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1

Martens-Czarnecka, Małgorzata. "The Christian Nubia and the Arabs." Studia Ceranea 5 (December 30, 2015): 249–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.05.08.

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Nubia constituted the area in the Nile Valley in the present day Sudan, the area which spread from the first cataract up to the place where the White Nile meets the Blue Nile. The area was inhabited by the population using a common language – Old Nubian. In the second half of the sixth century thanks to the missions send by the Byzantine Court, Nubia accepted Christianity as a state religion. Nubia immediately found itself in the area of influence of Byzantine culture. Byzantine administration, liturgy of the Eastern Church and the Greek language were introduced. In 641 the Arab conquest of Egypt took place. Soon after that in 642, the Arab army entered the Nubian territory and from this date centuries of clashes and peace treaties characterized relations between Nubians and Arab peoples. The 13th century marks slow decline of the kingdom of Nubia. Hostile Negro tribes from the South and South-West appear in the Mid Valley of Nile. Fights weaken the kingdom; slow islamization of the country follows, royal rule and Christian faith falls and together with those culture and arts deteriorates. The history of military as well as political or commercial Nubian-Arabic contacts over entire period of existence of Christian kingdom of Nubia undoubtedly had to bring about certain artistic trends in Nubia originating from rich heritage of Muslim culture. The culture of Christian Nubia originally based to considerable extent on Byzantine art, in course of time, subjected to more and more intense Arabic influence, significantly changed. Arabic components seen in Nubian church architecture, wall painting and art crafts became predominant, which over following centuries led to creation of Arabic culture of the contemporary Sudan.
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2

Carruthers, William. "Records of Dispossession: Archival Thinking and UNESCO's Nubian Campaign in Egypt and Sudan." International Journal of Islamic Architecture 9, no. 2 (July 1, 2020): 287–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijia_00015_1.

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Abstract This article discusses the creation of architectural and archaeological archives in newly independent Egypt and Sudan during the International Campaign to Save the Monuments of Nubia, organized by UNESCO (The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization). This initiative took place in the contiguous border regions of Egyptian and Sudanese Nubia from 1960 until 1980 in response to the building of the Aswan High Dam. Contingency in these archives demonstrates the necessity of acknowledging the (post-) colonial social and historical conditions in which they were produced. UNESCO's campaign sought to record ancient remains that would be submerged by the High Dam's floodwaters. During the campaign, UNESCO set up 'documentation centres' that helped codify what knowledge about Nubian architecture/archaeology might be archive-worthy, producing index cards dedicated to this purpose in Egypt (concentrating on monuments) and Sudan (centring on archaeological sites). This practice ‐ echoed by other organizations involved in the work ‐ was often purposefully forgetful of contemporary Nubia, whose material traces were also soon to be flooded. Nevertheless, such practices rendered visible other unauthorised histories of Nubia that subverted archival knowledge production: histories of local involvement with the campaign and now-submerged Nubian settlements. This article therefore argues that it is not only possible, but also ethically imperative, to repurpose the Nubian campaign's archives towards the acknowledgement of erased Nubian histories.
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3

Тубин, Славиша. "Христијанизација Нубијe и везе са Византијом до X века." Theological Views – Religious and Scientific Journal / Теолошки погледи – версконаучни часопис LIV, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.46825/tv/2021-3-411-428.

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Indications of the first baptismal endeavors in Nubia can be traced back to the apostolic period. The final baptism of all three Nubian states (Nobatia, Makuria, Alodia) took place in the 6th century. A strong and lasting alliance with Byzantium implied cultural, religious and trade contacts. The historiography is dominated by the theory of the collapse of Nubian- Byzantine ties after the Islamic Conquest of Egypt in the 7th century. The similarity of Nubian society with Byzantine after the seventh century is explained by the theory of memory of Byzantium in Nubia. On the other hand, relying on the Arab-Byzantine sources, the trade relations between Nubia and Byzantium can be traced back to the 10th century. According to Ibn Yahya the Nubians appear as a guard of emperors in Constantinople. The general Byzantine term of the Ethiopians mainly denoted various East African peoples in Byzantine sources. In the tenth century, it is possible to identify Nubians in such mentions.
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4

Cockitt, Jenefer. "Does the Surviving Palaeopathological Evidence Support the Case for a Medical Tradition in Ancient Nubia?" Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 89 (September 2013): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.89.s.4.

