Journal articles: 'Oaxaca Valley (Mexico)'

1

Balkansky, Andrew K. "Urbanism and Early State Formation in the Huamelulpan Valley of Southern Mexico." Latin American Antiquity 9, no. 1 (1998): 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972127.

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A long-running debate in archaeology is the analytical priority given to local vs. interregional-scale factors in the origins of complex societies. These alternate approaches have often pitted local-scale, environmentally determined models against the large-scale, sociopolitical demands of ancient cities and states. In the archaeology of Oaxaca, Mexico, these distinctions are apparent in efforts to model the impact of Monte Albán on the development of complexity outside the Valley of Oaxaca. Huamelulpan, located in the western Mixteca Alta, Oaxaca, was one of Mesoamerica's first urban centers. But despite several decades of intermittent work, the site had never been surveyed, and nearly nothing was known of the surrounding region. A systematic archaeological survey of Huamelulpan and its environs studied the urban transition from a regional perspective. Huamelulpan's urbanization was strongly correlated with the formation of a state-level polity. Interaction with Monte Albán occasioned these developments, albeit in ways more indirect than colonization or conquest. An approach to culture change is outlined that uses archaeological survey data to shift the scale of analysis between local, regional, and interregional levels to interpret the transition to city and state in Oaxaca's Huamelulpan Valley.

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Christensen, Alexander F. "Odontometric microevolution in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." Journal of Human Evolution 34, no. 4 (1998): 333–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jhev.1997.0194.

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3

Nicholas, Linda, Gary Feinman, Stephen A. Kowalewski, Richard E. Blanton, and Laura Finsten. "Prehispanic colonization of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." Human Ecology 14, no. 2 (1986): 131–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00889236.

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4

Stubblefield, Morris, and Carol Stubblefield. "The Story of Lay and Gisaj. A Zapotec Sun and Moon Myth." Tlalocan 6, no. 1 (2016): 46–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.tlalocan.1969.249.

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5

Feinman, Gary M., and Linda M. Nicholas. "At the Margins of the Monte Alban State: Settlement Patterns in the Ejutla Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico." Latin American Antiquity 1, no. 3 (1990): 216–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972162.

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A recent systematic archaeological survey in the Ejutla Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico, enables us to examine long-term settlement-pattern changes in this small region and its shifting Prehispanic relation with the larger, adjacent Valley of Oaxaca. Throughout the sequence, Ejutla was settled less densely than Oaxaca, though the degree of difference varied through time. Ejutla was not a simple microcosm of Oaxaca; rather the former region shifted from a sparsely inhabited frontier to a more-dependent periphery that maintained different degrees of autonomy over time. Through a multiscalar examination of this contiguous area larger than a single valley, new perspectives are gained concerning political and economic relations and processes at the macroregional scale for the southern highlands of ancient Mesoamerica.

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Flores-Márquez, E. L., R. E. Chávez, R. G. Martínez-Serrano, J. Herrera-Barrientos, A. Tejero-Andrade, and S. Belmonte. "Geophysical characterization of the Etla Valley aquifer, Oaxaca, Mexico." Geofísica Internacional 40, no. 4 (2001): 245–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/igeof.00167169p.2001.40.4.408.

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La ciudad de Oaxaca ha incrementado considerablemente sus necesidades de agua durante los últimos 20 años. El acuífero que produce casi el 80% del total de agua que se consume en la ciudad proviene del Valle de Etla, localizado al noroeste de la ciudad. La explotación intensiva del acuífero ha reducido su calidad. La geometría de esta cuenca se estimó a partir de modelos de 2.5 dimensiones obtenidos a partir de datos de gravimetría, a lo largo de cuatro perfiles, tres de ellos orientados en la dirección W-E y otro en la dirección N-S. El grosor sedimentario alcanza 730 m como máximo. La interpretación de la información geológica y de los datos gravimétricos muestran que las milonitas del Mesozoico pertenecientes a la Sierra de Juárez y las rocas metamórficas de la Sierra de Oaxaca subyacen el relleno sedimentario. El patrón de fallas inferido controla el comportamiento tectónico de la región y la circulación de agua subterránea. Se estimó la posición de la falla de Etla a profundidad a partir de los perfiles gravimétricos. Estos estudios indican que el Valle de Etla es un graben de gran pendiente acotado por las fallas de Etla y Oaxaca. Los principales acuíferos se encuentran dentro de los horizontes Terciario y Cuaternario. Veintitrés Sondeos Eléctricos Verticales (SEV) se realizaron hacia la porción central del valle. Estos permitieron inferir el grosor del primer acuífero (20 m a 50 m). Los pozos en el área se emplearon para establecer una correlación entre los horizontes resistivos y la estratigrafía. Se llevaron a cabo tres perfiles de tomografía eléctrica en la porción sur del valle. Uno de ellos mostró la base del primer acuífero a 50 m de profundidad. Las capas sedimentarias que pueden contener un alto grado de saturación incrementan su grosor hacia el norte, siguiendo la configuración del basamento. Por otro lado, las mediciones electromagnéticas realizadas con un equipo EM-34 mostraron que la zona vadosa tiene un grosor de 20 m hacia el centro del valle. Estos estudios también sugirieron una posible fuente de contaminación que se encuentra en la parte norte de la ciudad de Oaxaca.

