the note at the foot of page 195 of the Geology . . .

The research aims to uncover the symbols in the novel The Alchemist and to gain knowledge about the moral teachings in the symbol. This research is descriptive qualitative approach. Data sources in this study are words, phrases or sentences in the novel Alchemist. Data collection method is a literature study method with note taking technique. Data were analyzed using description and content analysis methods. The results showed that the novel The Alchemist contained many symbols. These symbols include: (1) wise parents, who symbolize both negative and positive things. From his appearance, parents can symbolize something bad, but behind his old age he symbolizes a knowledge that is very much and wise; (2) stones that symbolize something hard, not easily broken, and can provide clues to something; and (3) deserts or deserts which can be interpreted as symbols of drought, aridity, unattractiveness, emptiness, despair, determination for ignorance, and also as symbols of devotion.

This study aims to describe the condition of Luwu language shift among children in Palopo city. Furthermore, it was seen whether the attitude factor and the role of parents affect the use of Luwunese. To answer these issues, the researchers involved the societies of Palopo who live in the districts of Wara, East Wara, Bara, and Tellu Wanua as the population of this study. Then, this study involved 120 samples consisting of; 1) 60 children around 6 – 12 year old (primary school age) in which 10 children were chosen from each district; and 2) 60 older people (30-50 years old, married). Data collecting techniques were in forms of observation, questionnaires and interviews through note taking and recording as the research instruments. The findings showed that the language shift occurred among children in Palopo city based on the data percentage analysis obtained from the questionnaires. The use of Luwunese by parents was the roles of parents in providing significant influences on the language shift occurring in children shown by the percentage calculation where almost the respondents showed a lack of Luwunese use by children and parents in their family interactions. The parents’ positive attitude towards the use of Luwunese indicated by the questionnaire percentage had no impact on Luwunese preservation; whereas, the Luwunese shift occurred in Palopo city.

This study aims to describe the condition of Luwu language shift among children in Palopo city. Furthermore, it was seen whether the attitude factor and the role of parents affect the use of Luwunese. To answer these issues, the researchers involved the societies of Palopo who live in the districts of Wara, East Wara, Bara, and Tellu Wanua as the population of this study. Then, this study involved 120 samples consisting of; 1) 60 children around 6 – 12 year old (primary school age) in which 10 children were chosen from each district; and 2) 60 older people (30-50 years old, married). Data collecting techniques were in forms of observation, questionnaires and interviews through note taking and recording as the research instruments. The findings showed that the language shift occurred among children in Palopo city based on the data percentage analysis obtained from the questionnaires. The use of Luwunese by parents was the roles of parents in providing significant influences on the language shift occurring in children shown by the percentage calculation where almost the respondents showed a lack of Luwunese use by children and parents in their family interactions. The parents’ positive attitude towards the use of Luwunese indicated by the questionnaire percentage had no impact on Luwunese preservation; whereas, the Luwunese shift occurred in Palopo city.

AbstractThe Leiden artist Hieronymus van der Mij is only known today as a portrait painter, e.g. from the twelve portraits in the Lakenhal in Leiden, one in the Rijksmuseum and the series of professors done for Leiden University. He also owed his fame in his own day primarily to his portraits, but as Jan van Gool pointed out in 1750 (Note I), he also had a penchant for painting 'antique and modern cabinet pictures'. The main reason why these have been forgotten is that over the years they have slipped almost unnoticed into the oeuvre of Willem van Mieris, not seldom with false signatures to boot. This article presents a short survey of the history and genre pieces discovered up to now as a basis for further research. A list of works known from descriptions in old sale catalogues, but not yet traced, is appended after the catalogue. Hieronymus van de Mij (1687-1761) was the son of the bronze caster Philip van der Mij. In February 1710 he was enrolled in the Leiden Album Studiosorum. He was a pupil of Willem van Mieris, the leading Leiden painter of the day, becoming a member of the Guild of St. Luke in 1724 and for some time serving as supervisor at the Leiden Academy. During his life he made a collection of prints, which was sold at his house after his death (Note 2). The history of his Diogenes' Drinking Bowl (Cat. No. 1, Fig. 1) is an example of the fate that befell most of his history and genre paintings. It came up as a work by him at sales in 1774 and 1783 (Note 3), but around 150 years later, on 23 April 1932, it was sold in Antwerp as a Willem van Mieris. It came up again under this name in Brussels on 3 March 1936 and finally appeared yet again in 1983 as by Frans van Mieris the Elder. It is not too surprising that it was attributed to Willem van Mieris, for the landscape and figures are entirely in his style, but closer inspection reveals awkwardness in the drawing and much more minute detailing than is to be found in Willem van Mieris' work, while the fine, drauglatsmanlike style makes a rather harder impression than Van Mieris' softer, more painterly manner. The same characteristics appear in a scene with The Young Bacchus (Cat. No. 2, Fig.2), which was sold in Cologne in 1938 as by Willem van Mieris and which may be the same as a picture of the same subject seen by Hofstede de Groot in Moscow, which was signed and dated 1716. The Bacchus is an advance on the Diogenes in that it is more broadly conceived and the drawing is firmer and more sure. A signed grisaille overdoor in the Lakenhal, showing an Allegory on Overseas Trade (Cat. No.3) Fig.3), is van der Mij's only surviving decorative painting. It again shows a rather hard linear style, especially by comparison with the much softer and more atmospheric grisailles by Jacob de Wit. A chimneypiece painting of the same subject sold at Zoeterwoude on 25 June 1784 may have come from the same house (Note 5). Genre paintings play an important part in Van der Mij's oeuvre. The earliest dated example, a Family Group at Buckingham Palace (Cat. No.4, Fig. 4), is one of his best works. It was also thought to be a Willem van Mieris until cleaning revealed Van der Mij's signature and the date 1728 (Note 6). It again shows his great dependence on his teacher and also his closeness to his contemporary and fellow-pupil Frans van Mieris the Younger, whose name was also linked with this picture in the past (Note 7). A closely related work with a nursing mother (Cat. No.5, Fig.5), which in 1942 was in the Bentink Collection at Kasteel Weldam and bore the signature of Willem van Mieris and the date 1735, must date from the 1730's) as must a painting of a Woman Holding a Beer Glass in Johannesburg (Cat. No. 6, Fig.15), which is wrongly attributed to Frans van Mieris the Younger. Another work wrongly attributed to the latter (Cat. No. 7, Fig. 6) is revealed as a Van der Mij by the stereotyped faces of the women, the glances and the gestures. A work signed by Van der Mij in full, which came up for sale in Amsterdam in 1950 (Cat. No. 8, Fig.3), is probably meant as a Four Ages of Man. The date is given in the sale catalogue as 1708, but must actually be 1738. Although the influence of Willem van Mieris is still detectable in the old woman, the two younger ones reflect the elegant style of the French painters of the first half of the 18th century. Two scenes in a sewing workroom sold in the same sale as by Willem van Mieris (Cat. Nos. 9 and 10, Figs. 8 andg) are clearly by the same hand as a signed Fruitseller and Young Man (Cat. No. 11, Fig. 16), which was in the hands of Katz at Dieren in 1962. The Leiden tradition, initiated by Gerard Dou, of having the spectator look through a window crops up in a rather unusual form in two pendants in a private collection in Bergamo (Cat. Nos. 12 and 13, Figs. 10 and 11) and in a more conventional and thus possibly happier manner in a signed and dated panel of 1757 sold in Munich in 1899 (Cat. No. 14, Fig. 17) and a Poulterer's Shop (Cat. No. 15, Fig. 12) at Kasteel Singraven at Denekamp, which is very close to it in style (and again bears a false signature of Willem van Mieris). Finally, there are two more genre scenes in landscapes: a Young Woman Feeding Grapes to a Parrot (Cat. No. 16, Fig.13) in a private collection in Sweden, an early work comparable to a painting of 1706 by Willem van Mieris in Dresden (Fig. 14, Note 9), and a Young Couple in a Lanelscape (Cat. No. 17, Fig. 17), which belongs to a later period and is somewhat further removed from Van Mieris, although it was nonetheless attributed to him in a sale of 1906 (Note 10).

This study aims to delineate some aspects relating to Hosius of Corduba, especially in regard to the nexus between ecclesiastical politics and faithfulness to Nicene orthodoxy found on the margins of the often discussed concessions by the Spanish bishop to the pressures of Emperor Constantius II, when the former signed the homoiousian formula of the Council of Sirmium in 357. Through an analysis of the ancient historiographical witnesses, one notes a clear divergence between the Eastern and Western sources. While Hosius’s orthodoxy and sanctity are a given in the tradition of the Greek Church, Latin historiography considered him a crazy old man and traitor of the Nicene faith. These contrasting judgments come from the differing evaluations attributed to the Spanish bishop’s concessions when he was confronted by Constantius II: for those of the East, it is simply a question of ecclesiastical politics; for the West, faithfulness to Nicene orthodoxy involved taking a much greater risk. This note wishes to foster a reading of the Orthodoxy of Hosius that is more juridical than doctrinal.

Abstract. Various attempts have been made to link tree-ring and ice-core records, something vital for the understanding of the environmental response to major volcanic eruptions in the past. Here we demonstrate that, by taking note of the spacing between events, it is possible to clarify linkages between tree-response, as witnessed by frost rings in bristlecone pines from Western North America and volcanic acid deposition in ice cores. The results demonstrate that in the 6th and 7th centuries of the current era, and presumably for all earlier dates, the key European ice chronologies from the North Greenland Ice Core Project, namely Dye3, GRIP, NGRIP and NEEM appear to have been wrongly dated by 7 years, with the ice dates being too old. Similar offsets are observed for the Antarctic Law Dome and West Antarctic Ice Sheet Divide WDC06A ice-core chronologies that have been linked to the Greenland record. Importantly, the results clarify which frost rings in bristlecone pines are related to volcanic activity and which may be the result of other causes. In addition, it is possible to show that ice core researchers have used inappropriate linkages to tree effects to justify their chronology.

The decision in July 1988 to build a new library in Paris has been the starting point of a deep change in every field of activity for the French national library, which combines the old Bibliothèque nationale in the Rue de Richelieu with the Bibliothèque de France in Tolbiac in what is now known as the Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF). The collections will be divided between two sites: the Rue de Richelieu building will retain the special collections, in improved storage conditions and with better access; while the printed and audiovisual collections are being transferred to the new building at Tolbiac between the end of 1996 and the end of 1998. 370,000 books will be acquired specially to fill gaps in previously neglected areas such as law, economics and science. A new OPAC, due for completion in 1998, will provide access to merged files of the BnF, including 4.5 million converted records from the old hand-written catalogue. Next to the research reading rooms, which are for registered users only, will be ten reading rooms open to the general public for a fee, which will have 380,000 books on open access. The OPAC will be accessible remotely, as will the seat and book reservation system. A new preservation centre has been built in Marne-la-Vallée, 20 km east of Paris; there is a special emphasis on deacidification. There are two digitization programmes, for 100,000 texts and 300,000 pictures; negotiation is taking place with copyright holders. Experimental access to several bibliographic databases and digitized collections is already proving successful. The new reference library in the new building opened in December 1996 and the research library will open in 1998.