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For over a hundred years, palaeopathologists have studied the ancient Nubian population, examining the patterns of disease and trauma evident in the surviving human remains. Despite the remarkable amount of progress made in this area, there have been few attempts to discern whether there is enough available evidence to support the existence of a defined ancient medical tradition in the country, akin to that in neighbouring Egypt. Given the lack of textual sources for prehistoric Nubia, evidence for such a tradition must be sought in the human remains themselves. Here, an assessment will be provided of the possible palaeopathological evidence for healthcare practices in ancient Nubia, focusing in particular on the artefacts from the first Archaeological Survey of Nubia. The data presented, although tentative, represent the first point on the road to greater understanding of ancient Nubian medical traditions.
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5

Agha, Menna. "Nubia Still Exists: On the Utility of the Nostalgic Space." Humanities 8, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h8010024.

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The Egyptian government displaced all Nubian villages to build the High Dam. New generations of Egyptian Nubians still identify as displaced and live in a nostalgic virtual space that carries a rendition of a paradise-like old Nubia. I investigate this spatial phenomenon by surveying Nubian literary and oral tradition, which displays signs of belonging to a geography that is no longer material. This paper lays out a conceptualisation of this space of nostalgia perpetuated in a metanarrative of a utopian lost land, that poses it as a disembodied territory while nostalgia is territoriality. From my position as a Nubian woman and a scholar, I use auto-ethnographic tools to methodically decode and layout this territory. The paper offers empirical evidence of the effect of these virtual territories on materialised spatial production and, therefore, argues that Nubians remain space makers by carving their own virtual territory and that Nubia still exists.
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6

Ochała, Grzegorz. "Nubica onomastica miscellanea V: Reedition of two Old Nubian lists of names from Qasr Ibrim." Journal of Juristic Papyrology, no. 50 (August 2, 2021): 233–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.36389/uw.jjurp.50.2020.pp.233-261.

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Unlike previous instalments of the ‘Nubica onomastica miscellanea’-series which focused on correcting single names or phrases in Nubian texts, its fifth part brings the complete reedition of two more substantial texts originally published by Giovanni Ruffini. The former is a list of witnesses to a deed of land sale (P. Qasr Ibrim IV 65) and the latter an account (P. Qasr Ibrim IV 80). While the main subject of the paper are personal names that can be found in the two documents, other elements, such as grammar, lexicon, and – especially for P. Qasr Ibrim IV 80 – the matter of the document are also duly treated. By identifying ghost-names in Ruffini’s edition and proposing the identification of new Old Nubian substantives, the paper enhances our knowledge about the vocabulary of the language. Last but not least, the new interpretation of P. Qasr Ibrim IV 80, which – for the first time in medieval Nubia – appears to explicitly state the value of certain commodities in dirhams, is an important contribution to the studies on the monetisation of Nubian economy.
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7

Khalil, Mokhtar, and Catherine Miller. "Old Nubian and Language Uses in Nubia." Égypte/Monde arabe, no. 27-28 (December 31, 1996): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ema.1032.

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8

van Pelt, W. Paul. "Revising Egypto-Nubian Relations in New Kingdom Lower Nubia: From Egyptianization to Cultural Entanglement." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 23, no. 3 (October 2013): 523–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774313000528.

