Journal articles on the topic 'Nubian languages – Dialects – Morphology'

Embedded imperatives are cross-linguistically very rare. They are attested, for instance, in modern languages such as Slovenian and High German and historical languages such as Ancient Greek and Old Scandinavian. In the literature, it has long been established that imperatives can also be embedded in some Kajkavian dialects of Croatian, but to date, this phenomenon has not been thoroughly analyzed. The paper deals with the material collected by field research and analyses it within the framework of Medeiros’ (2015) minimalist approach to embedded imperatives, according to which the embedding of imperatives is possible only in the languages in which imperative morphology does not depend on the directive operator. In the researched Kajkavian dialects, embedded imperatives can occur only in complement clauses, but older texts show that in the written language, embedded imperatives are also possible in relative clauses. Unlike many other languages in which imperatives may be embedded, in the researched Kajkavian dialects, embedding is relatively free. Both true and surrogate imperatives may be embedded, the subject of embedded clauses can be null and overt and does not necessarily have to co-refer to the internal argument of the matrix predicate.

Abstract This article analyses sub-dialects of the South-Western Kurzeme region in Latvia. The focus is on the most prominent phonetic, morphological and lexical features of these sub-dialects, and their usage in the 21st century. The sub-dialects of South-Western Kurzeme have many characteristic features found in their phonetics and morphology. In the South-Western Kurzeme sub-dialects, there are native lexemes – words from the ancient Curonian language and also borrowed lexemes, as language contact has been an ongoing fact of life in South-Western Kurzeme. This region has been influenced by several languages – both neighbouring and more distant.

The Jilu dialect of North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) stands apart from other dialects in a number of ways, in its vocabulary, in its morphology, and in its phonology. One of these divergences is the fact that in many words where other dialects have the vowel a, in Jilu we find e. In this article we will develop an account of the origins of this phenomenon. We will describe the motivation for the change and place it in the context of similar developments in other languages.

The purpose of this study was to determine the phonological and morphological structure of the Java language dialect of Banten. The method used is descriptive-research. The researcher used methods into the field directly with data collection done by recording the written language and spoken language recording data. The study was conducted in the District Kronjo and Mekar Baru subdistrict, Tangerang. Both districts are predominantly speak dialects of Java Banten. The data described are living languages ​​and used in Tangerang. The data is sourced from the spoken language. The sample is done randomly based on the use of languages ​​in order to obtain sorts of the Java language dialect Banten. Informants were used as sources of information and data. This informants used in this study are (1) native speakers who settled in the area, (2) are not physically disabled, especially those associated with the pronunciation, and (3) have a good memory. For the validity of the data is taken at least two informants in every village. In addition to the informant, the informants also who have sufficient knowledge in the field of the realm of life to get certain vocabulary typical area of ​​Tangerang, so as to know the structure of the phonology and morphology of the Java language dialect Banten.

This paper presents an analysis of the verbal morphology and associated phonological processes in Asante Twi, a member of the Akan group of languages/dialects spoken in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire, which belongs to the Nyo subgroup of the Kwa language family (Lewis 2009). There has been considerable interest in Akan in the theoretical literature, largely due to some peculiarities in the tense/aspect system which will be addressed later in this paper. However, the verbal morphology and phonology have been given relatively little attention. In this paper I show that the verbal morphology exhibits a number of interesting properties including tonal marking of tense/aspect categories – the latter having been largely ignored or misrepresented in the previous literature.

We consider the general phonetic features of the northern patois (patois of the north-western group) of the Azerbaijani language. We analyze long and short vowel variants, offence of the harmony rule, sound transitions, phonetic differences created by consonant sounds in patois, as well as the characteristic features of phonetic changes in morphology and syntax in the compara-tive context of Oguz and Kipchak languages. We also address the problems of naming dialects and patois of the Azerbaijani language. We examine the specific features of the Kipchak language elements in the phonetic characteristics of the northern dialects. We determine that in the 17th-18th centuries the Azerbaijani language developed under the influence of various dialects of the Oguz and Kipchak languages, as evidenced by the peculiarities of phonetic changes. These are, in particular, the more frequent use of velar n, a lot of sonorant consonants, the replacement of the sound ə with e, more stunning vowels, etc. The analysis of the patois vocabulary of the Azerbaijani language northern dialect confirmed the opinion of researchers about the influence of migration processes and the presence of many Turkic ethnic groups in the region on these processes. Some of these features of linguistic influence are observed to this day.

Focus on verbal operators such as aspect or tense ("predication focus", lucidly described by Hyman & Watters (1984) under the label "auxiliary focus") has been noticed to exist in African languages of Afroasiatic and Niger-Congo affiliation, but not so far in Saharan. The Saharan language Kanuri is assumed to have substantially reorganized its TAM system, particularly in the perfective aspect domain (Cyffer [2006] dates major changes between the years 1820 and 1900). The paper discusses, for the first time in Kanuri scholarship, the existence of a neat subsystem of predication focus marking by suffix in the perfective aspect which is made up of a total of six conjugational paradigms that uniformly encode predication focus by suffix {-ò}. Kanuri dialects differ in strategies and scope of focus marking encoded in verb morphology. In the light of data from the Yerwa (Nigeria) and Manga (Niger) dialects the paper discusses some "anomalies" with regard to general focus theory which we account for by describing the "Kanuri Focus Shift" as a diachronic process which is responsible for leftward displacement of scope of focus.