The aim of the study was to study the opinion of the population about the quality of drinking water from various sources, including drinking water, packaged in containers, and its impact on health. For the organization of the questionnaire, a free Internet service Google-form (https://www.google.com/intl/en/forms/about/), of Google, was used. The questionnaire included 20 questions. The survey was conducted by 1,158 residents of the Voronezh region, with a total population of 2,323 million people, which ensured representativeness of the results obtained with a given error of results of ± 5 %. It was found that the majority of respondents (30.7 %) prefer to use water from the centralized water supply system, purifying it in filter jugs. Bottled (packaged) drinking water is consumed by 17.1 % of respondents, while the population of the older age group uses it very rarely (5.9 % or 12 out of 203 people), preferring to use water from a centralized drinking water supply without purification with boiling (40.9 % or 83 out of 203 people), while the shares of a relatively young population in the age groups under 18 years old and 18–30 years old prefer to use bottled drinking water (71.4 and 26.5 %, respectively). Assessment of respondents’ opinions on the quality of drinking water consumed showed that 33.7 % of respondents were fully satisfied, 0.3 % satisfied, 49.2 % partially satisfied, and 16.8 % not satisfied. The respondents most often indicated the presence of scale, a color change, which is generally consistent with the data of objective laboratory control (increased stiffness, high iron concentration). The majority of respondents (74.3 %) do not note the effect of drinking water on their health, however, when taking water procedures, dryness and peeling of the skin were noted after taking a shower or bath — 25.4 % of those questioned, a combination of the negative effects of «dryness and peeling of the skin»+«hair hardness after washing» — 17.8 % of respondents. The identification of the share of the population consuming bottled (packaged) drinking water, as well as the determination of the proportion of the population using individual filters when drinking drinking water from the centralized water supply system, makes it possible to make corrections to the results of estimating the population exposed to an unacceptable level of risk associated with the unsatisfactory quality of drinking water from centralized water supply systems.

AbstractOnly a few weeks after seeing the Frans Hals portrait of Jaspar Schade in the 1962 exhibition in Haarlem, the author came upon it again in the home of Mr. and Mrs. Waller in Utrecht (Figs. 1 and 2, Note I). He learnt that this particular painting had been in Mr. Waller's family for nearly a century and that it was a copy of the one now in Prague. The story was that the latter had been sold by Mr. Waller's grandfather Beukerfrom his country-house 'Zandbergen', which he had bought in 1865, to his friend P.E.H. Praetorius, on condition that the latter had a copy painted as a replacement. According to a written statement of 1934 by Mr. Waller's mother, the original by Frans Hals had always been at 'Zandbergen' and there was even a legend that the house would fall down, if it were removed. Her father, who was not interested in paintings according to the statement, had sold it to Praetorius at his request. The family had understood, erroneously as it turns out, that Praetorius had sold it on to Cologne and that it had later gone to America. In testing the truth of all this the author discovered first that the house is marked with the name of 'Den Heer Schade' on a map of the Utrecht area by Bernard de Roij published by Nicolaas Visscher in Amsterdam in 1696 (Fig.3, Note 4). The road on which it stands had been projected in 1652, Schade being one of those who acquired a parcel of land along it in return for laying that portion out, planting it and maintaining it and also building a side road on either side of his plot. Part of the agreement also was that he was exempted from paying taxes for 25 years. Schade (1623-,92), a member of a family of considerable standing, held various high offices in the church and province of Utrecht and was a delegate to the States-General in 1672. He was extremely rich and noted for his extravagant lifestyle, particularly as regards clothes (Notes 12-14). His house passed to his eldest son, who in 1701 left it to his brother-in-law Jacob Noirot. Between the latter, who sold it in 1740, and the Beuker family 'Zandbergen' (Fig. 4) had nine different owners. The museum in Prague acquired the portrait of Jaspar Schade in 1890 from Prince Liechtenstein, who had bought it in Paris on 14 March 1881 at the sale of the collection of John W. Wilson, an Englishman then living in Brussels. A. J. van de Ven tried without success to trace its history before that time (Note 18) and this was also unknown to Seymour Slive, although in his catalogue raisonné of Hals' work he mentions that it was shown at an exhibition of Wilson's collection in Brussels in 1873 (Note 20). In an article of the same year on Wilson's collection in the Gazette des Beaux-Arts Charles Tardieu remarked that Wilson had lived in Holland for thirty years and that his residence was obviously in Haarlem, from where the best pictures in his collection came. In his article on the portrait Van de Ven enlarged on the coals of arms on the frame, which were Schade's eight quarterings, but in an arbitrary order. The director of the Prague museum had told him that the frame was a 19th-century one and that the confusion had arisen during its making. A description of the frame in 1875 reveals that the arms were in their correct place then (Note 25), while the frame of the copy has the same arms in the right order, except that the left and right sides are transposed. Thus the present Prague frame must have been made after 1875, while the copy was presumably made and framed at the time the painting left 'Zandbergen'. John W. Wilson (1815-83) was born in Brussels of Thomas Wilsorz, who moved to Haarlem in 1833 and started a cotton factory there. John lived at Hillegom from 1856 to 1868, but after that moved back to Haarlem for a short time up to, but no later than 1870. He must have been very wealthy, as he also bought a lot of land in the area. How he acquired his collection of paintings is not known, as he appears to have kept it quiet until the exhibition of 1873. The catalogue of this covered 164 pictures; 76 of them, painted by 57 different artists, were of the Dutch School. Five pictures, all authentic, were by Frans Hals (Note 29). P.E.H. Praetorius (1791-1876, Fig.5) was a cousin of Beuker's. He moved from Haarlem to Amsterdam in or before 1829 and spent the rest of his life there. He was a broker and banker, an amateur painter and a great connoisseur of paintings, who played a prominent part in art societies in Amsterdam. He was also a member of the Supervisory Committee of the Rijksmuseum from 1844 and Chairman of its Board of Management from 1852 to 1875 (Note 33). His earliest paintings were copies of 17th-century works and he says in an appendix to his memoirs of 1869 that his last five works, done in 1865 and I 866, included a copy of Frans Hals' portrait of Willem van Heythuyzen. While it is clear that Jaspar Schade was the builder of 'Zandbergen', it is odd that the painting is never mentioned in any of the deeds of sale, detailed though these are. This suggests that it was so firmly fixed in its place - in the downstairs corridor over the door to the salon - as to be regarded as part of the fabric of the house. The price paid by Praetorius for the painting is not known, but he bought it at a period when Frans Hals' reputation had shot upwards again, after a long period of decline. This return to favour emerges clearly from Tardieu's comments, from the records of copyists in the Rijksmuseum (Note 37) and, of course, from Wilson's predilection. No evidence can be found of the painting's passing from Praetorius to Wilson, but the two must have known each other. The identity of the painter of the copy is also unknown. Mrs. Waller's statement mentions J. W. Pieneman, but he can be ruled out, as he died in 1853 and his son Nicolaas in 1860. The most likely candidate at the moment would seem to be Praetorius himself.

ABSTRACT We analyse the high-quality Hertzsprung–Russell diagram (HRD) derived from Gaia data release 2 for the Solar Neighbourhood. We start building an almost complete sample within 200 pc and for |b| > 25○, so as to limit the impact of known errors and artefacts in the Gaia catalogue. Particular effort is then put into improving the modelling of population of binaries, which produce two marked features in the HRD: the sequence of near-equal mass binaries along the lower main sequence, and the isolated group of hot subdwarfs. We describe a new tool, BinaPSE, to follow the evolution of interacting binaries in a way that improves the consistency with PARSEC evolutionary tracks for single stars. BinaPSE is implemented into the TRILEGAL code for the generation of ‘partial models’ for both single and binary stellar populations, taking into account the presence of resolved and unresolved binaries. We then fit the Gaia HRD via Markov chain Monte Carlo methods that search for the star formation history and an initial binary fraction (by mass) that maximize the likelihood. The main results are (i) the binary fraction derived from the lower MS is close to 0.4, while twice larger values are favoured when the upper part of the HRD is fitted; (ii) present models predict the observed numbers of hot subdwarfs to within a factor of 2; and (iii) irrespective of the prescription for the binaries, the star formation rate peaks at values $\sim \!1.5\times 10^{-4}{\rm{M}_{\odot }}\mathrm{yr}^{-1}$ at ages slightly above 2 Gyr, and then decreases to $\sim \!0.8\times 10^{-4}{\rm{M}_{\odot }}\mathrm{yr}^{-1}$ at very old ages.

According to the Federal Waste Classification Catalogue swine manure and slurry are classified as hazardous wastes of class 3. When stored these wastes emit various gases into the atmosphere including greenhouse gases. It is possible to solve this problem by using a chemical approach. For binding pollutants of acidic nature it is proposed to use sodium hypochlorite showing the properties of bases, while for the substances having basic properties it is possible to use sulfuric acid. The distinctive feature of this method is the technology of using the wastes of chemical industry. This paper proposes and justifies the technological scheme of the chemical method for cleaning the air polluted by emissions from industrial pig enterprises. The research was performed under laboratory conditions, taking into account the technological specifics of pig industry. In the course of the study, gravimetric and potentiometric methods were used. The object of the study was native manure obtained from 4-month-old pigs. In the experiment, we used waste sulfuric acid and alkaline solution of sodium hypochlorite produced By "HaloPolymer Kirovo-Chepetsk". The handbook of best available methods in pig industry recommends using low-waste technologies, while it is possible to use waste products from local chemical enterprises for recycling agricultural waste. The technological solution will make it possible to reduce the concentration of odorigenic substances in the air of livestock premises, to eliminate odors from ventilation emissions, to reduce the toxicity of manure effluent and to process toxic fresh pig manure into granular organic fertilizer. The introduction of this scheme into industrial pig farming will dramatically reduce the amount of malodorous animal waste, significantly reduce odor pollution and improve the environmental situation in the areas adjacent to pig farms.