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Building on recent criticisms of Romanization, this contribution formulates a systematic critique of the concept of Egyptianization and suggests a different theoretical approach to cultural process in New Kingdom Nubia that benefits from the insights of ‘cultural entanglement’. This approach emphasizes multidirectional and interactive perspectives that allow for a variety of acculturative outcomes rather than one-sided assimilation. A useful epistemological framework for its application in archaeology is illustrated through two case studies, focusing respectively on representations of Egyptianized Nubians in Egyptian art and Lower Nubian burial customs. The outcomes of the case studies argue for a provocative re-reading of cultural process in New Kingdom Lower Nubia, and may help to clarify the general picture of Nubian history by explaining why and how Nubian traits re-appeared in the Napatan-Meroitic Kingdom of Kush. Finally, the article considers some broader methodological and theoretical issues relating to cultural mixture in the archaeological record.
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9

Gratien, Brigitte. "La Basse Nubie a L'Ancien Empire: Egyptiens Et Autochtones." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 81, no. 1 (December 1995): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339508100110.

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Was Lower Nubia inhabited during the Old Kingdom? Since G. A. Reisner's hypothetical ‘B Group’ was discounted, the archaeological sources seem to have contradicted the Egyptian texts, which give the impression of an area which was populated, if not prosperous. Examination of recent finds, however, suggests the existence of a Nubian population between Aniba and the Second Cataract, and the greater part of the Nubian pottery discovered on the Old Kingdom site at Buhen may provide the most convincing evidence for this.
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10

Barras, Colin. "Finding Nubia." New Scientist 256, no. 3407 (October 2022): 38–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(22)01823-1.

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11

Makowski, Piotr, and Vincent W. J. van Gerven Oei. "In search of Nubian master-builders: an architectural drawing from the Cathedral in Faras." Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean 25 (May 15, 2017): 809–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.3017.

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A makeshift drawing from the Cathedral in Faras may be a depiction of the ground plan of a church. Nevertheless, the naive appearance of the sketch and an almost complete lack of sufficient parallels from either Nubia or the Eastern Mediterranean make a proper examination of this assumption unfeasible. A reassessment of the architectural drawing from the cathedral, however, draws a wider perspective for a discussion of originality in Nubian architecture. The following paper presents the rather modest evidence available for a study of the nature of Nubian architecture from the point of view of its builders.
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12

Almansa-Villatoro, M. Victoria. "Reconstructing the Pre-Meroitic Indigenous Pantheon of Kush." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 18, no. 2 (November 26, 2018): 167–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341299.

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Abstract This article sets out to address questions concerning local religious traditions in ancient Nubia. Data concerning Egyptian gods in the Sudan are introduced, then the existence of unattested local pre-Meroitic gods is reconstructed using mainly external literary sources and an analysis of divine names. A review of other archaeological evidence from an iconographic point of view is also attempted, concluding with the presentation of Meroitic gods and their relation with earlier traditions. This study proposes that Egyptian religious beliefs were well integrated in both official and popular cults in Nubia. The Egyptian and the Sudanese cultures were constantly in contact in the border area and this nexus eased the transmission of traditions and iconographical elements in a bidirectional way. The Meroitic gods are directly reminiscent of the reconstructed indigenous Kushite pantheon in many aspects, and this fact attests to an attempt by the Meroitic rulers to recover their Nubian cultural identity.
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13

Fernea, Robert A., and Friedrich W. Hinkel. "Exodus from Nubia." International Journal of African Historical Studies 19, no. 1 (1986): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/218709.

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14

BROWNE, Gerald M. "Lachmannus et Nubia." Le Muséon 109, no. 3 (August 1, 1996): 261–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/mus.109.3.525808.

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15

Bianchi, R. S., and Friedrich W. Hinkel. "Exodus from Nubia." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 22 (1985): 208. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40000407.

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16

Nobles, Vera L. "Nubia and Egypt." Journal of Black Studies 26, no. 4 (March 1996): 431–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479602600404.

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17

Simmons, Adam. "The Nubian “King” in Constantinople (1203): Interactions between Nubia and the Mediterranean." Medieval Encounters 28, no. 3 (September 28, 2022): 242–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340139.