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Goman, Michelle, Arthur Joyce, and Raymond Mueller. "Stratigraphic evidence for anthropogenically induced coastal environmental change from Oaxaca, Mexico." Quaternary Research 63, no. 3 (2005): 250–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.yqres.2005.02.008.

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Previous interdisciplinary paleoenvironmental and archaeological research along the Río Verde Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, showed that Holocene erosion in the highland valleys of the upper drainage basin triggered geomorphic changes in the river's coastal floodplain. This article uses stratigraphic data from sediment cores extracted from Laguna Pastoría, an estuary in the lower Río Verde Valley, to examine changes in coastal geomorphology potentially triggered by highland erosion. Coastal lagoon sediments contain a stratigraphically and chronologically distinct record of major hurricane strikes during late Holocene times. Three distinct storm facies are identified from sediment cores obtained from Laguna Pastoría, which indicate that profound coastal environmental changes occurred within the region and are correlated with increased sediment supplied from highland erosion. The Chione/Laevicardium facies was deposited in an open bay while the Mytella/barnacle facies and sand facies were deposited in an enclosed lagoon following bay barrier formation. We argue that highland erosion triggered major geomorphic changes in the lowlands including bay barrier formation by ∼2500 cal yr B.P. These environmental changes may have had significant effects on human populations in the region. The lagoon stratigraphy further indicates an increase in mid–late Holocene hurricane activity, possibly caused by increased El Niño frequencies.

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8

Spencer, Charles S., and Elsa M. Redmond. "The Chronology of Conquest: Implications of New Radiocarbon Analyses from the Cañada de Cuicatlán, Oaxaca." Latin American Antiquity 12, no. 2 (2001): 182–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972055.

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Recently obtained radiocarbon determinations from the Cañada de Cuicatlán, Oaxaca, Mexico, have made it possible to revise the chronological placement of the Perdido phase (from 600-200 B. C. to 750-300 B. C.) and the Lomas phase (from 200 B. C.-A. D. 200 to 300 B. C.-A. D. 200), the latter being the phase for which substantial evidence of a Zapotec conquest of the Cañada has been recovered. The revised chronology brings the Lomas phase into close alignment with the Late Monte Albán I (300-100 B. C.) and the Monte Albán II (100 B. C.-A. D. 200) phases, during which the early Zapotec state emerged with its capital at Monte Albán in the Oaxaca Valley. The new Cañada dates support the proposition that territorial expansion outside the Oaxaca Valley played a major role very early in the process of Zapotec primary state formation. This strategy of extra-Valley expansion appears to have been initiated before all areas within the Oaxaca Valley were fully integrated into the Zapotec state.

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9

DILLEY, MAXX. "SYNOPTIC CONTROLS ON PRECIPITATION IN THE VALLEY OF OAXACA, MEXICO." International Journal of Climatology 16, no. 9 (1996): 1019–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1097-0088(199609)16:9<1019::aid-joc74>3.0.co;2-q.

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10

O'Brien, Michael J., and Dennis E. Lewarch. "Regional analysis of the Zapotec empire, Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." World Archaeology 23, no. 3 (1992): 264–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438243.1992.9980179.

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11

Feinman, Gary M., and Linda M. Nicholas. "Intensive survey of hilltop terrace sites in Oaxaca, Mexico." Antiquity 74, no. 283 (2000): 21–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00066023.