Objective – This study sought to determine the characteristics of research materials used by history students in preparing their master’s theses. Of which information resources formats did such students make use, and in what proportions? What was the age distribution of resources used? What was the dispersal over journal titles and over subject classification, i.e., the degree of interdisciplinarity? To what extent did the master’s students make use of non-English-language materials? To what extent did their institution’s library hold the resources in question? The investigator was especially interested in finding quantitative support for what he terms two “hypotheses.” The first of these is that historical research depends to a high degree on monographs, journal articles being far less important to it than they are to research in, especially, the natural sciences and technology. The second is that the age distribution of resources important to historical research is much flatter and longer than that of resources upon which researchers in the natural sciences and technology rely. Design – Citation analysis, supplemented with comprehensive catalogue searches. Setting – Southern Connecticut State University (SCSU), a mid-sized public university located in New Haven, Connecticut, U.S.A. Subjects – MA and MS theses (N=47) successfully submitted to the Department of History over the period from academic year 1998/1999 through academic year 2007/2008, inclusive. Methods – The investigator initially identified the theses through a search of the online catalogue (“Consuls”) of the Connecticut State University system, and retrieved all of them in either electronic or hard-copy form. He then subjected all citations (N=3,498) listed in the references sections of these theses to an examination in order to identify for each cited resource the format, the age, the language, and, in the case of scholarly journal articles, the journal of publication. He carried out bibliographic searches in order to rectify any citations which he had noted to be faulty or incomplete. The study took no account of possible additional citations in footnotes or endnotes or in the text, and did not measure citation intensity (whether, for instance, a thesis referred only once, or perhaps many times, to a given resource). Duplicates “were ignored.” He furthermore performed systematic searches in Consuls and in the Library of Congress (LC) online catalogue in order to establish, insofar as possible, into which assigned LC Classification class each resource fell, and whether it belonged to the holdings of the SCSU library. “Holdings,” as used here, includes physical resources owned, as well as those resources to which the library has licensed access. Not marked as either “held” or “not held” were: resources available online without restriction or charge, items not identified in either Consuls or the LC catalogue, and all government documents. Ages of cited resources were calculated based on the edition or version date actually given in a student’s citation, without any consideration of a possible earlier date of the original version of the publication or document concerned. Main Results – Format, age distribution, and journal frequency. The local citation analysis found that 53.2% of all cited resources were monographs, 7.8% were scholarly articles, 5.3% were contributed chapters in books, and 0.6% were dissertations or theses. Non-scholarly periodicals accounted for 15.7%, government documents for 6.7%, and freely available web documents for 4.1%. The remainder, approximately 6.5%, comprised archival papers, judicial documents, directories, interviews, posters, audiovisual materials, and 13 other formats. Cited resources, measured back from the date of acceptance of the citing thesis, ranged from 0 to 479 years old; the mode was 3 years, but the median was “25” (p. 170) or “26” (p. 177) years. Just over 70% (i.e., 2,500 cited resources) were more than ten years old. Almost one thousand of the cited resources were fifty or more years old. The 274 scholarly journal articles included in the references sections were spread over 153 distinct journal titles, of which 105 titles made only one appearance, and 136 titles three or fewer appearances. The mean was 1.8 appearances. Subject dispersal and language. Of the 2,084 cited resources for which LC classification was locatable, 51.5% had a classification other than history, i.e., other than class C, D, E, or F. Nearly two thirds (66.0%) of the cited scholarly journal articles had appeared in journals with a focus other than history. (Note: table 4 is incorrect, precisely reversing the actual ratio.) Of all cited items, 98.5% were in the English language. Half (27) of the non-English-language resources cited were in Korean, all cited in the same thesis. Books (i.e., monographs plus compilations from which contributed chapters were cited) accounted for 87.0% of foreign-language citations. More than four fifths of the examined theses (83.0%) cited not a single non-English-language resource. Local holdings. Of all 3,498 cited items, 3,022 could be coded as either “held” or “not held” by the SCSU library. Of the items so coded (not, as indicated on p. 180, of all cited items), scarcely two fifths (41.0%) belonged to the library’s holdings. The holdings percentage was highest (72.6%) for the 274 scholarly journal articles cited, followed by the 186 contributed chapters (50.0%), the 550 non-scholarly periodical items (49.5%), and the 1,861 monographs (46.8%). For other cited formats, the percentage was much lower, and in some cases, e.g., for the 55 archival and the 44 judicial documents, it was 0.0%. Of the 54 foreign-language resources cited, the institution’s library held only two. Conclusion – The investigator concludes that his study’s findings do indeed lend quantitative support to his two “hypotheses.” This outcome will surprise few, if any, librarians; it is in accord with what Koenig (1978) long ago saw as a matter of “intuition” and “all conventional wisdom,” something that many subsequent studies have confirmed. Sherriff accordingly recommends, firstly, that collections which strive to support historical research should, in matters of acquisition policy and budget allocation, take serious account of that field’s relatively strong dependence on monographs. Secondly, the data on age distribution carry obvious implications for librarians’ decision-making on matters such as de-accessioning and weeding, relegation to remote storage, and retrospective acquisitions. This finding should also be considered, for instance, in connection with preservation policy and the maintaining of special collections. He even suggests that librarians “need to teach students the value of reviewing literature historically and showing them how to do so effectively” (p. 177). Sherriff considers a number of further (tentative) conclusions to be warranted or suggested by the results of this study. First of all, that historical research is now characteristically an interdisciplinary matter, in the sense that it requires extensive access to information resources, including journals, which libraries have traditionally not classified as belonging to the discipline of history itself. For a library supporting such research, this phenomenon “has implications for matters including collection budgets, reference work, bibliographic instruction, and the location of collections and departmental libraries” (p. 168). It also means “that librarians working with history students and history collections need to be aware of the relevant resources in other disciplines. This can improve reference work, research assistance, and bibliographic instruction; it may also help the coordination of acquisitions across departmental lines” (p. 179). Secondly, one may conclude that “there is no ‘core’ collection of journals for history” (p. 178) which will be able to satisfy a large proportion of master’s students’ research needs. Thirdly, the fact that a library such as SCSU’s holds significantly less than half of what master’s students require for preparing their theses “may exercise a narrowing effect on students’ awareness of the existing literature on their topics” (p. 180), “increases the importance of departmental faculty, reference librarians, and subject specialist librarians drawing students’ attention to resources beyond the library’s catalogues and collections” (p. 180), and requires that the library give serious attention to effective document delivery arrangements. Finally, this study’s finding that only a small percentage of master’s students in history made use of non-English-language materials, but then in certain cases used them rather extensively (27 Korean items cited in one thesis, ten Italian in another, nine Spanish in yet another), suggests that acquisition, or at least proactive acquisition, of such materials needn’t be a priority, as long as, once again, the students concerned have easy access to efficient and affordable document delivery services. Sherriff does concede, however, that his finding could indicate “that students are unaware of relevant resources in other languages or are aware of them but lack the language skills necessary to use them” (p. 179).

ABSTRACT The availability of extremely high resolution images offers an unprecedented opportunity to use such images to monitor, maintain and ultimately preserve and rehabilitate the natural environment throughout the life cycle of oil and gas projects. The variety of images available range from optical images such as Landsat ETM1 imagery (14.25 meter/pixel), IKONOS2 imagery (1 meter/pixel) and QuickBird3 imagery (0.6 meter/pixel). These optical images have sufficient spatial and spectral resolution to detect different vegetation types (e.g. old growth vs. new plantations), cleared vegetation caused by logging or human habitat expansion, burned areas due to fire and vegetation stress caused by spills from oil pipelines or storage vessels. These images are also useful for identifying potential pollutant sources such as abandoned wells, old drilling pits or other remediation targets, as well as potential pollutant receptors. Areas which have perpetual cloud cover, such as South Sumatra, of Indonesia, can be monitored using Synthetic Aperture Radar (e.g. European Space Agency's Synthetic Aperture Radar and RadarSat International of Canada). Although a typical SAR does not have the spectral resolution of optical sensors, it does have the advantage of seeing through clouds. The radar backscatter is sensitive to surface roughness and Dielectric Constant which can be used quite effectively to discriminate major vegetation types. These images, when combined with normal GIS tools, take us beyond simple monitoring, to generating predictive tools for planning future sites for drilling wells and placement of facilities such as pipelines and roads. This paper will focus on the use of these techniques for oil spill response planning in South Sumatra, while taking note of other applications of remote sensing and GIS to oil and gas operations in the regional environment.

This article reads Thomas Hardy's many musical instrument poems as the meeting point for the concerns of several critical fields: material culture, memory studies and the emerging interdisciplinary field of musical haptics. Close readings illuminate not only their relevance to such enquiries, but also how Hardy's manipulation of poetic form engenders a tactile musicality or ‘poetics of touch’ (as Marion Thain puts it). This article focuses on the aspects of these poems which have undergone least exploration: the depiction of the bodily effort involved in music-playing. While some of the poems are critical favourites (‘Old Furniture’) many of those studied here are routinely overlooked.A mnemonically-minded poet, Hardy wrote about the memories objects hold and the memories that may be mediated through them. For Hardy, the history of objects is inseparable from that of their now-dead owners: person and thing are tied together in memory. This is in part due to an object's inherent tangibility, and musical instruments are particularly tactile objects, benefiting from the further mnemonic of music itself.The core of the article considers Hardy's late poem ‘Haunting Fingers: A Phantasy in a Museum of Musical Instruments’, which hears instruments speak out their memories of being touched, and through memory feel ‘old muscles travel/Over their tense contours’. Revisions to the manuscript show Hardy removing ‘death’ and privileging instead the immediacy of remembered touch.Paying attention to the reading and note-taking Hardy did within nineteenth-century science, this article traces Hardy's imaginative explorations of the processes involved in playing musical instruments back to discoveries about the workings of the unconscious. Saleeby, James, Maudesley and Bastian informed Hardy's knowledge of the science behind music-playing, while musical haptics helps this study unpack why Hardy attends to the interactions which take place at the point of mechanical contact: finger to key, and to string.

This essay uses Justice Scalia’s and Breyer’s dueling opinions in FCC v. Fox Television Stations, Inc. (2009), as a vehicle for exploring the contested relationship between politics and policy change in administrative law. In Fox, a five – justice majority led by Justice Scalia insisted that an agency’s abandonment of an old policy position in favor of a new one should survive review for arbitrariness so long as the agency explains why its new position is reasonable. A different five – justice majority (yes – that adds up to ten) led by Justice Breyer thought that Justice Scalia’s stance left too much room for politicization of policymaking. To curb such influence, Justice Breyer insisted that an agency, to justify abandoning an old policy, must explain why it was reasonable to change from its old policy to the new one. Neither of these two approaches in Fox hits quite the right note. Justice Scalia’s view unduly minimizes the problem of politicization. Justice Breyer’s solution seems formalistic and easy to evade. A better way forward may lie in combining Justice Scalia’s simpler framework with Justice Breyer’s more suspicious attitude. Taking a cue from Justice Frankfurter in Universal Camera, the courts should respond to the potential for excessive politicization of agency policymaking not with more doctrinal metaphysics but with a suspicious “mood.”Cet article se base sur les opinions adverses des juges Scalia et Breyer dans FCC v. Fox Television Stations Inc. (2009) comme véhicule pour explorer le rapport contesté entre la politique et les changements de politiques en droit administratif. Dans Fox, une majorité de cinq juges dirigée par le juge Scalia a insisté que l’abandon d’une ancienne politique par une agence en faveur d’une nouvelle politique devrait survivre à un examen pour juger si elle est arbitraire en autant que l’agence explique pourquoi sa nouvelle politique est raisonnable. Une autre majorité de cinq juges (oui – cela fait dix) dirigée par le juge Breyer a trouvé que la position du juge Scalia laissait trop de place à la politisation de l’élaboration de politiques. Pour enrayer cette influence, le juge Breyer a insisté que l’agence, pour justifier l’abandon d’une ancienne politique, doit expliquer pourquoi il était raisonnable de changer de l’ancienne à la nouvelle. Ni l’une ni l’autre de ces approches n’est tout à fait dans la note. L’avis du juge Scalia minimise trop le problème de politisation. La solution du juge Breyer semble formaliste et facile à contourner. Une meilleure façon d’avancer serait peut – être de combiner le cadre plus simple du juge Scalia avec l’attitude plus soupçonneuse du juge Breyer. En suivant l’exemple du juge Frankfurter dans Universal Camera, les tribunaux devraient réagir contre le potentiel de politisation excessive de l’élaboration de politiques par une agence non pas avec une métaphysique plus doctrinale mais avec une «disposition» soupçonneuse.

This article discusses the lexical variations of the Sasak language in Karangasem. The reason for choosing this object, is to explain the various dialects used by the community in the villages of Tumbu, Tegal Linggah, and Bukit, Karangasem. The problem is focused on two things, namely the lexical variation of the Sasak language in Karangasem and the grouping of Sasak lek languages ??in Karangasem using dialectometry theory and the isogloss file from Zulaeha. The method used, namely the proficient methods with fishing techniques, note taking techniques, and record techniques. Analysis of the lexical variations in the Sasak Karangasem language shows that there are various kinds of lexical variations in each TP based on old adulthood. Lexical variations of the fields meaning time, season, natural state, natural objects, and directions, three are found in the 'cloud' glossary. Kinship system, two berian are found in the 'wife' glossary. In animals and their parts, three berries are found in the 'worm' glossary. Movement and work, three berries are found in the 'walking' glossary. Limbs and parts there are found two beros in 'blood' gloss. Properties, numbers, and sizes, we find two entries in the 'good' glossary. In plants, fruits and colors, two berian are found on the 'tree' glossary. Question words, conjunctions, and objects found one berian in ‘how’ glossos. Pronouns and days found four words in the glossary "you".