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Abstract The visit of the Nubian “king” to Constantinople in 1203 during the Fourth Crusade was a unique episode in the history of crusading and survives in only one account, that of the French knight Robert de Clari. No other Crusade witnessed a similar encounter with a Nubian royal, yet the “king’s” appeareance is not described by any other Latin European, or even alluded to in contemporary Byzantine documents either. Despite this apparent ignorance in the sources, the “king” and his companions were seemingly the product of centuries of interactions between Christian Nubia and the Mediterranean which had developed over 600 years and remained intact despite the disturbances of the Arab conquests and the Crusades, as well as recently formed connections. This article seeks to situate the visit within these interactions to better understand how and why this encounter occured.
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18

Łaptaś, Magdalena. "Byzantine influence on Nubian painting: the loroi and the gender of the Archangels." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 114, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 239–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2021-9011.

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Abstract The conversion of the Nubian Kingdoms, by the missions sent from Constantinople in the sixth century, was followed by Byzantine influence on Nubian art. One of the most obvious examples of this process was representing archangels dressed in loroi. This paper aims to present the evolution of loroi in Nubian art. In Byzantium, they were ceremonial stoles worn on special occasions by the emperors or the highest dignitaries. The archangels were also clad in loroi, acting as high officials at the celestial court. Interestingly, loroi were adopted only for the images of archangels in Nubia, not for the images of Nubian kings. At the end of the 10th century, the lower end of the loroi was expanded to a broader segment resembling the Byzantine thorakion, typical of female images. This could have added splendor to their garments, but could it have also highlighted the vague gender of the archangels?
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19

Zieliński, Łukasz. "New insights into Nubian archery." Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean XXIV, no. 1 (February 28, 2016): 791–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.0164.

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Archeological sites in Nubia are a continuous source of new material connected either generally or specifically with Nubian archery. Objects of this kind discussed here and in other publications of excavated assemblages (including excavations of the Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archeology, University of Warsaw) are seldom perceived as such, indiscernible as they are among the range of metal objects judged as being weaponry in a general sense. The lack of any synthetic work on Nubian archery is also evident in the literature in general and the few works that undertake the theme contain errors that are in need of being corrected. This article deals with issues related to the topic, which, although discussed separately, will hopefully work toward establishing the groundwork for a final reconstruction.
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20

TSAKOS, Alexandros. "Miscellanea Epigraphica Nubica V: El nombre de las cuatro criaturas del apocalipsis en la Nubia cristiana." Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 11 (September 30, 2014): 253–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/cco.v11i.205.

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El quinto artículo de la serie está centrado en las inscripciones que acompañan a las famosas pinturas murales de la Nubia cristiana, concretamente las leyendas de nombres de las Cuatro Criaturas del Apocalipsis. La identificación de una muy probable fuente de inspiración para los nombres particulares utilizados en Nubia lleva al poder ritual de tales nombres y al papel desempeñado por la oralidad en la transmisión de estas tradiciones textuales.
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Wyżgoł, Maciej. "A decorated bronze censer from a cathedral in Old Dongola." Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean 26, no. 1 (July 9, 2018): 773–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.1811.

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A bronze censer found in the Church of Brick Pillars in Old Dongola in 1968 provides unique insight into the role of such liturgical vessels in medieval Nubia. In this new study of the iconography and production technique of this vessel, coupled with an epigraphical analysis of the Greek and Old Nubian inscription around the edge, the author suggests that the vessel was crafted by Makurian craftsmen sometime in the first few hundred years after the conversion of the Nubian kingdoms to Christianity (in the 6th or 7th century AD). Seeking sources of inspiration for the Dongolan masters of the metal-working craft, the author looks to the Byzantine Empire, where close parallels for the decoration of the Nubian censer can be found in late antique silver objects. This leads to a discussion of trade relations between the Byzantine Empire and the Kingdom of Makuria, and the possible exchange of official gifts.
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Adams, William Y. "Peasant archaeology in Nubia." Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa 39, no. 1 (January 2004): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00672700409480392.