<p>West Rumelian Turkish (WRT) refers to the dialects of Turkish spoken in the western Balkans. It is now spoken primarily in Macedonia and Kosovo, but was previously spoken more broadly in Bosnia, Greece, Albania, and Serbia. They differ from other dialects of Turkish in that they have been heavily affected by neighboring Indo-European languages like Serbian, Albanian, Aromanian, Romani, and Greek, and have undergone many of the changes characteristic of the Balkan Sprachbund (Friedman 2003). In this paper, I present a pattern of multiply-marked relative clauses in Pulevski’s Turkish that has not been attested elsewhere in Turkic, in which relative clauses can be marked with one of six different combinations of overt participial morphology. I argue that this variation is caused by two factors: first, the fusion of the constructions {<em>ći</em> + finite verb} and {participle} into a new construction {<em>ći</em> + participle} and second, the introduction of relative marking using the interrogative ‘which’ based on models in surrounding Indo-European languages.</p>

This paper presents an analysis of the system of argument marking on the verb in Zaghawa. Zaghawa, also called Beria in the literature, is a Saharan language of the Nilo-Saharan language phylum spoken in the border region of Sudan and Chad. Like other Saharan languages, it has complex verbal morphology including person indexing. The primary aim of the study is descriptive in that it presents linguistic data of the underdescribed Wagi dialect which is mainly spoken in Sudan. First, the paradigm of bound verbal affixes and their morphology is described. Secondly, one of the functions of the final morpheme of the verb which has not yet been described in detail in previous studies on Zaghawa is analysed. This final morpheme interacts with the person indexes to mark plural participants, and it is exploited to mark a morphological category not yet recognized in the other dialects of Zaghawa: the exclusive/inclusive distinction in the 1st person plural. Therefore, the study provides new data on the Zaghawa verb system and contributes a further detail to our knowledge of the Nilo-Saharan language family.

Semantic contrastive linguistics theory and dialectological studiesTheoretical contrastive studies (hereinafter referred to as TCS) emerged with a view to compare and contrast natural languages on the basis of a logical interlanguage. The idea of making the TCS guidelines available to science resulted in discontinuing the division into the original language and the target language when comparing and contrasting two (or more languages), and at the same time, terminating the dependence of the resulting material (i.e. form indexes in the target language) on the formal structures in the original language. The TCS essence is included in the interlanguage, which is used as tertium comparationis in the studies. To get more on this topic see Koseska, Korytkowska, R. Roszko (2007). Till now, TCS have not been applied in dialectal studies. There are a lot of reasons for this conjuncture. First of all, dialectal studies usually concentrate on one code (i.e. only a single local dialect is being specified), whilst in TCS, a comparison and contrast between (at least two) languages is provided. Moreover, research on the dialectal differentiation of a specific language (i.e. at least two dialects (/ local dialects) are being specified together) is based on demonstrating the features shared and differentiated on the level of (a) lexis, (b) morphology (most often narrowed to demonstrate differential morphological features) and (c) syntactic (relatively most rarely). Thus, dialectal studies are essentially a description of the formal conjuncture, whereas semantic aspects are out of the area of researchers interest. With this article, I am going to break the current patterns and prove that dialectal studies can be conducted in accordance with the TCS guidelines. The advantage of such dialectal studies is not only a different/new look at a specific local dialect, but also a possibility of an instant comparison and contrast between the local dialect and the standardized language or other local dialects (of one language or another) on the semantic level providing the highest standard of the relevances demonstrated (i.e. similarities and differences).

В статье на материале рукописи «Марийские народные игры» серии «Свод марийского фольклора» (МарНИИЯЛИ, 2019) рассматриваются марийские игры в догонялки и выявляются основные морфологические модели образования их названий: существительное в номинативе, с послелогом «дене» и с аффиксом -ла (-лä); глагольная основа с суффиксом деепричастия -ын (-ен) или с суффиксом -мыла (-мӹлä). Выявляются логические соответствия форме с послелогом «дене», имеющим здесь значение инструменталя, в финно-угорских языках и русских диалектах. Обнаружена тождественность марийских и чувашских формантов в названиях игр: для отыменных форм - это суффикс -ла (-лä) ~ чув. -ла (-ле); для глагольных - мыла (-мӹлä) ~ чув. -малла (-мелле), что указывает на глубокое взаимопроникновение марийского и чувашского языков и фольклора. Выявляются и картографируются два ареала для основных морфологических моделей в марийских названиях игр: южно-западный (со структурами, изоморфными чувашским) и северно-восточный (марийско-пермский). Граница этих зон проходит в соответствии с границей между моркинско-сернурским говором лугового наречия и западными луговыми говорами марийского языка (волжским, йошкар-олинским) и коррелирует также с границей основных энографических групп мари. The article is based on the material of the manuscript "Mari folk games" (2019) of the series "The Code of Mari Folklore" and considers the Mari games of catch-up. The main morphological models of the formation of their names are revealed: noun in nominative, noun with “dene”-postposition and noun with affix -la (-lä); verbal stem with the suffix of participle - ǝ̂n (-en) or with suffix -mǝ̂la (-mǝlä). The form with the “dene”-postposition has the value of instrumental; logical correspondences to this form are revealed in the Finno-Ugric languages and Russian dialects. The identity of the Mari and Chuvash formants in the names of the games was discovered: the forms with the suffix -la (-lä) ~ Chuvash -la (-le) for the nouns; the forms with the suffix - mǝ̂la (-mǝlä) ~ Chuvash -malla (-melle) for the verbs. It indicates a deep interpenetration of the Mari and Chuvash language and folklore. Two areas for the main morphological models in the Mari names of games are clearly identified and mapped: the south-west (with structures isomorphic to the Chuvash) and the north-east (Mari-Perm). The border of these zones is in accordance with the border between the Morki-Sernur sub-dialect of the meadow dialect and the western meadow dialects of the Mari language (Volga and Yoshkar-Ola sub-dialects). This boundary also correlates with the boundary of the main enographic groups of the Mari.