Background:Rheumatoid arthritis (RA) as chronic and progressing to disability disease decreases a quality of life of every person suffering from it. Knowledge about this influence from patient perspective is important to limit burden of RA and organize appropriate care for patients.Objectives:RA has input on every area of individual and social lives. Recognition of patients’ situation in daily life, professional life, participation in treatment, taking life decision gives possibilities to better understanding of diseases and starting activities to change lives with RA. Aim of research was to learn attitudes, knowledge and experiences of people living with RA.Methods:The study was initiated by KnowPR in partnership with Polish Rheuma Federation ‘REF’. Main researcher was Tomasz Sobierajski PhD., sociologist from Warsaw University. The first stage of the study was a workshop with patients with RA organized by REF. It was brainstorming to identify main problems, appropriate understand life with RA and discussion on questionnaire. After small pilot study on questionnaire, research was made by CAWI technique. Questionnaire had been linked on professional websites, facebook, Twitter, health forums. The data had been completed during one month - January 2019.Results of survey were presented in booklet with comments. Opinions introducing results were done from persons represented patronages of project: minister of patient rights, president of Polish Society for Rheumatology, national consultant in rheumatology, directors of National Institute of Geriatrics, Rheumatology and Rehabilitation. Publication was enriched by stories of people with RA living full lives. Publication was launched during press conference and disseminated in hard copies and on-line with free access.Results:In survey took part 619 respondents with RA - mostly women (90%). The biggest group of respondents (34%) was in age 46-60 years old. Duration of disease was different – from few months to more than 40 years. More than half of respondents are suffering from RA more than 10 years. Disease influences of every life area. Only 38% of respondents participate in decision about their treatment and took it together with rheumatologist. There are different opinions about way of taking medication. There are not differences among age groups and duration of disease in this. Majority of patients suffer from pain (73%), from limited abilities (68%) and from permanent fatigue (69%) in everyday lives. Rheumatologist has the biggest confidence among patients like a source of information about disease (73%). Other health professionals have lower confidence (35-40%). Majority of respondents (68%) note his knowledge about diseases like rather good and better. Respondents didn’t connected their decision of having a child with disease how it has been before (59%). Part of respondents had to change or resign of professional work (30%). Part of them resigned from social life and hobbies before disease. In opinion of 57% of respondents RA changed totally their lives (57%).Conclusion:Results of survey was used like a tool in lobbying for accessibility in newest treatment in RA. Further recognize of quality of life in RA is needed. Interviews of focus groups and individuals are planned.References:[1]T. Sobierajski. Codzienność z reumatoidalnym zapaleniem stawów. Warszawa 2019Disclosure of Interests:None declared

Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mendeskripsikan analisis nilai-nilai moral dalam cerita rakyat pesisiran sebagai alternatif bahan ajar dalam pembelajaran Sejarah Sastra Lama. Metode penelitian ini digunakan metode analisis deskriptif kualitatif. Objek penelitian ini adalah cerita rakyat pesisiran. Sumber data penelitian ini adalah masyarakat pesisiran yang memahami cerita rakyat pesisiran. Teknik pengumpulan data penelitian ini adalah studi pustaka, teknik observasi, teknik wawancara, dan teknik simak catat. Sedangkan instrumen penelitian ini adalah lembar observasi, lembar wawancara, dan kartu data. Teknik analisis data dilakukan dengan tahap-tahap: (1) pengumpulan data, (2) reduksi data, (3) penyajian (display) data, dan (4) penyimpulan atau verifikasi data dan hasil. Hasil penelitian diketahui bahwa cerita rakyat dari pesisiran terkandung nilai sosial dan agama yang dapat diterapkan dalam kehidupan sehari-hari dan dijadikan teladan dalam menjaga kerukunan dan ketentraman. Nilai-nilai sosial dan agama tersebut sangat cocok untuk diintegrasikan dalam pembelajaran sastra terutama dalam pembelajaran Sejarah Sastra Lama. The purpose of this study is to describe the analysis of moral values ​​in coastal folklore as an alternative teaching material in learning the History of Old Literature. This research method used qualitative descriptive analysis method. The object of this research is coastal folklore. The source of this research data is coastal communities that understand coastal folklore. The data collection techniques of this study are literature studies, observation techniques, interview techniques, and note taking techniques. While the research instruments are observation sheets, interview sheets, and data cards. Data analysis techniques are carried out with stages: (1) data collection, (2) data reduction, (3) data presentation (display), and (4) inference or verification of data and results. The results of the study show that folklore from coastal areas contains social and religious values ​​that can be applied in daily life and are exemplary in maintaining harmony and tranquility. These social and religious values ​​are very suitable to be integrated in literary learning, especially in learning the History of Old Literature.

Talking about Balkanism in Romanian contemporary poetry means to betray, to a certain extent required by degradation or alteration, some literary themes and motifs. Finding ourselves in a geographical area of cultural contaminations, the influence of other peoples in Balkans comes naturally: the nostalgia of Byzantium perfection, continuous reporting at an ideal time, abstraction of the chronology. Balkan themes and motives in poetry are identifiable from the early writings of Romanian literature, including the folklore, with Anton Pann, the Vacarescu and Conachi poets – and their ludic descriptivism – , to Ion Barbu, who strikes a metaphysical note in the Balkan motifs, and later, in the second part of twentieth century, with the species of parody. The Romanian native receptivity allowed continuous assimilations without creating an unpleasant heterogeneous feeling. This openness has contributed decisively in a formative way to bring Byzantium on a new soil in a perfect and saturated array; the perfectibility is not possible anymore, so the failure was natural, in a degraded status – Constantinople. Oriental-Byzantine gravity becomes in Oriental-Balkan tragedy or comedy, balance slid to one extreme, sometime becoming ridiculous. Contemporary poetry does not express any more a true lament, but a kind of parody (in ludic poetry) or sheer contempt (in the solemn poetry). The Balkan intelligence is not critical, but creative, with the risk of perpetuating monstrous forms, beyond good and evil. Byzantium established itself through a double filter – for the East and for the West – influencing and being influenced, in turn. Romanian poetry has the full sequence of themes and aesthetic formulae, from tragic to comic, often switching rapidly from one edge to the other, taking into account the old Thracian solemn part, then the proud Byzantium and its absorption in Constantinople – all rolling in a series of formal expressions reflected in themes and vocabulary.

So a frenzied matron cries out to Phoebus as she rushes through an appalled Rome. In CQ 34 (1984), 454f. I pointed out that the words primos in ortus could not here bear their normal sense ‘to the far east’ (as taken by Duff, similarly Bourgery-Ponchont, and others), which in view of the next line would be geographically absurd, and, distraught as the lady was, even so highly improbable. I did, however, then think R. J. Getty right in taking the expression primos ortus as simply = ‘the east’, and adding ‘the epithet primos appears to be otiose’. But I now feel very doubtful about the epithet being viewed as otiose in order that the words may denote Egypt; quite different are the passages noted in OLD primus 6 ‘belonging to the rising sun, eastern’, as Stat. Silv. 1.4.73 ‘occidiias primasque domos’ in the cited Sen. Oed. 116 ‘miles… ausus Eois equitare campis / figere et mundo tua signa primo’ the literal meaning is no doubt ‘on the world's first edge’ (Miller, Loeb), but its development into ‘eastern’ is readily seen. Egypt, however, as viewed by Rome, is but the bare beginning of the east, and that is what primos must indicate above (note emphatic position): see OLD primus 10 b ‘the nearest part of, the entrance, threshold, or sim., of, noting e.g. Ov. Fast. 1.717 ‘horreat Aeneadas et primus et ultimus orbis’, Cic. Fam. 3.6.2. ‘te in prima prouincia uelle esse, ut quam primum decederes’. In a characteristic departure from their stock meaning Lucan's words primos in ortus must then mean ‘to the threshold of the east’, i.e. the delta of the Nile, as explained in the next line (684): contrast 7.360 primo gentes oriente = ‘the nations of the far east’ (Duff). For Egypt viewed as the beginning of the east, cf. Mela 1.9 ‘Asiae prima pars Aegyptus’, Plin. Nat. 5.47 ‘[Africae] adhaeret Asia, quam patere a Canopico ostio [Nili] ad Ponti ostium Timosthenes…tradidit’, Mart. Cap. 6.675 ‘Aegyptus… Asiae caput, 3 quae una ab ostio Canopi ad ostium Ponti habet… milia passuum’; cf. the close association of Egypt with the east in Virg. Aen. 8.687 ‘Aegyptum uiresque Orientis’. For the varied use of the word primus should be noted too Luc. 9.413f. ‘nee… plus litora Nili / quam Scythicus Tanais primis a Gadibus absunt’, ‘from Gades in the far west’ (Duff), ‘Gades the first place in the west’ (Haskins), i.e. the threshold of the Mediterranean.

A minority language will be very difficult to survive if the language is surrounded by a majority language, moreover, this region is very dependent on the surrounding area, both in terms of economy, government, education, and health. However, some regions can survive and are not affected by the surrounding languages. This study seeks to describe the language vitality, diglossia, and language leakage.The study sites were taken in four hamlets (Dander, Goa, Matokan, and Gesing) Manduro Village, Kabuh, Jombang, East Java. Manduro village was chosen because its inhabitants speak Madurese, but are surrounded by Javanese residents and are separated from their mother tongue (Madurese). Data sources were taken from one hundred respondents in four groups (children, teenagers, adults, and old).Data collection uses source triangulation techniques: observation (note-taking), questionnaire (adapted from Bahasa Kita Atmajaya questioner), and in-depth interviews. The results of the study showed that language vitality index was 0.69; category IV; stable, but potentially threatened. Diglossia is in family domain, kinship, neighbors, and friendship. The language leakage occured of friendship domain.Suatu bahasa minoritas akan sangat sulit bertahan jika bahasa itu dikepung oleh bahasa mayoritas, apalagi wilayah ini sangat bergantung pada wilayah sekitarnya, baik dari sisi ekonomi, pemerintahan, pendidikan, dan kesehatan. Akan tetapi, beberapa daerah seperti itu justru mampu bertahan dan tidak terpengaruh dengan bahasa-bahasa di sekitarnya.Kajian ini berusaha mendeskripsikan vitalitas bahasa, diglosia, dan ketirisan bahasa (language leakage).Lokasi penelitian diambil di empat dusun (Dander, Goa, Matokan, dan Gesing) Desa Manduro, Kecamatan Kabuh, Kabupaten Jombang, Jawa Timur. Desa Manduro dipilih karena penduduknya berbahasa Madura, tetapi dikelilingi oleh penduduk berbahasa Jawa serta terpisah dengan bahasa induknya (bahasa Madura). Sumber data diambil dari seratus responden dalam empat kelompok (anak, remaja, dewasa, dan manula). Pengumpulan data menggunakan teknik triangulasi sumber: pengamatan (simak-catat), angket (diadopsi dari questioner Bahasa Sehar-hari Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atmajaya, dan wawancara mendalam. Hasil kajian memperlihatkan indeks vitalitas bahasa adalah 0,69, kategori IV, dengan situasi bahasa stabil-mantap, tetapi berpotensi terancam. Diglosia terdapat pada ranah keluarga, kerabat, pertetanggaan, dan pertemanan. Ketirisan diglosia terjadi pada ranah pertemanan.