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As part of a long-term project examining the Classic-Postclassic (AD 200-1520) domestic economy in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, we have completed intensive mapping and surface survey at three large, hilltop terrace sites in eastern Tlacolula: Guirún (Saville 1900; 1909), El Palmillo and the Mitla Fortress (Holmes 1897). Earlier surveys (Kowalewskiet al. 1989) indicated that all three sites were craft production centres (stone working) and had extensive Classic and Postclassic occupations (Feinnian & Nicholas 1996).

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12

Konwest, Elizabeth, and Stacie M. King. "MOVING TOWARD PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE NEJAPA VALLEY OF OAXACA, MEXICO." Chungará (Arica) 44, no. 3 (2012): 499–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0717-73562012000300012.

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13

Faulseit, Ronald K. "State Collapse and Household Resilience in the Oaxaca Valley of Mexico." Latin American Antiquity 23, no. 4 (2012): 401–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/1045-6635.23.4.401.

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AbstractA two-year project of survey, surface collection, and excavation on the hill of Cerro Danush within the site of Dainzú-Macuilxóchitl in Oaxaca, Mexico, was focused on identifying and characterizing the Late Classic (A.D. 600–850/900) and Early Postclassic (A.D. 850/900–1300) components of the site, which coincide with the political fragmentation and reorganization of complex society within the Valley of Oaxaca. The transition in sociopolitical organization from the Classic to Postclassic has been the subject of several research projects, but few, if any, have clearly identified an Early Postclassic settlement. A radiocarbon analysis of charcoal samples collected during the excavation of a residential complex on Cerro Danush reveals its most recent period of occupation to be between A.D. 1000 and 1300, placing it firmly within the Early Postclassic. The excavation data are contextualized with data from the surface collection, illuminating patterns of Late Classic political fragmentation and Early Postclassic household resilience. Since Dainzú-Macuilxóchitl emerged in the Late Postclassic (A.D. 1300–1521) as a powerful city-state, exploring its Early Postclassic component contributes to the study of how societies reorganize on a local level after the collapse of centralized authority, such as the Classic period Monte Albán state.

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14

Perry, L., and K. V. Flannery. "Precolumbian use of chili peppers in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 104, no. 29 (2007): 11905–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0704936104.

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15

Hodges, Denise C. "Health and agricultural intensification in the prehistoric valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." American Journal of Physical Anthropology 73, no. 3 (1987): 323–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajpa.1330730305.

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16

Cook, Scott. "Malinowski in Oaxaca: Implications of an unfinished project in economic anthropology, part I." Critique of Anthropology 37, no. 2 (2015): 132–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x15615926.

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Malinowski’s unpublished and long unavailable field notebooks from 1940 are examined to show how his fieldwork influenced the organization and content of the co-authored preliminary report (with Julio de la Fuente) of his unfinished Oaxaca Valley, Mexico project. The personal and diplomatic background of Malinowski’s Oaxaca project is reviewed, together with the origins and development of his views on economics before, during, and after his fieldwork in Melanesia. The reasons for the fitful nature of the handling of Malinowski’s Oaxaca project materials following his death in 1942 are explored, and the themes and content of his work on Trobriand economics are systematically compared with those of his work in Oaxaca. Implications of his incomplete Oaxaca project, and of other late-career writings, for his place in the history of economic anthropology are considered.

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17

Redmond, Elsa M., and Charles S. Spencer. "Ancient palace complex (300–100 BC) discovered in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 114, no. 15 (2017): 3805–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1701336114.

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Recently completed excavations at the site of El Palenque in Mexico’s Valley of Oaxaca have recovered the well-preserved remains of a palace complex dated by associated radiocarbon samples and ceramics to the Late Formative period or Late Monte Albán I phase (300–100 BC), the period of archaic state emergence in the region. The El Palenque palace exhibits certain architectural and organizational features similar to the royal palaces of much later Mesoamerican states described by Colonial-period sources. The excavation data document a multifunctional palace complex covering a maximum estimated area of 2,790 m2 on the north side of the site’s plaza and consisting of both governmental and residential components. The data indicate that the palace complex was designed and built as a single construction. The palace complex at El Palenque is the oldest multifunctional palace excavated thus far in the Valley of Oaxaca.