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23

Springuel, I., and K. J. Murphy. "Euhydrophytes of Egyptian Nubia." Aquatic Botany 37, no. 1 (June 1990): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0304-3770(90)90061-o.

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24

Kobishchanov, Yu M. "The Christianization of Nubia." Russian Journal of Church History 3, no. 3 (October 9, 2022): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15829/2686-973x-2022-113.

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Out of all the regions and cultures of the Christian East, Nubia remains the one least studied, with the smallest number of researchers taking upon themselves the task of studying its political history, its Church and its archaeology. Below is the English version of the chapter of the book by the famous Russian historian Yuri M. Kobishchanov.
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25

Pudło, Aleksandra. "Population of Nubia up to the 16th century BC." Anthropological Review 62 (December 30, 1999): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1898-6773.62.07.

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The article presents anthropological characteristics (morphological features, paleodemography and paleopathology) of the population inhabiting Nubia from the end of the Upper Palaeolithic till the 16th century BC. The material basis for this work consisted of the collections of bones coming from the archaeological researches carried out in Nubia.
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26

Rowley-Conwy, Peter. "The Camel in the Nile Valley: New Radiocarbon Accelerator (AMS) Dates from Qaşr Ibrîm." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 74, no. 1 (August 1988): 245–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338807400134.

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Radiocarbon Accelerator (AMS) dates from Qa,r Ibrim demonstrate that camels were present in Nubia in the early first millennium BC. Other early evidence for the camel in the Nile Valley is reviewed, and the significance of the Qa,r Ibrirn finds for the cultural history of Nubia is discussed.
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27

Manzo, Andrea. "Weapons, Ideology and Identity at Kerma (Upper Nubia, 2500–1500 bc)." Annali Sezione Orientale 76, no. 1-2 (November 28, 2016): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685631-12340001.

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This paper would like to represent a first step in the direction of a more systematic and articulated study of the weapons and their meaning at Kerma and in the ancient Upper Nubian kingdom of Kush in the late 3rd–mid-2nd millennium bc. The main types of weapons recorded at Kerma and in other Kerma sites are described, their diachronic and synchronic distribution is outlined. The problem of their origin is discussed, as well as the social meaning that weapons may have had in Upper Nubia. The importance of military ideology and of weapons in the Kerma society is suggested, as well as their role in the identity building of the kingdom of Kush. Finally, the contribution that the study of weapons can provide for getting a more complete knowledge of the relations between Kush and Egypt is dealt with too.
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28

Matić, Uroš. "De-colonizing the Historiography and Archaeology of Ancient Egypt and Nubia. Part 1. Scientific Racism." Journal of Egyptian History 11, no. 1-2 (October 8, 2018): 19–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340041.

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Abstract The process of epistemological de-colonization of the historiography and archaeology of ancient Egypt and Nubia has begun unfolding only in the last two decades. It is still set in the context of descriptive disciplinary history with little reflection on and criticism of background theories and methods. As a consequence, some of the old approaches and concepts live on in the discipline. Utilizing the concepts of “thought collective” and “thought style” (sensu Ludwik Fleck) this paper analyzes previous works on ancient Egypt and Nubia written in the colonial discourse. Three key ideas run like threads through these works: 1. scientific racism, 2. socio-cultural evolution, and 3. colonial and imperial discourse. In this paper the emphasis will be put on scientific racism, its development, and its remnants in the archaeology and historiography of Egypt and Nubia.
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Gatto, Maria Carmela. "The Relative Chronology of Nubia." Archéo-Nil. Revue de la société pour l'étude des cultures prépharaoniques de la vallée du Nil 21, no. 1 (2011): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/arnil.2011.1028.

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30

Łajtar, Adam. "Agonistic terminology in Christian Nubia." U Schyłku Starożytności : studia źródłoznawcze, no. 19 (2020) (October 11, 2021): 261–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.36389/uw.uss.19.2020.6.