Background:Monogenic auto-inflammatory diseases (mAID) are a group of severe chronic multisystemic diseases with recurring episodes of fever and other manifestations that significantly affect the patients’ life quality. Moreover, the hyper expression of pro-inflammatory cytokines (IL1β, etc.) observed in these patients may have a negative effect on the central nervous system.Objectives:to study the state of the cognitive and emotional spheres in children suffering from monogenic auto-inflammatory diseases.Methods:there were examined 22 children at the age of 7 to 17 years old diagnosed with CAPS-9, TRAPS-8, FMF-5. Among them there were 12 boys and 10 girls. The diagnosis in all the patients was confirmed through detection of pathogenic mutations in the NLRP3, TNFRSF1A and MEFV genes. The following methods were used: a clinical conversation; memory diagnostics (learning by heart of 10 words, a pictogram using cues taking into account the patients’ age); attention diagnostics (Schulte tables); thinking diagnostics (establishing a sequence of events, “four is a crwod”, simple analogies, interpretation of proverbs); emotional and communicative fields (the Eight-Color Luscher Test; CMAS (adaptation by A. Prikhozhan); STAI test, a drawing called “an animal that does not exist” and “a house-a tree-a man”).Results:The memory study revealed in all patients with TRAPS and FMF high and medium values of short-term and long-term memory, in patients with CAPS - a low level of short-term auditory-speech memory, information storage and indirect memorization in 1/3 of patients. In 100% of the examined patients with TRAPS, a significant decrease in all processes of attention and distribution of attention. In 1/3 of patients with CAPS, an increased exhaustion of attention was registered and in 11% - a decrease in its stability. In patients with FMF, attention disorders were not detected. In 44% of patients with CAPS, a decrease in the level of generalization and difficulties in establishing causal relationships were registered. In 25% of patients with TRAPS a decrease in the level of generalization, in 12.5%- difficulties in establishing cause-effect relationships, inertia of thinking in 37.5%. In 60% of patients with FMF: a decrease in the level of generalization, in 80%: difficulties in establishing cause-effect relationships, inertia of thinking in 20%. In the emotional sphere, patients with CAPS, TRAPS, and FMF demonstrated signs of aggression (11.1%, 20% and 20% of patients, respectively), communicative disorders (77.8% -80% - 80%), and reduced social adaptation (55.5% - 80% - 80%), a tendency to form neurotic fears (22% - 40% - 40%). A high level of personal anxiety was noted in 1/3 of patients with CAPS and 40% of patients with FMF.Conclusion:various psychological disorders in the cognitive and emotional fields were noted in the majority of the examined patients with monogenic auto-inflammatory diseases. In patients with TRAPS, attention processes are most significantly affected; in patients with CAPS, memory is more often affected. In patients with FMF, disorders in thinking processes are revealed more often. In the emotional sphere, most patients with all the three forms of AID note communicative disorders and social adaptation.Disclosure of Interests:None declared

Aleksander Gieysztor (1916–1999) was unquestionably one of the most outstanding representatives of the Polish humanities in the 20th century. He considered himself a historian, and his basic workplace was the Historical Institute of the University of Warsaw, while his research focused around mediaeval culture. He became a museum professional slightly against his own will, in the last decades of his career, when taking on the position of the Director of the rebuilt Royal Castle in Warsaw. Despite thinking of himself as a historian, Gieysztor was well prepared to exert the function, since he had always been extremely interested in artistic sources, as important and clear as a historiographer’s narrative or a chronicler’s note. Not only did numerous publications testify to his interest, but he also formulated the programme of the Team for the Research into the Beginnings of the Polish State, which he headed in 1948–1955. Owing to its historical and symbolical significance, the Warsaw Castle took an important position in Gieysztor’s career. He was by Stanisław Lorentz’s side from the very beginning, supporting him in his efforts to have the Castle rebuilt, the project neglected by Poland’s Communist authorities. Having become member of the Civil Committee for Rebuilding the Royal Castle, Gieysztor headed its Archaeological-Historical section. From 1973 he became member of the so-called Castle Curator Board: a team which collegially managed the Castle. Esthetical sensitivity and artistic erudition, as well as a thorough knowledge of old-Polish culture provided Gieysztor with an excellent background to fit with the group of scholars decisive for the shape and educational programme of the reconstructed Castle; later, individually, they allowed him to find satisfaction in the role of the Director heading its furbishing. Gieysztor acknowledged this project to have been his greatest intellectual challenge in the last decades of his academic career. However, he regarded it as his duty: service to society longing for symbols to shape its historical identity.

7072 Background: Dense breasts increase a woman's risk of developing cancer while also raising the likelihood of a missed diagnosis from traditional mammography screening. Digital Breast Tomosynthesis (DBT) has been shown to identify positive breast cancer more accurately in women with dense breasts, but no study has estimated the cost-effectiveness of this screening mode under a notification requirement. Methods: Taking the perspective of a healthcare system, we estimated the incremental cost-effectiveness ratio (ICER) of providing DBT as an alternative to mammography for 40-year old women. Model parameters reflecting risk of breast cancer, detection rates, and costs were estimated from recent meta analyses, Tufts’ CEA registry, and Medicare Fee Schedules. We used probabilistic Markov Models to estimate the ICER under uncertainty, and a time-variant model in which breast density and cancer risk change over time. Additionally, a heterogeneity analysis included all women between the ages of 40-65, while also using 1st and 2nd degree family history to calculate cancer risk. Results: In the probabilistic model, adjunctive DBT has a cost differential of $12,203, with an increase of 0.0382 quality-adjusted life years (ICER = $319,491/QALY) compared to mammography. This result was most sensitive to the probability of a missed diagnosis for women with dense breasts. At a willing-ness to pay of $50,000, adjunctive DBT had a 57% chance of being more costly and less effective than standard mammography. Conversely, DBT only had a 20% chance of being cost-effective and a 9.9% chance of being less costly and more effective. The time-variant model reported an ICER of $174,218, but adjunctive DBT became even more cost-effective after expanding the population and including family history of cancer (ICER_All Ages = $157,146; ICER_FamHist = $153,388). Conclusions: Breast density notification laws which provide additional screening via DBT are not cost-effective at a willingness to pay of $50,000. Policymakers, however, should note that many modern cancer therapeutics also exceed this threshold. As an adjunctive screening technique, DBT would result in fewer deaths and increase quality of life, but the effect is minimal and carries a high cost. Including breast density within greater risk stratification protocols, however, may prove highly cost-effective, especially for older women with a family history of cancer.

When you are old in France in 2019, you do not have to be living on the street to be excluded or even feel excluded from a society that is increasingly turning its back on some of its members, because of the digital revolution imposed on citizens. In fact, faced with the excessive digitization advocated by governing bodies and other technocrats, which is rising speedily like a Tsunami, the elderly, often single women and/or widows belonging to underprivileged categories of society, generally with little or no education, and even less awareness in terms of management of minimal IT practices, are already or will soon find themselves on the sidelines of this type of modernization, which has nothing inclusive about it. A few local actors in the social and medico-social field and rights activists are already sounding the alarm and raising the voices of anguish in defense of these elderly people who no longer know how to cope with the dehumanization of public services: “I am 78 years old, I have a very small pension, no computer and anyway, I do not know how to do anything. So, it is annoying now because I have to get help and I do not know people who can help me. I am going to have to go there. It is a long way from home, I have to wait a long time and I am tired. And then you must be sure that there will be someone there!”. Aware of this dynamic of exclusion that is currently taking place and because we have been collecting the signs of this disarray for months, aggravated by isolation and loneliness, our action-research approach aims in the long run to implement counter-actions that aim to offset the harmful effects induced by the digital transition on the social life of the elderly, while seeking to free them from the negative confinement into which their inability to manage this transition by themselves has insidiously led them. It is these changes in the aspects of the most fragile of human existences that are at the heart of our approach as researchers-practitioners, as well as of our actions; acting like a mild buffer against the inhumanity of the system that is inexorably set up when a robot signals to you: “You have exceeded the deadline [note that this word contains the word ‘dead’] for the submission of your file on the lambda portal and therefore the administration can no longer do anything for you.”. There is no doubt that this is an immediate field of action for public policies, particularly in the fight against the digital exclusion of older citizens. For the time being, as always, in France, associations and humanitarian actors compensate for this absence of public authority with their limited means, but such a situation cannot last without in the long term seriously affecting societal balance and the moral principles of social justice, such as access to rights for all.

When you are old in France in 2019, you do not have to be living on the street to be excluded or even feel excluded from a society that is increasingly turning its back on some of its members, because of the digital revolution imposed on citizens. In fact, faced with the excessive digitization advocated by governing bodies and other technocrats, which is rising speedily like a Tsunami, the elderly, often single women and/or widows belonging to underprivileged categories of society, generally with little or no education, and even less awareness in terms of management of minimal IT practices, are already or will soon find themselves on the sidelines of this type of modernization, which has nothing inclusive about it. A few local actors in the social and medico-social field and rights activists are already sounding the alarm and raising the voices of anguish in defense of these elderly people who no longer know how to cope with the dehumanization of public services: “I am 78 years old, I have a very small pension, no computer and anyway, I do not know how to do anything. So, it is annoying now because I have to get help and I do not know people who can help me. I am going to have to go there. It is a long way from home, I have to wait a long time and I am tired. And then you must be sure that there will be someone there!”. Aware of this dynamic of exclusion that is currently taking place and because we have been collecting the signs of this disarray for months, aggravated by isolation and loneliness, our action-research approach aims in the long run to implement counter-actions that aim to offset the harmful effects induced by the digital transition on the social life of the elderly, while seeking to free them from the negative confinement into which their inability to manage this transition by themselves has insidiously led them. It is these changes in the aspects of the most fragile of human existences that are at the heart of our approach as researchers-practitioners, as well as of our actions; acting like a mild buffer against the inhumanity of the system that is inexorably set up when a robot signals to you: “You have exceeded the deadline [note that this word contains the word ‘dead’] for the submission of your file on the lambda portal and therefore the administration can no longer do anything for you.”. There is no doubt that this is an immediate field of action for public policies, particularly in the fight against the digital exclusion of older citizens. For the time being, as always, in France, associations and humanitarian actors compensate for this absence of public authority with their limited means, but such a situation cannot last without in the long term seriously affecting societal balance and the moral principles of social justice, such as access to rights for all.