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18

Dillingham, A. S. "Indigenismo Occupied: Indigenous Youth and Mexico's Democratic Opening (1968–1975)." Americas 72, no. 4 (2015): 549–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2015.67.

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In April 1975, indigenous youth in Mexico occupied regional development centers throughout the southern state of Oaxaca. From the Sierra Sur town of Miahuatlán, to the arid highlands of the Mixteca Alta, to the valley of the Papaloapan Dam project, these youth took control of Instituto Nacional Indigenista (INI) coordinating centers and held them for more than a month. Trained aspromotores bilingües(bilingual agents of education and development projects) by a separate regional development agency (the Instituto de Investigación y Integración Social del Estado de Oaxaca, or IIISEO), they demanded professional training and the creation of positions for themselves as federal teachers. Their banners accused the Mexican government of ethnocide against native peoples, denouncing the government's celebration of indigenous culture as a mask for continued exploitation.

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19

Arriaga-Jiménez, Alfonsina, Bert Kohlmann, Lorenzo Vázquez-Selem, Yhenner Umaña, and Matthias Rös. "Past and future sky-island dynamics of tropical mountains: A model for two Geotrupes (Coleoptera: Geotrupidae) species in Oaxaca, Mexico." Holocene 30, no. 10 (2020): 1462–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959683620932977.

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Recent collecting and taxonomic studies of dung beetles of the genus Geotrupes Latreille (Coleoptera: Geotrupidae) in the mountains of Oaxaca have evidenced the existence of a vicariant speciation pattern, where one species occupies the northern mountain system and the other one the southern mountain range. A study of this possible vicariant speciation mechanism is presented using a paleobiogeographic mapping analysis of both Geotrupes species distribution during Late Quaternary glaciation events. Based on these paleomaps a possible speciation mechanism (vicariant speciation) is suggested, in which one common ancestor (mother species) lived at the bottom of the Valle de Oaxaca (Oaxaca Valley) during the last local glacial maximum (LLGM, 21-17.5 kyr) and whose possible continuous distribution was broken into two (or more) separated areas on mountaintops as the climate became warmer toward the present. We propose that the fragmentation and isolation of habitats may have promoted genetic differentiation of populations resulting in vicariant speciation, as suggested by a sky-island dynamic process. The example of a possible effect of the Little Ice Age in the mountains of Oaxaca is also discussed. Finally, a projection is made into the XXII century, based on climatic modeling predictions. These last results suggest the possible disappearance of the sky-island dynamic process through the accelerated speed of climatic change.

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20

Joyce, Arthur A. "Formative Period Social Change in the Lower Rio Verde Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico." Latin American Antiquity 2, no. 2 (1991): 126–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972274.

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This article reports on archaeological and geomorphological research carried out by the 1988 Río Verde Formative Project in the lower Río Verde Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico. The research suggests that the region was only sparsely inhabited prior to 500 B. C. During the Late/Terminal Formative (400 B. C.-A. D. 250), however, survey data suggest that the lower Río Verde Valley experienced considerable population growth. Excavations at the sites of Cerro de la Cruz and Río Viejo yielded evidence for emerging status inequalities during the Late Formative leading eventually to the rise of complex social organization by the Classic period (A. D. 250-900). Two preliminary explanations are offered for the seemingly late occurrence of large populations with complex social organization in the region. The explanations focus on environmental change and interregional social interaction, respectively. Evidence for the exploitation of coastal habitats is also discussed, since the use of marine and estuarine resources could alter the implications of both explanations of societal change.

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Feinman, Gary M., Stephen A. Kowalewski, Laura Finsten, Richard E. Blanton, and Linda Nicholas. "Long-Term Demographic Change: A Perspective from the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." Journal of Field Archaeology 12, no. 3 (1985): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/529902.

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22

Feinman, Gary M., and Linda M. Nicholas. "Settlement Patterns of the Ejutla Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico: A Diachronic Macroscale Perspective." Fieldiana Anthropology 43 (May 31, 2013): 1–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.3158/0071-4739-43.00.1.

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23

Guarisco, C. "Land, Livelihood, and Civility in Southern Mexico: Oaxaca Valley Communities in History." Hispanic American Historical Review 95, no. 2 (2015): 363–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2874755.

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24

Dilley, Maxx. "Climatic factors affecting annual maize yields in the valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." International Journal of Climatology 17, no. 14 (1997): 1549–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1097-0088(19971130)17:14<1549::aid-joc208>3.0.co;2-n.