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31

Horton, Mark, and William Y. Adams. "Ceramic Industries of Medieval Nubia." Journal of Field Archaeology 17, no. 4 (1990): 485. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/530012.

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Boullata, Issa J., Idris Ali, and Peter Theroux. "Dongola: A Novel of Nubia." World Literature Today 73, no. 3 (1999): 587. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40155027.

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Żurawski, Bogdan. "Editorial - Quid novi ex Nubia." Études et Travaux, no. 32 (December 31, 2019): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/etudtrav.32.001.

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Tardos, Anne. "Ginkgo knuckle Nubia 2000–2001." Performance Research 7, no. 2 (January 2002): 106–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13528165.2002.10871860.

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35

Welsby, Derek A. "Ancient Nubia. By PeterL. Shinnie." Archaeological Journal 154, no. 1 (January 1997): 305–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1997.11078805.

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36

Ripley, S. Dillon. "BRIEF BIRD OBSERVATIONS IN NUBIA." Ibis 105, no. 1 (April 3, 2008): 108–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1963.tb02480.x.

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37

CLEMENTI, MORENO, MARCO D’ANTRACCOLI, and ANTONELLA MIOLA. "Nomenclatural and taxonomical notes on some taxa described by Roberto de Visiani from Egypt and Sudan." Phytotaxa 399, no. 1 (March 25, 2019): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/phytotaxa.399.1.6.

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We provide nomenclatural and taxonomical information on the names of sixteen taxa treated by Roberto de Visiani from Egypt and Nubia (Sudan) in his 1836 work ‘Enumerazione ed illustrazione di alcune piante dell’Egitto e della Nubia con otto tavole in rame’. We designate ten lectotypes (for Chrozophora brocchiana, Convolvulus lasiospermus, Corchorus fruticulosus, Croton obliquifolium, Heliotropium brocchianum, Lithospermum obtusum, Trianthema sedifolia, Trigonella arguta, Trigonella dura, and Volkameria acerbiana), and one neotype (for Convolvulus lasiospermus).
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O'Connor, David. "The Location of Irem." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73, no. 1 (August 1987): 99–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338707300109.

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Since Priese's well-argued article of 1974, it has been accepted by many scholars that the southern toponym Irem probably lay in Upper Nubia, although Kitchen (1977) and Vercoutter (1980) dissented from that view. After a critical review of Priese's argument and the relevant evidence, it is suggested here that Irem is rather to be located somewhere within a triangle defined by the Shendi reach, the northern Butana, and the Atbara. Historical reconstruction must, at the least, take both locational possibilities into account. The implications for New Kingdom campaigning in the Sudan are that an Upper Nubian locale for Irem indicates an insecure hold over that region, whereas a more southerly location indicates an aggressive Egyptian policy corresponding to those followed in Western Asia.
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Sugianto, Stelia. "ANALISIS TOKOH DAN PENOKOHAN DALAM NOVEL AMULET DARINUBIA KARYA MARGA T (PENDEKATAN PSIKOLOGI SASTRA)." ARBITRER: Jurnal Pendidikan Bahasa dan Sastra Indonesia 3, no. 3 (May 30, 2022): 575–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.30598/arbitrervol3no3hlm575-584.

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Penelitian ini berjudul “Analisis Tokoh dan Penokohan dalam Novel Amuletdari Nubia Karya Marga T”. Penelitian ini bertujuan mendeskripsikan tokoh dan penokohan yang terdapat dalam novel Amulet dari Nubia Karya Marga T. Sumber data penelitian ini adalah novel Amulet dari Nubia Karya Marga T. Penelitian menggunakan pendekatan psikologi sastra. Teknik pengumpulan data dalam penelitian ini adalah teknik membaca, mencatat, menandai, mengumpulkan dan mengklasifikasi data. Hasil penelitian ini merujuk pada tokoh dan penokohan. Adapun tokoh meliputi : (1) tokoh utama, (2) tokoh protagonis, (3) tokoh antagonis, (4) tokoh sederhana dan (5) tokoh komplek. Adapun watak tokoh meliputi: (1) penurut, (2) peduli dan berkorban, (3) penyayang, (4) jujur, (5) kuatir, (6) rasa ingin tahu, (7) mengagumi orang lain, (8) cemas, (9) heran, (10) tidak mudah putus asa, (11) pemalu, (12) jahat, (13) pendendam, (14) suka bergaul bebas, (15) licik, (16) serakah, (17) sombong, (18) baik hati, (19) perhatian, (20) gelisah, (21) perhatian, (22) kuatir, (23) prihatin, (24) penakut, dan (25) penipu.
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40