AbstractThe nucleus of the collection of paintings in the Mauritshuis around 130 pictures - came from the hereditary stadholder Prince William v. It is widely believed to have become, the property of the State at the beginning of the 19th century, but how this happened is still. unclear. A hand-written notebook on this subject, compiled in 1876 by - the director Jonkheer J. K. L. de Jonge is in the archives of the Mauritshuis Note 4). On this basis a clnsor systematic and chronological investigation has been carried out into the stadholder's. property rights in respect of his collectcons and the changes these underwent between 1795 and 1816. Royal decrees and other documents of the period 1814- 16 in particular giae a clearer picture of whal look place. 0n 18 January 1795 William V (Fig. 2) left the Netherlands and fled to England. On 22 January the Dutch Republic was occupied by French armies. Since France had declared war on the stadholder, the ownership of all his propergy in the Netherlands, passed to France, in accordance with the laws of war of the time. His famous art collections on the Builerth of in. The Hague were taken to Paris, but the remaining art objects, distributed over his various houses, remained in the Netherlands. On 16 May 1795 the French concluded a treaty with the Batavian Republic, recognizing it as an independent power. All the properties of William v in the Netehrlands but not those taken to France, were made over to the Republic (Note 14), which proceeded to sell objects from the collections, at least seven sales taking place until 1798 (Note 15). A plan was then evolved to bring the remaining treasures together in a museum in emulation of the French. On the initiative of J. A. Gogel, the Nationale Konst-Galerij', the first national museum in the .Netherlands, was estahlished in The Hague and opened to the public on ,31 May 1800. Nothing was ever sold from lhe former stadholder's library and in 1798 a Nationale Bibliotheek was founded as well. In 1796, quite soon after the French had carried off the Stadholder, possessions to Paris or made them over to the Batavian Republic, indemnification was already mentioned (Note 19). However, only in the Trealy of Amiens of 180 and a subaequent agreement, between France ararl Prussia of 1 802, in which the Prince of Orarage renounced his and his heirs' rights in the Netherlands, did Prussia provide a certain compensation in the form of l.artds in Weslphalia and Swabia (Note 24) - William v left the management of these areas to the hereditary prince , who had already been involved in the problems oncerning his father's former possessions. In 1804 the Balavian Republic offered a sum of five million guilders 10 plenipotentiaries of the prince as compensation for the sequestrated titles and goods, including furniture, paintings, books and rarities'. This was accepted (Notes 27, 28), but the agreement was never carried out as the Batavian Republic failed to ratify the payment. In the meantime the Nationale Bibliolkeek and the Nationale Konst-Galerij had begun to develop, albeit at first on a small scale. The advent of Louis Napoleon as King of Hollarad in 1806 brought great changes. He made a start on a structured art policy. In 1806 the library, now called `Royal', was moved to the Mauritshuis and in 1808 the collectiorts in The Hague were transferred to Amsterdam, where a Koninklijk Museum was founded, which was housed in the former town hall. This collection was subsequertly to remain in Amsterdam, forming the nucleus of the later Rijksmuseum. The library too was intended to be transferred to Amsterdam, but this never happened and it remained in the Mauritshuis until 1819. Both institutions underwent a great expansion in the period 1806-10, the library's holdings increasing from around 10,000 to over 45,000 books and objects, while the museum acquired a number of paintings, the most important being Rembrandt's Night Watch and Syndics, which were placed in the new museum by the City of Amsterdam in 1808 (Note 44). In 1810 the Netherlands was incorporated into France. In the art field there was now a complete standstill and in 1812 books and in particular prints (around 11,000 of them) were again taken from The Hague to Paris. In November 1813 the French dominion was ended and on 2 December the hereditary prince, William Frederick, was declared sovereign ruler. He was inaugurated as constitutional monarch on 30 March 1814. On January 3rd the provisional council of The Hague had already declared that the city was in (unlawful' possession of a library, a collection of paintings, prints and other objects of art and science and requested the king tot take them back. The war was over and what had been confiscated from William under the laws of war could now be given back, but this never happened. By Royal Decree of 14 January 1814 Mr. ( later Baron) A. J. C. Lampsins (Fig. I ) was commissioned to come to an understanding with the burgomaster of The Hague over this transfer, to bring out a report on the condition of the objects and to formulate a proposal on the measures to be taken (Note 48). On 17 January Lampsins submitted a memorandum on the taking over of the Library as the private property of His Royal Highness the Sovereign of the United Netherlartds'. Although Lampsins was granted the right to bear the title 'Interim Director of the Royal Library' by a Royal Decree of 9 February 1814, William I did not propose to pay The costs himself ; they were to be carried by the Home Office (Note 52). Thus he left the question of ownership undecided. On 18 April Lampsins brought out a detailed report on all the measures to be taken (Appendix IIa ) . His suggestion was that the objects, formerly belonging to the stadholder should be removed from the former royal museum, now the Rijksmuseum, in Amsterdam and to return the 'Library', as the collectiort of books, paintings and prints in The Hague was called, to the place where they had been in 1795. Once again the king's reaction was not very clear. Among other things, he said that he wanted to wait until it was known how extensive the restitution of objects from Paris would be and to consider in zvhich scholarly context the collections would best, fit (Note 54) . While the ownership of the former collections of Prince William I was thus left undecided, a ruling had already been enacted in respect of the immovable property. By the Constitution of 1814, which came into effect on 30 March, the king was granted a high income, partly to make up for the losses he had sulfered. A Royal Decree of 22 January 1815 does, however, imply that William had renounced the right to his, father's collections, for he let it be known that he had not only accepted the situation that had developed in the Netherlands since 1795, but also wished it to be continued (Note 62). The restitution of the collections carried off to France could only be considered in its entirety after the defeat of Napoleon at the Battle of Waterloo on 18 June 1815- This was no simple matter, but in the end most, though not all, of the former possessions of William V were returned to the Netherlands. What was not or could not be recovered then (inc.uding 66 paintings, for example) is still in France today (Note 71)- On 20 November 1815 127 paintings, including Paulus Potter's Young Bull (Fig. 15), made a ceremonial entry into The Hague. But on 6 October, before anything had actually been returned, it had already been stipulated by Royal Decree that the control of the objects would hence forlh be in the hands of the State (Note 72). Thus William I no longer regarded his father's collections as the private property of the House of Orange, but he did retain the right to decide on the fulure destiny of the... painting.s and objects of art and science'. For the time being the paintings were replaced in the Gallery on the Buitenhof, from which they had been removed in 1795 (Note 73). In November 1815 the natural history collection was made the property of Leiden University (Note 74), becoming the basis for the Rijksmuseum voor Natuurlijke Historie, The print collection, part of the Royal Library in The Hague, was exchanged in May 1816 for the national collectiort of coins and medals, part of the Rijksmuseum. As of 1 Jufy 1816 directors were appointed for four different institutions in The Hague, the Koninklijke Bibliotheek (with the Koninklijk Penningkabinet ) , the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen and the Yoninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden (Note 80) . From that time these institutions led independenl lives. The king continued to lake a keen interest in them and not merely in respect of collecting Their accommodation in The Hague was already too cramped in 1816. By a Royal Decree of 18 May 1819 the Hotel Huguetan, the former palace of the. crown prince on Lange Voorhout, was earmarked for the Koninklijke Bibliotheek and the Koninklijk Penningkabinet (Note 87) . while at the king's behest the Mauritshuis, which had been rented up to then, was bought by the State on 27 March 1820 and on IO July allotted to the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen and the Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden (Note 88). Only the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen is still in the place assigned to it by William and the collection has meanwhile become so identified with its home that it is generally known as the Mauritshui.s'. William i's most important gift was made in July 1816,just after the foundation of the four royal institutions, when he had deposited most of the objects that his father had taken first to England and later to Oranienstein in the Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden. The rarities (Fig. 17), curios (Fig. 18) and paintings (Fig. 19), remained there (Note 84), while the other art objects were sorted and divided between the Koninklijke Bibliotheek (the manuscripts and books) and the koninklijk Penningkabinet (the cameos and gems) (Note 85). In 1819 and 182 the king also gave the Koninklijke Bibliotheek an important part of the Nassau Library from the castle at Dillenburg. Clearly he is one of the European monarchs who in the second half of the 18th and the 19th century made their collectiorts accessible to the public, and thus laid the foundatinns of many of today's museums. But William 1 also made purchases on behalf of the institutions he had created. For the Koninklijke Bibliotheek, for example, he had the 'Tweede Historiebijbel', made in Utrecht around 1430, bought in Louvain in 1829 for 1, 134 guilders (Pigs.30,3 I, Note 92). For the Koninkijk Penningkabinet he bought a collection of 62 gems and four cameos , for ,50,000 guilders in 1819. This had belonged to the philosopher Frans Hemsterhuis, the keeper of his father's cabinet of antiquities (Note 95) . The most spectacular acquisition. for the Penninukabinet., however, was a cameo carved in onyx, a late Roman work with the Triumph of Claudius, which the king bought in 1823 for 50,000 guilders, an enormous sum in those days. The Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamhedert also received princely gifts. In 1821- the so-called doll's house of Tzar Peter was bought out of the king's special funds for 2.800 guilders (Figs.33, 34, ,Note 97) , while even in 1838, when no more money was available for art, unnecessary expenditure on luxury' the Von Siebold ethnographical collection was bought at the king's behest for over 55,000 guilders (Note 98). The Koninklijk Kabinel van Schilderyen must have been close to the hearl of the king, who regarded it as an extension of the palace (Notes 99, 100) . The old master paintings he acquzred for it are among the most important in the collection (the modern pictures, not dealt with here, were transferred to the Paviljoen Welgelegen in Haarlem in 1838, Note 104). For instance, in 1820 he bought a portrait of Johan Maurice of Nassau (Fig.35)., while in 1822, against the advice of the then director, he bought Vermeer' s View of Delft for 2,900 guilders (Fig.36, Note 105) and in 1827 it was made known, from Brussels that His Majesty had recommended the purchase of Rogier van der Weyden's Lamentation (Fig.37) . The most spectacular example of the king's love for 'his' museum, however, is the purchase in 1828 of Rembrandt's Anatomy Lesson of Dr. Nicolaes Tulp for 32,000 guilders. The director of the Rijksmuseum, C. Apostool, cortsidered this Rembrandt'sfinest painting and had already drawn attention to it in 1817, At the king'.s behest the picture, the purchase of which had been financed in part by the sale of a number of painlings from. the Rijksmuseum, was placed in the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen in The Hague. On his accession King William I had left the art objects which had become state propery after being ceded by the French to the Batavian Republic in 1795 as they were. He reclaimed the collections carried off to France as his own property, but it can be deduced from the Royal Decrees of 1815 and 1816 that it Was his wish that they should be made over to the State, including those paintings that form the nucleus of the collection in the Mauritshuis. In addition, in 1816 he handed over many art objects which his father had taken with him into exile. His son, William II, later accepted this, after having the matter investigated (Note 107 and Appendix IV). Thus William I'S munificence proves to have been much more extensive than has ever been realized.

Introduction. Acute pancreatitis (AP) is the most common cause of gastroenterological hospitalization in the USA, with a mortality ranging from 5 to 20%. Up to 80% of cases are caused by cholelithiasis and alcohol abuse. Less common etiologies that need to be explored include hypertriglyceridemia, trauma, ERCP, infections, and drugs. A number of medications are known to cause acute pancreatitis, with 0.3-1.4% of all cases of pancreatitis being drug induced (DIP). Here, we present a case of metronidazole-induced acute pancreatitis. Case Summary. A 60-year-old female presented with constant severe epigastric pain associated with nausea, vomiting, and anorexia for one day. She had no past medical history of alcohol use or hypertriglyceridemia and was s/p cholecystectomy in the distant past. Symptoms had begun three days after starting metronidazole for Clostridium difficile colitis. Lipase was > 396, and CT abdomen revealed peripancreatic fat stranding. She was diagnosed with AP, metronidazole was suspected to be responsible and hence stopped, and supportive management initiated. Her symptoms improved rapidly, and pancreatic enzymes normalized within 2 days. Of note, she had had an episode of acute pancreatitis 3 years ago, also following metronidazole use, with resolution at discontinuation of the drug. She had concurrently been on omeprazole during both episodes. Discussion. Metronidazole is a commonly used antibiotic and is infrequently reported as a cause of DIP. Our review suggests the possibility of a dose-response and duration-response effect between metronidazole use and occurrence of pancreatitis. The most common presenting symptom and sign was moderate to severe epigastric pain and tenderness, accompanied by nausea/vomiting. Symptoms usually start within 2-7 days of starting the medication and usually resolve 2-5 days after discontinuation of therapy and pancreatitis treatment. The most common causative dose was 1-1.5 g/day. Our review also supports findings by Norgaard et al. suggesting that concurrent use of omeprazole potentiates the risk of metronidazole-induced pancreatitis. Conclusion. Metronidazole is a commonly used antibiotic that may cause metronidazole-induced pancreatitis, especially if patients are concurrently taking PPIs. Awareness needs to be raised amongst clinicians regarding this association, in order to correctly identify etiology of pancreatitis and discontinue metronidazole promptly when suspected as the causative factor.

Abstrak: Penelitian ini membahas tentang pemerolehan fonem bahasa ibu atau pertama pada anak usia 2,6 tahun. Tujuan dari penelitian ini yaitu mendeskripsikan bentuk dari pemerolehan fonem bahasa ibu dalam studi kasus pada Rasyid Hidayat usia 2,6 tahun dengan melihat fonem-fonem bahasa yang sudah dikuasai. Pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah pendekatan deskriptif kualitatif. Pendekatan ini mencoba menggambarkan dan memahami sesuatu terkait fenomena yang akan diteliti berdasarkan perspektif peneliti, yaitu bentuk pemerolehan fonem bahasa ibu pada Rasyid Hidayat. Adapun metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode simak dan metode cakap. Teknik yang digunakan dalam melaksanakan metode tersebut adalah teknik catat dan rekam. Penyajian hasil analisis data dalam penelitian ini adalah secara formal dan informal. Penelitian tentang pemerolehan fonem bahasa ibu pada anak usia 2,6 tahun, peneliti menemukan bentuk-bentuk fonem yang sudah dikuasai oleh Rasyid Hidayat. Adapun fonem bahasa yang sudah dikuasai adalah (1) semua fonem vokal, yaitu /a/, /i/, /u/, /e/, dan /o/ yang menduduki semua posisi dalam setiap kata, (2) fonem konsonan yang sudah dikuasai dan belum semuanya menduduki semua posisi dalam kata pada usia 2,6 tahun yaitu adalah /p/, /b/, /m/, /n/, /t/, /h/, /s/, /c/, /w/, /y/, /q/, dan /k/. Abstract: This study discusses about the phonological acquisition of mother tongue or first language of a child, 2.6 years old, namely Rasyid Hidayat. The purpose of this study is to describe the forms of phonological acquisition of mother tongue of Rasyid Hidayat by analyzing the phonemes of language that have been mastered. In this study, the researcher uses descriptive qualitative approach which describes and gives understanding about language phenomenon that the researcher want to analyze based on the researcher’s point of view. The data collected were gained from recording and note taking. In presenting the data analyzed, the researcher uses formal and informal way. The findings show that the participant has mastered 1) all vowel phonemes such as /a/, /i/, /u/, /e/, and /o/ which have occupied all positions in many words, 2) consonant phonemes such as /p/, /b/, /m/, /n/, /t/, /h/, /s/, /c/, /w/, /y/, /q/, and /k/ where not all of them have already occupied all positions in some words.