The article deals with the verbal morphology in the monument of Mari writing “The Beginnings of Christian doctrine...” (published in Kazan in 1841). Among the earliest publications in the Mari language, this is one of the most voluminous texts, including Concise Sacred History and Catechism. The dialectal basis of the considered text is a Meadow dialect, at the same time the verbal morphology (mainly in the plural forms) differs significantly from the literary norm of the contemporary Mari (Meadow-Eastern) language. As a result of comparison with dialectological data, the correspondence of the verbal morphology in the monument to the conjugation in the western subdialects (Volga, Yoshkar-Ola) of the Meadow dialect is revealed. (These dialects turned out to be peripheral during the formation of the literary Meadow-Eastern Mari language in the 20th century. The verbal morphology of the literary language is based on the Morki-Sernur subdialect of the Meadow dialect and the Eastern dialect of the Mari language.) At the same time, the specific verb forms of Western subdialects of the Meadow dialect revealed in the monument and described in the article largely correlate with the conjugation in Western Mari dialects (Hill and North-Western), including the literary norm of the Hill Mari language. In general, the analysis of the verbal forms (with preliminary consideration of phonetic and vocabulary data) allows us to define the “The Beginnings of Christian Doctrine…” (1839 / 1841) as a most important early written monument of the Volga subdialect of the Meadow dialect and a valuable source on the historical dialectology of the Mari language. Keywords: Finno-Ugric languages, Mari language, Vol

This article discussed the influence of the Quran on Arabic in the perspective of modern linguistics. With a linguistic approach, this article finds seven aspects of language that occur in the impact of the Quran on Arabic, namely: preservation of Arabic, the stability of Arabic, the unification of Arabic dialects, enrichment and development of Arabic, refinement of Arabic and the spread of Arabic. These seven linguistics aspects certainly make Arabic the only language in the world whose linguistic rules do not change, both in terms of phonology, morphology, syntax or semantics, which does not occur in any word in the world. In this world, there have been many languages that have died because of the death of their owners, or languages that are weak because of the weakness of their owners. This condition is different from Arabic, which is the language of the Quran. The language relations between Arabic and the Qur'an have made this language sustainable until then.

Studies of language contact in Mesopotamia have tended to concern themselves principally with lexical borrowing and structural influence, and to focus on the interaction of Akkadian with Sumerian and (in later times) Aramaic. This paper attempts to innovate on the field in two respects. First, studies of language contact in Mesopotamia largely neglect the sociolinguistic aspects of the phenomenon, which have been problematized with rewarding results in a large and ever-growing body of sociolinguistic literature. A masterly study by Adams has recently shown that sociolinguistic methods can successfully be applied to corpus languages, in his case Latin. Sociolinguistic aspects of language contact are the primary focus of this paper. Second, instead of the interaction between Akkadian and another language (Sumerian, Aramaic), we shall be concerned with that between dialects of Akkadian itself, which can be distinguished through phonology, morphology and, to a lesser extent, lexicon: Neo-Assyrian and two dialects of Babylonian. The Babylonian dialects, respectively vernacular Neo-Babylonian and so-called “Standard Babylonian” (GermanJungbabylonisch), appear in different epistolary contexts. As the language of scholarship andbelles lettres, Standard Babylonian occurs in learned citations, and was used to elevate one's language. We will encounter it frequently in letters written to the king by Neo-Assyrian scholars. Vernacular Neo-Babylonian was the base dialect of numerous letters by and to Babylonians. Characteristically Neo- (as opposed to Standard) Babylonian forms are usually not found in Assyrian letters.

Abstract Old Arabic had many expressive derived forms: firstly, the forms with radical repetition, consonant reduplication and/or vowel lengthening; secondly, the forms with prefixes, suffixes or infixes. Most of these formatives survived in the Arabic dialects, but Arabic scholars generally focus on diminutive noun forms (nominal and adjectival forms) named taṣġīr in Arabic. This article presents the rules of formation of the diminutive in the Ḥassāniyya Arabic dialect, in which this derivation applies to the whole lexicon, including verbal forms. The derivational morphology of the diminutive constitutes a kind of double derivation, characterized mainly by the infixation of -(a)y- – the position of which varies depending on the patterns and on the nature of the base lexeme. The article then analyzes the use and meaning of diminutives in context, studied within two corpora: a corpus of traditional tales and a corpus of courteous poems. The study of these corpora shows that in Ḥassāniyya, pejorative uses of the diminutive are as prominent as meliorative ones. Finally, the article discusses the “root-and-pattern” mode of formation in Arabic and the diverse derivations attested in Arabic dialects, comparing their values with those reported for other languages in the world. Evaluative morphology is shown to be particularly prevalent in Ḥassāniyya, and it is hypothesized that this correlates with the pragmatic function endorsed by the diminutive in this language. This function allows for both positive or negative interpretations of diminutive forms, depending on the context, so that diminutives can express a broad range of emotions.