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25

Redmond, E. M., and C. S. Spencer. "Early (300-100 B.C.) temple precinct in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 110, no. 19 (2013): E1707—E1715. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1305294110.

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26

Feinman, Gary M., Stephen A. Kowalewski, Laura Finsten, Richard E. Blanton, and Linda Nicholas. "Long-Term Demographic Change: a Perspective from the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." Journal of Field Archaeology 12, no. 3 (1985): 333–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jfa.1985.12.3.333.

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27

Feinman, Gary M., Linda M. Nicholas, and Helen R. Haines. "Houses on a Hill: Classic Period Life at El Palmillo, Oaxaca, Mexico." Latin American Antiquity 13, no. 3 (2002): 251–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972111.

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The increasing attention devoted to the investigation of prehispanic houses in Mesoamerica owes much theoretically and methodologically to the early household archaeology undertaken decades ago in the Valley of Oaxaca. Yet despite the large sample of Formative period houses excavated in this region, little is known about domestic life during the later Classic and Postclassic periods. In this paper we broaden the database of Classic period houses by reporting on excavations on five residential terraces at El Palmillo, one of many large hilltop terraced sites in the valley that collectively housed as much as two-thirds of the region"s Classic period population. Occupied for centuries, the terraces and their associated domestic compounds at El Palmillo underwent a series of coordinated episodes of wall construction, repair, and spatial modification. Craft activities-especially the production of chipped stone tools and maguey fiber for cordage and cloth-were an important part of domestic life. The relative importance of these different household economic activities varied from terrace to terrace, indicating that domestic production was specialized and operated at the household level. Maguey and other xerophytic plants also provided important subsistence resources. Differences in access to nonlocal goods have been documented between terraces, although the extent of such variation is not marked in the present sample. Although preliminary, the El Palmillo findings provide a new empirical basis from which to examine domestic life and the economic and organizational foundations of Classic period hill-top terraced settlements in Oaxaca. These findings reflect on larger issues about the basic economy of later prehispanic Mesoamerica and the articulation of domestic units and household production into larger socioeconomic networks that theoretically extended well beyond ancient Oaxaca.

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Joyce, Arthur A., J. Michael Elam, Michael D. Glascock, Hector Neff, and Marcus Winter. "Exchange Implications of Obsidian Source Analysis from the Lower Rio Verde Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico." Latin American Antiquity 6, no. 1 (1995): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971597.

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This article considers the results of instrumental neutron-activation analyses of 61 obsidian artifacts recovered from excavations at four archaeological sites in the lower Río Verde valley on the Pacific coast of Oaxaca, Mexico. Determinations of source locations of these artifacts permit the examination of changes in obsidian exchange patterns spanning the late Middle Formative to the Classic period. The results show that through most of this period the importation of obsidian into the lower Verde region was dominated by sources in the Basin of Mexico and Michoacan. The data allow us to evaluate previous models of interregional relations during the Formative and Classic periods, including interaction with the highland centers of Monte Albán and Teotihuacán.

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White, Christine D., Michael W. Spence, Hilary Le Q. Stuart-Williams, and Henry P. Schwarcz. "Oxygen Isotopes and the Identification of Geographical Origins: The Valley of Oaxaca versus the Valley of Mexico." Journal of Archaeological Science 25, no. 7 (1998): 643–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jasc.1997.0259.

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Malina, Robert M., Maria Eugenia Peña Reyes, and Bertis B. Little. "Epidemiologic transition in an isolated indigenous community in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." American Journal of Physical Anthropology 137, no. 1 (2008): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajpa.20847.

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Joyce, Arthur A. "Interregional Interaction and Social Development on the Oaxaca Coast." Ancient Mesoamerica 4, no. 1 (1993): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100000791.

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AbstractThis article provides a synthetic examination of the role of external relations in the social, cultural, and political development of the Oaxaca Coast. The article deals primarily with the lower Río Verde valley and the southern Isthmus since these two regions have been the focus of archaeological research on the Oaxaca Coast; other areas of the coast are discussed when data permit. The data from the coast indicate that interregional relations were dominated by elites in pursuit of exotic materials and ideas that served to symbolize and legitimize their special status in society. Evidence for contact with some of the most powerful political centers of pre-Hispanic Mexico are documented, including Monte Albán, Teotihuacan, Tenochtitlan, and possibly El Tajín and Tula among others. Despite contact with these powerful centers the Oaxaca Coast appears to have been politically autonomous for most of its pre-Hispanic history.