Abstract Background The Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP) routinely recommends several adolescent vaccines, including human papillomavirus (HPV); quadrivalent meningococcal conjugate (MenACWY); and tetanus toxoid, reduced diphtheria toxoid, and acellular pertussis (Tdap) vaccines. Limited data are available on the percentage of adolescents receiving this complement of ACIP-recommended vaccines and factors that may increase likelihood of completion. Methods This study used 2015–18 pooled National Immunization Survey-Teen (NIS-Teen) data to estimate national and state-level completion rates by age 17 of a two-dose MenACWY series, two- or three- dose HPV series (depending on age at first vaccination), and a Tdap vaccine, using multivariable logistic regression modeling to adjust for individual characteristics. NIS-Teen data were then combined with public state-level data to construct a multilevel model evaluating effects of both individual- and state-level factors on completion. Results After adjusting for individual-level factors, the national completion rate for these ACIP-recommended vaccines by age 17 was 30.6% (95% confidence interval [CI]: 30.1–31.0%). However, rates for individual states varied substantially, from 11.3% in Idaho (CI: 6.9–18.0%) to 56.4% in Rhode Island (CI: 49.8–62.8%) (Figure 1). In the multilevel model, individual characteristics associated with increased likelihood of receiving the recommended vaccines by age 17 included female gender, black or Hispanic race, Medicaid coverage (vs. private/other), last provider visit at age 16 or 17, generally having ≥1 provider visit in last year, and receiving a provider recommendation for HPV vaccination. Residing in a state with a MenACWY vaccination mandate for elementary and secondary schools was the only state-level variable that significantly increased the likelihood of completion (odds ratio: 1.6; CI: 1.2–2.3) (Figure 2). Figure 1: Model-Adjusted Completion Rates of ACIP-Recommended HPV, MenACWY, and Tdap Vaccines by Age 17 Years in the United States, 2015–18. ACIP, Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices; HPV, human papillomavirus; MenACWY, quadrivalent meningococcal conjugate; Tdap, tetanus toxoid, reduced diphtheria toxoid, and acellular pertussis. Note: Vaccination completion is based on completion of the HPV series (i.e., receipt of 2 doses for individuals aged 9–14 years at first vaccination or receipt of 3 doses for individuals aged 15 years or older at first vaccination), completion of the MenACWY series (i.e., receipt of 2 doses), and receipt of a Tdap vaccine. Note: Model-adjusted composite vaccination completion is adjusted for sex, race/ethnicity, mother’s educational attainment, health insurance status, continuity of health insurance coverage since age 11, whether the individual was 16 or 17 years old at their last checkup, number of physician or other healthcare professional visits in past 12 months, whether a doctor or other healthcare professional ever recommended that the individual receive HPV vaccination, and state. The model-adjusted estimate is generated by taking the average of the predicted probability of vaccination for each individual as if they were all from the same state (while retaining all other characteristics). Figure 2: Individual-Level and State-Level Characteristics Associated with an Individual’s Completion of ACIP-Recommended HPV, MenACWY, and Tdap Vaccines by Age 17 Years in the United States, 2015–18. ACIP, Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices; CI, confidence interval; HCP, healthcare professional; HPV, human papillomavirus; MenACWY, quadrivalent meningococcal conjugate; ref, referent category; Tdap, tetanus toxoid, reduced diphtheria toxoid, and acellular pertussis. Note: Bold characters and darker circles indicate significant results. Note: Vaccination completion is based on completion of the HPV series (i.e., receipt of 2 doses for individuals aged 9–14 years at first vaccination or receipt of 3 doses for individuals aged 15 years or older at first vaccination), completion of the MenACWY series (i.e., receipt of 2 doses), and receipt of a Tdap vaccine. Conclusion Recommended adolescent vaccine completion rates are suboptimal and highly variable across states. Provider recommendations, visits at 16–17 years of age, and state mandates for MenACWY are implementable strategies associated with completion of recommended adolescent vaccines. Funding GlaxoSmithKline Biologicals SA (study identifier: HO-19-19991) Disclosures Elizabeth M. La, PhD, RTI Health Solutions (Employee) Diana Garbinsky, MS, GSK (Other Financial or Material Support, The study was conducted by RTI Health Solutions, which received consultancy fees from GSK. I am a salaried employee at RTI Health Solutions and received no direct compensation from GSK for the conduct of this study..) Shannon Hunter, MS, GSK (Other Financial or Material Support, Ms. Hunter is an employee of RTI Health Solutions, who received consultancy fees from GSK for conduct of the study. Ms. Hunter received no direct compensation from the Sponsor.) Sara Poston, PharmD, The GlaxoSmithKline group of companies (Employee, Shareholder) Patricia Novy, PhD, GSK (Employee, Shareholder) Parinaz Ghaswalla, PhD, ORCID: 0000-0002-2883-5590, GlaxoSmithKline (Employee, Shareholder)

Abstract Gábor Takács. Lexica Afroasiatica VI. Lingua Posnaniensis, vol. L IV (1)/2012. The Poznań Society for the Advancement of the Arts and Sciences. PL ISSN 0079-4740, ISBN 978-83-7654-103-7, pp. 99-132. Comparative-historical Afro-Asiatic linguistics has undergone a significant development over the past half century, since the appearence Essai comparatif sur le vocabulaire et la phonétique du chamitosémitique (1947) by Marcel Cohen. This revolutionary and fundamental synthesis concluded the second great period of the comparative research on Afro-Asiatic lexicon (the so-called “old school”, cf. E DE I 2-4). During the third period (second half of the 20th century), whose beginning was hallmarked by the names of J .H. Greenberg and I.M. Diakonoff, an enormous quantity of new lexical material (both descriptive and comparative) has been published, including a few most recent attempts (either unfinished or rather problematic) at compiling an Afro-Asiatic compartive dictionary (SISAJ a I-III, H CVA I-V, H SED, Ehret 1995). During my current work on the Etymological Dictionary of Egyptian (Leiden, since 1999-, E .J. Brill), Ihave collected a great number of new AA parallels, which - to the best of my knowledge - have not yet been proposed in the literature (I did my best to note it wherever Inoticed an overlapping with the existing Afro-Asiatic dictionaries). Along the E DE project (and the underlying “Egyptian etymological word catalogue”), Ihave started collecting AA roots (not attested in Egyptian) for a separate Afro- Asiatic root catalogue in late 1999.1 The series Lexica Afroasiatica started in 20022 in order to contribute to the existing and published materials of comparative Afro-Asiatic lexicon with new lexical correspondences observed recently during my work, which may later serve as basis of a new synthesis of the Afro-Asiatic comparative lexicon. The present part of this series is a collection of new Afro-Asiatic etymologies with the Proto-Afro- Asiatic initial bilabial nasal (*m-), which results directly from my research at Institut für Afrikanische Sprachwisenschaften of Frankfurt a/M (in 1999-2000 and 2002) guided by Prof. H . Jungraithmayr.3 The numeration of the etymological entries is continuous beginning from the first part of the series Lexica Afroasiatica. Each entry is headed by the proposed PAA root (as tentatively reconstructed by myself). Author names are placed after the quoted linguistic forms in square brackets [] mostly in an abbreviated form (a key can be found at the end of the paper). The lexical data in the individual lexicon entries have been arranged in the order of the current classification of the Afro-Asiatic daughter languages (originating from J.H. Greenberg 1955, 1963 and I.M. Diakonoff 1965) in 5 (or 6) equivalent branches: (1) Semitic, (2) Egyptian, (3) Berber, (4) Cushitic, (5) Omotic (cometimes conceived as West Cushitic), (6) Chadic. For a detailed list of all daughter languages cf. E DE I 9-34. The number of vertical strokes indicate the closeness of the language units from which data are quoted: ||| separate branches (the 6 largest units within the family), || groups (such as East vs. South Cushitic or West vs. East Chadic), while | divides data from diverse sub-groups (e.g., Angas-Sura vs. North Bauchi within West Chadic). Since we know little about the Proto-Afro-Asiatic vowel system, the proposed list of the reconstructed Proto-Afro-Asiatic forms is arranged according to consonantal roots (even the nominal roots). Sometimes, nevertheless, it was possible to establish the root vowel, which is given in the paper additionally in brackets. The lexical parallels suggested herein, are based on the preliminary results in reconstructing the consonant correspondences achieved by the Russian team of I.M. Diakonoff (available in a number of publications4) as well as on my own observations refining the Russian results (most importantly Takács 2001). The most important results can be summarized as follows. The labial triad *b - *p - *f remained unchanged in Egyptian, South Cushitic, and Chadic, while the dental series *d - *t - *s was kept as such by Semitic and South Cushitic (AA *s continued as *T in Berber, Cushitic and Chadic, and it was merged into t vs. d in Egyptian). The fine distinction of the diverse sibilant affricates and spirants (AA *c, *μ, *@, *s, *D, *¸, *E, *b, *ĉ, *H, *ŝ) was best preserved in Semitic, South Cushitic and West Chadic (while some of these phonemes suffered a merger in other branches and groups). The Russian scholars assumed a triad of postvelar (uvulear) stops with a voiceless spirant counterpart: *-, *", *q, and *¯, the distinction of which was retained in Cushitic and Chadic, but was merged into *¯ in Semitic and Egyptian. In a number of cases, however, it is still difficult to exactly reconstruct the root consonants on the basis of the available cognates (esp. when these are from the modern branches, e.g., Berber, Cushitic-Omotic, or Chadic). In such cases, the corresponding capitals are used (denoting only the place of articulation).

Setting problems. The Ukrainian Irmologions represent to our contemporaries the musical and analytical knowledge common in the medieval Ukraine. In line with study of the Ukrainian musical-theoretical heritage, it is important to understand what problems our distant predecessors were solving and how they solved them. Relevance of the study. Studying written sources of the formation of Ukrainian science on music, today turn mainly to the first handwritten treatises, "Grammar of Music" by M. Diletsky. However, the traditions of analytical comprehension of music developed in Ukraine a little earlier and were reflected in writing in Irmologions. It is time to analyze this stage in the evolution of Ukrainian scientific and musical thought. Analysis of recent researches and publications. P. Matsenko noted the analytical abilities of the printers of that time, which were similar to the experience of the Irmologionists' scribes. M. Antonovych noticed different principles of styling in handwritten and printed Irmoologions, etc. O. Tsalay-Yakymenko approached the topic of the beginnings of the Ukrainian musical and theore-tical thought mainly in the direction of musical pedagogy. The Catalogue of the notolinium Irmologions by Yu. Yasinovsky made it possible to a separate special study of musical and analytical knowledgeof their authors-copyists. The purpose of this article. The purpose of the proposed study is the most complete and comprehensive characteristic of the medieval stage of development of the Ukrainian musical and theoretical thought with its worldview, spiritual, aesthetic and musical-stylistic traditions, views and norms. Summary of the research. The Ukrainian Irmoloy is a multi-genre song collection, skillfully composed of various (local and borrowed) songs. At the same time, these books contain all kinds of additional information that is carried in the margins of the text by glosses and interpolations. They show not only the acquired singing experience, but also the established system of the corresponding analytical knowledge. Thus, the songs were selected according to local traditions, local preferences, customs of local schools, aesthetic tastes of their scribes. The scribes were well versed in the origin of the songs that lived in their environment. Some of them pointed out the linguistic translation of the song, which, together with its musical translation from nonlinear notation to new linear notes, contributed to the spread of foreign musical material in the repertoire of local singers. The knowledge of genres is evidenced by "scars", "registers" – lists of material contained in Irmologion. The scribes were quite literate people: they combined the activities of professional musicians and skilled copyistseditors-creators of music Irmologions. Appendices to the main text – "Alphabets" – were brief summaries of initial information on the elementary theory of music. Results and their significance. The versatile activity of secular scribes-singers took place meaningfully, on the basis of certain knowledge and practical experience. Particularly noticeable is the knowledge of theological practice, genre diversity, developed musical thinking and hearing, which contributed to the rapid spread of the norms of the European tonal-harmonic system, and also figurative imagination and natural symbolic thinking, which ensured the unmistakable translation of the old Kyiv backdrop writing into a standardized noto-linear notation. Performing skills "gave the right" to edit the musical text according to their tastes and training in the environment of a particular creative school. The study of the note-linear irmoloys as indicators of early fixation of analytical comprehension of the ancient Ukrainian liturgical creativity proves that it was born long before the appearance of its first written evidence.