McNally, Sheila, and William Yewdale Adams. "Ceramic Industries of Medieval Nubia: Memoirs of the UNESCO Archaeological Survey of Sudanese Nubia I." American Journal of Archaeology 93, no. 3 (July 1989): 490. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505623.

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41

Rodríguez de Moreno, Elsa Amanda. "Espacialidad urbana y educación geográfica." Anekumene, no. 17 (May 1, 2019): 90–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17227/anekumene.2019.num17.12641.

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42

Ray, J. D. "A Pious Soldier: Stele Aswan 1057." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73, no. 1 (August 1987): 169–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338707300113.

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The stele discussed in this article was found by Reisner during the first survey of Nubia, but, apart from a small published photograph, has been neglected. The narrator, a soldier and priest of Isis at Philae named Petiesi, describes his role in the administration of Ptolemaic Nubia, and the rich donations he made to the temples of his native province. The text is partly in hieroglyphic (with unusual writings), partly in demotic, and the stele is iconographically of interest. It also sheds light on religious sentiment in Late Period Philae.
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43

Valbuena Lozano, John Fredy. "Concepciones e imágenes de ciudad." Anekumene, no. 13 (June 15, 2017): 74–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17227/anekumene.2017.num13.8381.

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44

Lobban, Richard A., and Valerie de Liedekerke. "Elephants in Ancient Egypt and Nubia." Anthrozoös 13, no. 4 (December 2000): 232–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2752/089279300786999707.

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45

PIUPC, Estudiantes Semillero. "Entrevista con Martha Nubia Bello Albarracín." Trabajo Social 21, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/ts.v21n2.79595.

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Trabajadora social de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia (1981-1987), magíster en Ciencia Política de la Universidad de Los Andes (1991-1995). Profesora del Programa de Trabajo Social de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia desde 1991. Ha sido investigadora del Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica desde el 2008. Actualmente es Directora Nacional de Investigación y Laboratorios de la Universidad Nacional. Obtuvo el premio al mejor proyecto de extensión solidaria de la Facultad de Ciencias Humanas en 1996 y 1999; el premio a la Docencia Excepcional en 1997, 1998 y 1999; y en 2014 fue reconocida como una de los treinta mejores líderes de Colombia por la revista Semana y la Fundación Liderazgo y democracia.
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46

Smith, Stuart T., and David B. O'Connor. "Ancient Nubia: Egypt's Rival in Africa." American Journal of Archaeology 100, no. 4 (October 1996): 783. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506682.

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47

Depuydt, Leo, and David O'Connor. "Ancient Nubia: Egypt's Rival in Africa." Journal of the American Oriental Society 116, no. 3 (July 1996): 531. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605159.

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48

Mosjsov, Bojana. "Ancient Nubia: Egypt's Rival in Africa." African Arts 27, no. 4 (1994): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3337323.

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49

Klitzsch, Eberhard. "Stratigraphy of the Strata of Nubia." Zeitschrift der Deutschen Geologischen Gesellschaft 140, no. 1 (January 1, 1989): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1127/zdgg/140/1989/151.

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50

Edwards, David N. "The Archaeology of Sudan and Nubia." Annual Review of Anthropology 36, no. 1 (September 2007): 211–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.anthro.36.081406.094305.

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