Language is a human characteristic and is a natural talent that adorn the human. Language is often interpreted as a dialect, the old Arabs said that Arabic is their dialect and bad language according to them is an inappropriate dialect which has no measure and and does not include Arabic fusha. The emergence of human language or the first forms that appeared on it. It comes in the life of language, what it takes in the voices, the structure of morphology, structures of syntax and breadth and narrowness and the rise and fall, and the divisions of the dialects and conflict with others, and the result of the conflict of continuity or death or predominance or widening or receding and faded before the predominance of another language , And common languages, this area is called language life (Vi Du language).

This article is a continuation of ongoing debate on the development of Lithuanian dialectology, the issues of which were first addressed and published in 2015. One of the key ideas expressed by the specialists of dialectology was a proposal to start the development of an extensive model of interests of Lithuanian dialectology. The model could encompass a historical approach, i.e. issues of the development of Lithuanian dialects, essential features of that development as well as the most significant empirical and methodological transformations. The second approach would focus on the perspectives of Lithuanian dialectology which can be placed on the basis of the existing model of interests in Lithuanian dialectology and specific studies carried out in the field. This article proposes a perspective-based plan of research into dialectology and attempts to suggest a tool to implement that plan. The article begins with several introductory remarks about the author’s view towards the existing state of Lithuanian dialectology. It could be briefly described in the following way: traditional dialectology: neogrammarian atomism (exclusive of the theory of dialectology) → structural dialectology: → phonology and natural morphology (inclusive of the theory of phonology and natural morphology but exclusive of the theory of structural dialectology) → the new dialectology: (inclusive of the theory of dialectology: geolinguistics and sociolinguistics, the dynamic socio-cognitive view). The proposed perspective-based plan of research consists of seven stages, namely: typological, varieties (lects) and variants, dialectometry, sociolinguistics and language contacts, perceptive, salience, and empirical. The article does not seek to describe each of the stages in great detail or to review extensive research literature existing on the aspects discussed above. The main aim of this article is to identify and discuss some research trends which are relatively new in Western linguistics and to suggest their application in Lithuanian dialectology. Perhaps this could initiate a discussion among Lithuanian and, possibly, foreign dialectologists working with Lithuanian and Slavic languages with regard to theoretical and methodological issues pertaining to dialectology research. Arguably, the foundation of such a prospective discussion was laid in the work “Lithuanian Dialects of the Early 21st Century: A Geolinguistic and Sociolinguistic Study. Maps and their Commentaries”. Hopefully, this review article will also contribute to the prospective discussions and motivate young researchers of dialects to embark on dialectology research by applying new trends in Lithuanian dialectology.

On the origins of dialectological research into South Slavic languages, 120 years since Milan Rešetar’sprojectPaper presents the brief history of the first investigations into South Slavic dialects. It contains the Polish translation of Rešetar’s questionnaire “Pitanja ogovoru prostoga naroda” published in 1897, with some comments on methodology. The author presents the investigated dialectic phenom­ena in the field of phonetics, morphology and syntax based on afew responses. Some lexical charac­teristics of speech at the time are also explored. The instructions are compared with the contemporary approach to dialectological research. Other comments on the pioneer research are presented from the perspective of diachronic dialectology.O počecima dijalektoloških istraživanjakod južnih Slavena povodom 120 godišnjice Rešetarovog projektaRad predstavlja kratku povijest prvih dijalektoloških istraživanja kod južnih Slavena. On sadrži ipoljski prijevod Rešetarovoga upitnika Pitanja ogovoru prostoga naroda objavljenog 1897 s meto­dološkim komentarima. Na osnovu nekoliko odgovora, autor donosi istražene dijalektološke pojave na području fonetike, morfologije isintakse. Također, navodi ineka leksička obilježja ondašnjeg govora. Upute su uspoređene isa suvremenom metodologijom dijalektoloških istraživanja. Navede­ni su idrugi komentari opionirskom istraživanju uperspektivi dijakronijske dijalektologije.

Abstract Dongxiang is a language mainly spoken in the Autonomous District of southwest Gansu Province, People’s Republic of China. The Dongxiang nationality (東鄉族), as they are officially called, represents about 300,000 speakers. The Dongxiang language is one of the peripheral Mongolic languages spoken in the Gansu-Qinghai area, also known as the Shirongol group. These languages have been isolated from the other Mongolic languages and have been influenced by the surrounding Chinese dialects to a greater or lesser degree. They have common typological forms inherited from Middle Mongolian as well as features which have been induced by language contact. In this paper, I shall discuss the reflexive possessive markers in the Dongxiang language with a special focus on the suffix -nugvun. I shall show that the functions and use of Dongxiang reflexive possessive markers -ni and -ne are similar to those of the common Mongolic markers *-ni and *-xAn. The reflexive possessive marker -nugvun seems to be found in Dongxiang only and its origin remains unclear. In sources available from the 1980s to the 2000s, it is found associated with a restrictive number of pronouns, nouns, and idiomatic expressions and is highly grammaticalized. However, in more recent sources, it is found associated with a greater number of nouns and seems to have more semantic implications. Moreover, it is also found in a role which could be associated with that of a pronoun, and which can receive a plural and reflexive morphology. Nugvun can be used completely independently and is probably a calque of the Chinese dialect of Linxia 個家ge42 jia243 . This shows that it is most probably an innovation developed from the original suffix.