Abstract INTRODUCTION: high-dose chemotherapy (HDC) followed by autologous hematopoietic stem cell transplantation (ASCT) is a curative option for relapsed diffuse large B-cell lymphoma (DLBCL). However, relapse within 1 year after diagnosis, previous therapy with rituximab and secondary IPI = 2 or 3 have been associated with unsatisfactory outcome even after ASCT, thus the better treatment of these patients is matter of debate and efforts are ongoing in order to improve survival. METHODS: on a total of 146 DLBCL patients receiving ASCT, we identified 78 adult patients who had responsive but still measurable disease after first-line therapy or relapsed/progressive disease with one or more adverse features as specified above. All patients were >18 years old and received ASCT at our institution. Patients were grouped according to the administered treatment: 1) n= 21 patients were in response but not in complete remission (CR) after first-line and received HDC and ASCT; 2) n= 48 patients had refractory or relapsed disease and received salvage chemotherapy followed by HDC and ASCT (n=46 single ASCT, n=2 double ASCT); 3) n=9 patients received salvage therapy then tandem autologous-allogeneic SCT due to the presence of any of the above mentioned adverse features. For all patients, salvage chemotherapy was mostly VIHA or DHAP with the addition of rituximab. Most used regimens of HDC were Melphalan 200 mg/mq or BEAM. Among the nine patients undergoing tandem auto-allo, eight received Melphalan 200 mg/mq and one BEAM; allogeneic donors were either HLA-identical siblings (n=3), unrelated (n=1) or haploidentical ones (n=5). All conditioning regimens before allogeneic SCT were reduced-intensity or nonmyeloablative. RESULTS: at last follow-up, survival rate is 57% for group 1 (12 alive out of 21 patients), 27% for group 2 (13/48) and 67% for group 3 (6/9). Cause of death in this last group was disease relapse/progression for all 3 cases (2 patients were in partial remission (PR) before allo, 1 in CR). Disease status before allogeneic SCT for the 6 alive patients was CR (n=3) and PR (n=3). Their follow-up is +8, +24, +26, +40, +45 and +70 months since ASCT. Of note, survival rate was 74% for the 47 patients receiving HDC and ASCT in first CR (candidated upfront to ASCT due to high-risk IPI at diagnosis) and 62% for the 21 relapsed patients who did not present any of the above mentioned adverse features at relapse. Those two groups were taken from the same initial sample of 146 patients. CONCLUSION: for patients affected by relapsed DLBCL with one or more adverse prognostic features, administration of allogeneic SCT after ASCT as a tandem strategy provides promising results compared with patients receiving ASCT alone and deserves further investigation, especially taking into account the rapid expansion of platforms using T-cell replete haploidentical grafts. Upfront HDC followed by ASCT appears to be a valid option for those patients in PR after first-line therapy, with a 57% survival rate in our series. Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

Abstract Since the IRIS Study in 2000, tyrosine kinase inhibitors (TKI) have become a standard therapy for CML patients in lieu of interferon based therapy. Nevertheless, resistance occurs in roughly 30% of imatinib-treated patients. This resistance is attributable to ABL kinase domain mutations in 50% of cases, in which T315I mutation accounts for 10 to 15%. This latter is resistant to all TKIs available except for ponatinib which enables 75% of complete cytogenetic response (CCyR) in this setting (NEJM November 29, 2012). Before Ponatinib, various strategies were proposed to overcome the T315I mutation including more importantly ‘non-targeted' therapy such as Omacetaxine. IFN is also a ‘non-targeted therapy' known to have a well-established immunological effect. There are also clues about its cellular effects: microarray analyses have shown that IFN alfa can upregulate genes that encode for apoptotic proteins (i.e TRAIL, Fas, caspases 4 and 8 and XAF-1…) conferring the anti-growth effect different from ATP competition specific to TKIs. We report here an 80 years-old imatinib-resistant CML patient harboring the T315I mutation who has been successfully treated with Peg-IFN (Pegasys). His past medical history involved hypertension, asthma and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease. He was diagnosed in July 2008 with a chronic phase CML when he presented with weight loss, splenomegaly, leukocytosis (WBC 80G/l), slight anemia (Hemoglobin 112G/l) and normal Platelet count 240G/L. Karyotyping of 26 metaphase cells in the bone marrow showed Philadelphia (Ph1) chromosome without any additional abnormality. The molecular analysis by real time PCR (Light Cycler 480) detected a BCR-ABL p210 transcript. The Sokal score was high (at 1.24) while the Eutos score was low (31). He started Imatinib 400mg daily in July 2008 and achieved 5% IS BCR-ABL ratio at 3 months and complete cytogenetic response (CCyR) at 12 months. But the patient had never reached the major molecular response (MMR) and ended up losing the cytogenetic response in February 2012 (at 40 months) with an increase of 1.5log in the BCR-ABL ratio. Sequencing analysis for ABL mutation was carried out using the applied biosystems 3500 gentic analyzer. It revealed the T315I mutation at 20%. After a request for Ponatinib was dismissed by our health authorities, we decided to treat the patient with Peg-IFN in June 2012 at the dose of 90 µg per week. At this point, the imatinib had been stopped for 3 months, 8 metaphase cells out of 20 showed Ph1 chromosome without additional abnormality, BCR-ABL ratio was 3% IS, the mutational analysis showed 50% of T315I and 20% of another acquired E255K mutation. But the patient was still in complete haematologic response. figure 1 highlights the decline in the BCR-ABL ratio with MMR reached for the first time at 9 months (from Peg-IFN treatment). Of note, the CCyR was obtained again at this landmark. At 12 months from the Peg-IFN the CCyR was confirmed, the BCR-ABL ratio came very close to MMR4 (0.02% IS) while both T315I and E255K mutations disappeared on mutational analysis. Figure 1 Figure 1. No side effect was reported except for weight loss when the dose of Peg-IFN was increased to 180 µg per week which was the dose suggested by J.H. Lipton (Leukemia and Lymphoma, March 2007). The average dose in the past 12 months was 90 µg per week. The latter dose is well tolerated and is still ongoing. This observation shows that, though we are in the ponatinib era, there still is a room for interferon, in the management of CP CML patients even in BCR-ABL domain mutated patients because of its different mechanism of action. In this case the Pegylated Interferon a-2-a at the dose of 90µg per week has allowed clearance of both T315I and E255K mutations with a response close to MMR4. Taking into account the slope of the BCR-ABL decline, deeper molecular response is expected before the ASH meeting in December 2013. Disclosures: No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

Background:Rheumatoid arthritis (RA) often contributes to the development of kidney disease. Angiopoietin-like proteins can be target markers for studying cardiorenal complications of RA [1].Objectives:Assessment of the correlation of serum concentrations of angiopoietin-like proteins types 3 and 4 (ANGPTL 3 and 4) with the progression of renal dysfunction in RA patients.Methods:114 patients with reliable RA (90.4% of women, 9.6% of men) aged 21 to 80 years (mean age 55.4 ± 11.2 years old), disease duration - 11.18 ± 9.03 years, positive for rheumatoid factor (RF-IgM) - 63.2%, positive for anti-citrullinated protein antibody (ACPA) - 59.7%) were examined. The laboratory examination included the determination of serum concentrations of angiopoietin-like protein type 3 (Human Angiopoietin-like Protein 3 ELISA, Bio Vendor, Czech Republic) and type 4 (RayBio Human ANGPTL4 ELISA Kit; RayBiotech, USA). To assess renal function in RA patients we used the calculated glomerular filtration rate (GFR) according to the CKD-EPI formula [2], taking into account the height and weight of a particular patient without indexing by body surface area. GFR values <60 ml / min / 1.73 m2 were regarded as a certain decrease, and GFR values from 60 to 89 ml / min / 1.73 m2 - as a slight decrease in global kidney function.Results:The concentration of ANGPTL3 in the blood serum of RA patients (n = 158) was 641.9 ± 224.5 ng / ml, and that of ANGPTL4 (n = 158) - 3.15 [0.77; 12.1] ng / ml. 74.7% (n = 118) were considered positive for the presence of ANGPTL3; 49.4% (n = 78) of RA patients were recognized as positive for the presence of ANGPTL4. The average glomerular filtration rate in RA patients was 74.0 ± 18.6 ml / min. More than а half of the examined RA patients had GFR ranging from 89 to 60 ml / min / 1.73 m2 (C1 - 21.5%; C2 - 58.9%; C3 - 19.6%). No sharp reduce of renal function (GFR <30 ml / min / 1.73 m2) corresponding to CKD C4-5 stages was recorded. Negative correlations of average strength were found between GFR and the level of ANGPTL 3 (r = -0.32, p <0.001) and ANGPTL 4 (rS = -0.31, p <0.001), as well as with age (rS = -0.28, p <0.001), the duration of RA (rS = -0.22, p = 0.005) and blood pressure increase (rS = -0.25, p = 0.001). On the basis of GFR measurements, patients were divided into three groups: group I - optimal renal function (> 90 ml / min); group II - a slight decrease in renal function (89-60 ml / min); group III - reduced renal function (<59 ml / min).Table 1.Content of ANGPTL 3 and 4 in RA patients with different GFR, ng / mlGroup I (n=34)Group II (n=93)Group III (n=31)ANGPTL 3533,4±161,7 I-III650,0±223,9733,2±244,1ANGPTL 40,77 [0,28;3,6] I-II, I-III3,3 [0,93;12,1]6,48 [1,52;19,3]Note: upper case indicates intergroup differences at p <0.05.There was a significant difference in the content of ANGPTL3 in patients of the first group and the patients of the third group (H-test = 6.55, p = 0.032) and ANGPTL4 in the group of patients with normal renal function (group I) and groups of RA patients with decreased GFR (group I- II: H-test = 10.7, p = 0.001; groups I-III: H-test = 20.1, p <0.001). ANGPTL4 indices also had intergroup differences (groups II-III: H-test = 7.2, p = 0.007) with GFR less than 90 ml / min.Conclusion:Chronic rheumatoid inflammation potentiates the development of renal dysfunction according to our data in 78.5% of patients. It is also accompanied by an increase in the content of ANGPTL types 3 and 4 in the blood of RA patients. A better understanding of the actions and mechanisms of ANGPTL may be of paramount importance for the development of effective ways of treatment for cardiorenal complications in RA.References:[1]Aleksandrov A., Aleksandrov V., Shilova L. Study of the role of angiopoietin-like protein type 4 in metabolic disorders caused by inflammation in rheumatoid arthritis. Ann Rheum Dis. 2020;79(s1):1341. doi: 10.1136/annrheumdis-2020-eular.4558.[2]KDIGO 2012 clinical practice guideline for the evaluation and management of chronic kidney disease. Kidney Int Suppl. 2013;3:1–150.Disclosure of Interests:None declared