Aims and Research Questions: This paper describes the repetitive prefix in Agul (Lezgic, East Caucasian), focusing on the grammaticalization path of this morpheme. The main question to be addressed is the hypothesis that the prefix has been copied from the closely related Lezgian language. Approach, Data and Analysis: Firstly, I provide a detailed description of the morphology and semantics of the repetitive prefix (‘again’, ‘back’) in comparison to the system of locative prefixes in Agul, showing that despite the formal similarity with the ‘post’-localization prefix (meaning ‘behind’), the repetitive prefix is distinct both functionally and paradigmatically. I then compare the repetitive and ‘post’-prefix in Agul with their counterparts in Lezgian and other Lezgic languages. Findings/Conclusions: While the relation of the meaning ‘behind’ to ‘again’ is cross-linguistically common, the development of a special repetitive prefix in Agul is only attested in the two southern dialects, whose speakers have been in long-term contact with Lezgian – a language that possesses a productive repetitive prefix/infix. It is thus natural to assume that the Agul prefix has a contact-induced origin. I also show that this is not the only grammatical phenomenon of southern Agul that has been influenced by Lezgian. Originality and Significance: The morphological properties and functions of the repetitive prefix in Agul have not been described in detail before. The conclusion that this prefix is a morphological copy is remarkable, because Lezgian is one of the two languages most closely genetically related to Agul, and also because the borrowing of the prefix has led to the emergence of affixal ‘etymological doublets’ in Agul. Limitations: It remains to be investigated to what extent ‘post’-prefixes in other Lezgic languages show signs of grammaticalization towards repetitive prefixes, and also whether the two markers can become paradigmatically distinct, as with Agul.

I discuss the variation concerning agreement with coordinated subjects in Dutch dialects. I show that a verb or a complementizer in several variants of Dutch agrees with the first conjunct of a coordinated subject and in other variants with the coordinated subject as a whole. I argue that this variation can be accounted for by the interaction between the syntactic derivation and the post-syntactic morphological component.More specifically, I argue that syntax establishes an agreement relation with both the coordinated subject as a whole and the first conjunct of the coordinated subject. Subsequently, during the post-syntactic morphological derivation, one of these agreement relations will be overtly expressed on the Probe. The decision as to which one of the two relations is spelled out depends on the affix inventory of the language or dialect. More specifically, the subset principle is extended in such a way that, confronted with the situation in which a Probe is related to two Goals, an affix is inserted for the relation which results in the most specific agreement morphology. The analysis is extended to the typologically unrelated languages Irish and Arabic.

The principles of making maps and commentaries to The Atlas of the Baltic LanguagesPeople in Lithuania and Latvia speak related languages which belong to the Baltic branch. The fate of both states was also similar. After the restoration of independence of both countries in 1990 it was very important to bring out the similarities which link them. This is how the idea of making an atlas of the Baltic languages evolved.Preparing the Atlas of the Baltic Languages Lithuanian and Latvian linguists hope for the following: 1) to research using the geolinguisitc method into what has been common in the Baltic languages; 2) to record the boundaries of the former common area of the living Baltic languages as it was at least at the end of the 20th century; 3) to demonstrate the vast variety of the Baltic dialects which have been formed naturally in the course of history; 4) to prove the variance and archaism of the lexicon, phonetics, morphology and word formation, syntax and other linguistic phenomena, which exist in the living Baltic languages on the basis of the data obtained from old writings and dialects.The material is not only part of the historical and cultural heritage of the two related nations but also a very valuable treasure of linguistic data on an international level, which can supply much information not only to experts in the Baltic and Slav languages but also to specialists on Indo-European linguistics, ethnography, history, archaeology and other branches. Принципы составления карт и комментариев к Атласу балтийских языковВ Литве и Латвии процесс общения осуществляется на родственных языках, относящихся к балтийской ветви индоевропейской группы. После восстановления независимости государств в 1990 г. для обеих народов важным стало не только сохранение национального идентитета, но актуализация объединяющих их общих явлений. Таким образом возникла идея создания Атласа балтийских языков. При подготовке Атласа балтийских языков литовские и латвийские языковеды должны были решить следующие задачи: 1) пользуясь геолингвистическими методами выявить общие признаки живых балтийских языков; 2) установить общую площадь распространения родственных явлений и фиксировать ее границы на конец XX в.; 3) представить многообразие диалектов балтийских языков, сформировавшихся в ходе исторического развития; 4) на основе сведений диалектов и старых письменных источников раскрыть разнообразие и архаичность лексики, фонетики, морфологии, словообразования, синтаксиса и других общеязыковых явлений.Материалы Атласа балтийских языков являются неотъемлемой частью исторического и культурного наследия родственных народов; они важны и в международном масштабе, поскольку содержат полезную информацию не только для специалистов в области балтийских и славянских языков, но и для широкого круга исследователей-индоевропеистов: лингвистов, историков, археологов и др.

Balinese has a stratified system called anggah-ungguhing basa Bali. The existence of this system is distinguished it from Indonesian and / or the other regional languages in Indonesia. In addition, Balinese has two major dialects, namely the Bali Aga dialect and the Bali Dataran dialect. The Bali Aga dialect does not recognize the language level system, on the contrary, in the Bali Dataran dialect this system greatly influences the use of Balinese language itself. The difference in this system was also reflected in its morphological system, especially in forming the words with nasal prefix. It was interesting to be observed. In relation with that, this writing focused on the Balinese nasalization system. The purpose of this research was to find out the rules of Balinese nasalization. The data in this study were collected by using literature study and observation methods. Then, the data were analyzed using descriptive analysis methods. The theory used in investigating this problem was morphology theory. After analyzing the data that had been collected, it was found that the nasal prefix {N-} in Balinese which was affixed to the original form or the basic form which was preceded by certain phonemes, that had already changed form. The form of this changing was called an allomorph. Thus the allomorphs found from the merging of the nasal prefixes were: n- {n-}, m- {m-}, ng- {ŋ-}., And ny- {ñ-}.

Introduction. The article reviews background studies on the Mansi language and its dialects performed by European and Russian (Soviet) linguists. Goals. The paper seeks to provide a comprehensive historical description of Mansi language research. Methods. The descriptive and comparative-historical methods have been employed thereto. Results. The work arranges the studies chronologically — from earliest research activities to contemporary ones — highlighting most essential achievements. Mansi is one of the least studied languages with earliest written accounts dating to the 16th-17th centuries. The earliest Mansi dictionaries were compiled by explorers and missionaries (I. Kuroedov, S. Cherkalov, P. S. Pallas, etc.) in the 18th century. In the 19th century, the Mansi language officially became a subject of scientific research, and expeditions by Finnish and Hungarian linguists (Antal Reguly, August Engelbrekt Ahlqvist, Bernát Munkácsi, Artturi Kannisto) proved the first field studies. In the 20th century, quite a number of European scientists have contributed to Mansi language research, namely: W. Steinitz, L. Honti, K. F. Кarjalainen, M. Bakró-Nagy, K. Rédei, M. Szilasi, and others. In Russia, the first Mansi studies were initiated by Soviet scholars in the 1930s (V. Chernetsov, A. Balandin). Studies in spoken Mansi evolved into a national Cyrillic alphabet, and for the first time ever there were published comprehensive works dealing with Mansi studies, textbooks on Mansi phonetics, morphology, and grammar. Experimental phonetic explorations emerged in the mid-to-late 20th century resulting in new Mansi dictionaries (A. Sainakhova, T. FrankKamenetskaya, E. Rombandeeva, and others). Mansi studies in the 21st century in Russia and Europe have reached a brand new level: there appeared online research laboratories and linguistic platforms which make it possible to further investigate the Mansi language and verify up-to-date materials.

The papers published in this issue of Balgarski ezik are unified by the idea of presenting the peculiarities of the language varieties spoken by Bulgarian communities that live outside the state borders of present-day Bulgaria. In these new studies, one can trace the influence of the scientific ideas, theoretical views and remarkable teaching activity of an eminent Bulgarian scholar, Prof. Ivan Kochev, to whose 85th anniversary this issue is dedicated. He was the first of a generation of scholars succeeding the classics of Bulgarian linguistics such as Lyubomir Miletich, Stefan Mladenov and Benyo Tsonev to turn the study of the Bulgarian language throughout its historical territory, both within and outside the contemporary borders of Bulgaria, into his “symbol of faith”. In addition, some of the articles discuss the current state of the language spoken by the Bulgarian diaspora. The first two papers present recent lexical and phonetic data from the dialects of two Bulgarian villages in the Prizren Region that provide further evidence on the geographical position of the western boundary of the Bulgarian language continuum. The material has been collected by the authors of the articles in recent years as a result of personal field research. Luchia Antonova-Vasileva’s study On the Distinction of Dialects of Closely Related Languages at the Lexical Level explores the dialectal differences between Bulgarian and Serbian on the basis of lexical data from a recently studied Bulgarian dialect spoken in the Republic of Kosovo. Revealing the dialect-specific, common Bulgarian and common Slavic tiers of the vocabulary of the dialect of the village of Rahovets in the Prizren Region, the author undoubtedly proves its Bulgarian nature. In her paper The Reflexes of the Proto-Slavic Combinations *tj, *dj, *kt’ and Palatalisation Changes in the Plosives т, д, к and г in the Phonetic System of the Dialect of the Village of Rechane, Prizren Region – New Data, Iliyana Garavalova adduces authentic, although not very abundant, dialect material which corroborates the existence of one of the most typical diagnostic phonetic features of the Bulgarian language – the reflexes шт, жд – in the dialect of the Prizren village of Rechane. Georgi Mitrinov studies The Bulgarian Immigrants’ Dialect of the Village of Musabeyli, Edirne Region in comparison with the Rhodope dialect of the village of Vievo, Smolyan Region, where the inhabitants of Musabeyli hail from. The author discusses the linguistic data in light of historical, geographical and demographic information about the village over a period spanning more than 100 years and continuing into the present day. Based on material from the dialect of the residents of seven villages in the Tsaribrod Region collected by the author himself, Kiril Parvanov analyses the dialect’s most significant archaic features in the domain of morphology. Pointing out the symmetrical bilingualism observed in the dialect of the population of the Western Outlands, he provides linguistic data that clearly prove its Bulgarian character. An intriguing addition to the analysis are several recipes revealing unknown folk medicine practices and experience. Daniela Andrei’s paper The Bulgarian Ethnic Minorities in Oltenia, Romania. The Language of the Inhabitants of Sviniţa as an Ethnographic Group within the Bulgarian People is a contribution to the study of the language and culture of Bulgarian minorities in Romania. The author discusses archaic and recent phonetic features of the ancient dialect of the village of Sviniţa in Mehedinţi County, which shares common features with the dialect of the village of Novo Selo, Vidin Region. She goes on to make an overview of the rich bibliography on this topic, concluding that the language and culture of the Bulgarian minority in Oltenia merit further research. Ana Kocheva adds new details To the Characterisation of the Mixed Language of Second-Generation Viennese Bulgarians. As noted by the author, the language of Viennese Bulgarians preserves major features of the Bulgarian language, but bilingualism of a subordinate type is also observed. The variability between Bulgarian and German typical for the first generation of Bulgarian emigrants is gradually being replaced through the natural stabilisation of the German elements. Katerina Usheva traces the interesting Historical Development of the Old Bulgarian Etymological Vowel А (Я) in the Dialects of the Southern Part of the Э Isoglottal Zone (the regions of Razlog, Sandanski, Petrich, Gotse Delchev, Drama, Serres and Thessaloniki) and emphasises on the archaic nature of the umlaut in the Razlog and Thessaloniki Regions. Simeon Stefanov studies A Peculiarity in the Description of the Local Traditional Clothes Made by the Administration of the Shumen Region in 1888 (On Material from Archive 427 l. 68a-80a). The author analyses the lexis and style of hitherto unexplored documents from the late-19th century which provide data on the way different social and ethnic groups dressed in post-Liberation Bulgaria. The featured articles by established and younger scholars are a contribution to the study of the language of Bulgarian communities abroad that undoubtedly show that even today, whether spoken in or outside the boundaries of the Bulgarian language continuum, these language varieties preserve the most important characterristics of Bulgarian.

Traditionally three independent types of analogical change in inflectional paradigms are distinguished: proportional analogy, paradigmatic leveling and analogical extension. However, the investigation of the data reveals that out of these types only that of proportional analogy can be empirically verified, being supported by clear evidence from languages with well documented history. Moreover, as shown by data from Russian, Old High German dialects, Old Saxon, Old English, and Latin, even in the most secure cases of paradigmatic leveling or analogical extension found in the literature the assumption of proportional analogy is either probable or cannot be excluded. Consequently the three traditional types of analogical change seem to differ with respect to their ontological status. On the one hand, paradigmatic leveling, i.e. the elimination of allomorphy in inflectional paradigms, is to be viewed merely as a motivation for change whose operating principle really is proportional analogy. On the other hand, analogical extension, i.e., the extension of already existing inflection forms through affixes with comparable function, seems to be just a possible way to describe the results of changes which, again, may in fact be instances of proportional analogy. These findings have the following implications for linguistic theory and practice. In practical work on inflectional morphology paradigmatic leveling and analogical extension without the use of proportional analogy can no longer be used in explanations on reconstructed stages of language development. All proposed explanations of this kind are to be supported by establishing an underlying proportional analogy or reconsidered if this is impossible. The proposed distinction between the motivational factors of change, to which paradigmatic leveling may belong, and its operational principle, which always seems to be proportional analogy, leads to a new three-level model of analogical change in inflectional paradigms: On the first level there are the motivational factors, on the second the proportional relations, and on the third level we find the factors governing the choice of a particular proportional relation. Furthermore, it can be shown that a number of morphological processes that have been described recently, such as the spread of the so called ‘superstable inflectional markers’ in nominal paradigms, the ‘externalization of inflection’ in pronouns and ‘product-oriented modifications’ in verbal conjugation, actually operate on the basis of proportional analogy. The widespread belief that assumed ‘superstable markers’ can be transferred from one inflectional type to another without a proportional base is founded on an unnecessary modification of the notion of proportional analogy that can be shown to be highly problematic by adducing empirical evidence. The most prominent instances of ‘superstable marker’ transfer in the North Germanic noun inflection are in fact clearly based on proportional relations between the inflectional patterns involved as soon as the chronology of the development is taken into consideration. It can also be shown that the shape of the ‘externalized’ inflection forms in pronominal paradigms of Old Norse cannot be accounted for by means of analogical extension but that, again, only proportional analogy provides a sufficient explanation for the attested structures. In addition, it can be demonstrated that proportional analogy offers an explanation for a similar development in Georgian. The often-supposed cases of ‘product oriented modifications’ without proportional analogy in the history of English verb inflection can be explained differently with the help of dialectal variation. Hence, they are not a counterargument against the notion of proportional analogy as the only empirically supported operational principle of analogical change in inflectional paradigms, argued for in this paper.

After we started direct communication and collaboration with foreign scholars, we immediately noticed that one of the reasons of miscommunication derives from the lack of discussion of terminological synonymy as well as the concept of a term. For example, miscommunication may occur due to such issues as the understanding and the relationship of such terms as a borrowing and a foreign word, such Lithuanian words as naujadaras, naujažodis and neologizmas which are usually all rendered in English as a neologism, language policy and language planning, etc. In addition, numerous debatable issues arise regarding the use of the term marker and its synonyms in the context of morphology and the choice of different terms to refer to the administrative style (kanceliarinis, dalykinis, administracinis stilius in Lithuanian). There is a tendency to opt for an international term since it facilitates communication with foreign scholars. This article explores terms that deal with language ‘standardness’ used in linguistic research and in written public discourse. In addition, it raises a question of whether it would not be useful to replace the term of common language with that of standard language. In our opinion, the term standard language better reflects such aspects of a given language variety as its normative nature, national status, formality, a consistent and natural acquisition of the language system as well as the application of the acquired knowledge in the processes of language standardisation and language policy. Certainly, replacing a term with a different one is not difficult, i.e. it is a matter of agreement and intention; however, in our case the question seems to be directly related not only to terminology but also to the concepts that they signify. On the one hand, international practice shows that local terms remain local and cause problems in translating them into other languages; on the other hand, it also reflects differences in the content of the terms when they are used to refer to different stages of language development.Several terms were used in Lithuanian linguistics to refer to language standardness. Jonas Jablonskis used the term written language. The scholar emphasised that he chose the term deliberately since he was not aiming at codifying spoken language and since written language was deemed as the most important in his time. The term common language created by Pranas Skardžius entered public use only in 1927. However, after 1950, the term of common language was replaced by the Russian term literary language. It was no better than other terms, it had no traditions in Lithuania but it was important as a political stance of showing how united Soviet linguistics was. Such purposeless change of terms was not accepted well by linguists working both in Lithuania and abroad. This issue was discussed on many occasions in writings by Skardžius, Jonikas and it was debated widely by Lithuanian linguists. The term common language was started to be used again in 1969.Today the status of our language is different: we have the system of established vocabulary, grammar, the whole language system is standardised, we have institutions that set and monitor language norms (State Commission of the Lithuanian Language and the State Language Inspectorate), institutions that foster Lithuanian, standardised language is used in all public domains, its status is established by a special law. As a result, contemporary situation can be defined by two clear terms: 1) Lithuanian which encompasses dialects, sociolects, idiolects and which also subsumes borrowings and jargon since it is part of our daily language which is not regulated by any laws or resolutions; 2) standard language which is understood as a language variety of the highest prestige. We do not suggest that the use of the term common language should be abandoned but we believe it should have a different place in the system of terms. As we are familiar with the way language development processes are termed in other countries the examples of which are provided in the first part of this article, we argue that common language may refer to a certain stage in the development of our language. Thus the language of a pre-standard stage used by the whole nation which has been more or less standardised can be referred to by the term common language. It would involve such language use which occurs in the initial stages of the development of a standard language, i.e. it would no longer refer to some tribal or dialectal language but rather to the general language used by the whole nation or its substantial part which first occurs in a written form and which is standardised only on the primitive or intuitive level without any language policy at the national or any other institutional level. However, this stage is over now and therefore, similarly to Latvians, we have to use the term standard language. In our opinion, standard language is a standardised language variety which is used in public discourse (state management, media, school) and in international communication.

The paper presents research findings with 56 Roma children from Macedonia and Serbia between the ages of 3-6 years. The children’s knowledge of Romani as their mother tongue was assessed with a specially designed test. The test measures the children’s comprehension and production of different types of grammatical knowledge such as wh–questions, wh-complements, passive verbs, possessives, tense, aspect, the ability of the children to learn new nouns and new adjectives, and repetition of sentences. In addition, two pictured narratives about Theory of Mind were given to the children. The hypothesis of the authors was that knowledge of the complex grammatical categories by children will help them to understand better the Theory of Mind stories. The results show that Roma children by the age of 5 know most of the grammatical categories in their mother tongue and most of them understand Theory of Mind. References Bakalar, P. (2004). The IQ of Gypsies in Central Europe. 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AbstractThe aim of this paper is to analyze how Romani has integrated nouns borrowed from various languages during its history with regard to grammatical gender. First the gender system of Romani is characterized in contrast to the European languages it was in contact with, and which were the most important changes Romani underwent concerning gender marking. In the following sections, the assignment of gender to various loan layers is discussed, pre-European (Iranian and Armenian), Greek, Slavic, Romanian, Hungarian, and German, among them non-gender, three-gender and two-gender languages. Greek appears to have had the most profound influence on Romani gender morphology. Concerning Romani Mixed dialects, attention is payed to the changes that took place in the inherited, Indic, layer.

In this study we represent the bilingual language situation in the ethnolinguistic community of Serbs in Ingolstadt, recorded over the period of time from 2010 until 2013. The paper also addresses the occurrences of bilingualism and diglossia in the context of contact linguistics, their classification, as well as the samples of bilingualism in the researched corpus, with the accompanying phenomena of language contact. The obtained cross-section of the sociolinguistic and linguistic situation of the researched ethnolinguistic community, as well as the research results, refer to the specific community and specific corpus. Nonetheless, obtained results with certainty allow introspect into the life cycle dynamics tendency for the Serbo-German bilingual communities. Reflecting upon the research results we may conclude that our investigated sample, which can expand onto the entire research corpus, can be regarded as being almost in the second last phase of the language change process. A rather significant part of the corpus in the further development of the language change process would certainly be the third generation of working migrants. Further direction of the bilingual community development will most likely be dependent upon this generation, as well as other accompanying factors. In the researched sample we can observe different percentual representation of balanced bilinguals and dominant bilinguals, as well as passive and receptive bilinguals. The fact that there is a significant percentual presence of passive and receptive bilinguals among the third group of migrants explains the situation that one part of the second generation of working migrants in the researched community is powerless before the pressure of social networks, economic and social relations that we find in the social majority group. They abandon teaching their children the Serbian language, and they perceive the German language as the capital asset through which those who belong to the third generation of working migrants can gain top positions in the education system and in the market as well. In the language practice of bilingual speakers there is the phenomenon of language contact from the first to the third generation, specifically in the occurrence of transference (mixing of two language systems on the basis of phonetics, morphology, syntax) or in code switching (mixing of two languages from the communicative aspect). Transference, as a phenomenon in the direct and indirect language contact, may have multiple results which will be considered in future papers on the issue of language contact phenomenon. Finally, under the environmental effect (standard German language, German dialects), as well as the effect of different language community dialects the members of the first generation of working migrants come from, a new language is developed. This new language cannot be called the Serbian language spoken by the Serbs in the homeland but namely we propose a new term Serbian diaspora language in Germany. This language as such is then transferred onto the new generations and/or its use declines in one and sustains in other domains. Ultimately, at the end of this process, as many contact linguistic researches have illustrated, an inevitable situation may occur where a life cycle of the bilingual community might come to an end and there might be a complete language change of the minority with the majority community.