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Feinman, Gary M., Linda M. Nicholas, and Helen R. Haines. "Socioeconomic Inequality and the Consumption of Chipped Stone at El Palmillo, Oaxaca, Mexico." Latin American Antiquity 17, no. 2 (2006): 151–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25063045.

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AbstractIn prehispanic Mesoamerica, basic utilitarian artifacts, such as non-obsidian chipped stone tools, have rarely been considered outside the realms of technology or the economics of manufacture and circulation. Yet in recent excavations of residential terraces at the Classic period hilltop settlement of El Palmillo, Oaxaca, we have noted spatial patterning in the distribution of chipped stone tools that parallels variation previously observed in a range of nonlocal goods including obsidian, marine shell, and greenstone. Compared to the inhabitants of terraces situated near the base of the site, the apparently higher-status residents of households residing closer to the hill’s apex not only were associated with a somewhat different assemblage of stone tools and debris, but their chipped stone implements tended to be made on better-quality raw materials. As a consequence, chipped stone assemblages can serve as an additional axis of variation for examining status distinctions in the Classic period Valley of Oaxaca, and potentially elsewhere in Mesoamerica.

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Redmond, Elsa M., and Charles S. Spencer. "Rituals of Sanctification and the Development of Standardized Temples in Oaxaca, Mexico." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 18, no. 2 (2008): 239–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774308000279.

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Archaeological investigations at three Formative period sites near San Martín Tilcajete in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, have recovered a sequence of temples. The temples span the period when the Zapotec state emerged with its capital at Monte Albán during the Late Monte Albán I phase (300–100 bc), coinciding with Monte Albán's conquest of neighbouring regions. Zapotec rituals of sanctification practised in pre-state times may have been affected by Monte Albán's military expansionism. The historically documented case of military expansion and political unification of the Hawaiian islands by the paramount, Kamehameha, shows similarities in the adoption of ideology and religious institutions. Among them are the establishment of standardized temples and the ascendance of a militaristic ideology and ritual order attuned to the early state rulers' coercive authority.

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34

Grove, David C. ": Early Formative Pottery of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico . Kent V. Flannery, Joyce Marcus." American Anthropologist 97, no. 3 (1995): 616–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1995.97.3.02a00570.

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35

Urrutia-Fucugauchi, J., and I. Ferrusquía-Villafranca. "Paleomagnetic results for the Middle-Miocene continental Suchilquitongo Formation, Valley of Oaxaca, southeastern Mexico." Geofísica Internacional 40, no. 3 (2001): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/igeof.00167169p.2001.40.3.322.

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La Formación Suchilquitongo al noroeste del Valle de Oaxaca consiste en una secuencia gruesa integrada por varios estratos delgados de colores luminosos, areniscas y limolitas. Esta secuencia contiene localmente a la fauna mamífera Hemingfordian. Contiene también lechos intercalados de calizas lacustres y tobas verdes y grises (Ignimbrita Etla). Afectan a esta formación fallas y fracturas principalmente al N45°W-S45°E y N65° W-S65°E, causando inclinación de 12° a 15° en varias direcciones. Tres nuevos datos de K-Ar se han obtenido en concentrados de biotita y plagioclasa de la Ignimbrita Etla, que dan una edad aproximada de 20 Ma. Se han recobrado direcciones de polaridad paleomagnética reversa bien definidas de 40 muestras distribuidas en 5 sitios. La dirección media de la Formación Suchilquitongo es: B=5, Dec=190.9°, Inc=-37-7°, Î±95=6.0°, y k=165, y la correspondiente posición del polo se encuentra a 79.0° N, 330.6° E. Esta dirección se desvía de la dirección esperada (Dec=176°, Inc=-30°) calculada en el Valle de Oaxaca, con 15° discordante en el sentido de las manecillas del reloj. La aplicación de una corrección de doble rotación para compensar la deformación estructural usando 20° de inclinación en la recumbencia del pliegue y 10° en la pendiente de la estratificación resulta en la dirección corregida (y posición del polo) de Dec=178.6°, Inc=-30.9° (88.6° N, 151.5° E). Esta dirección corregida concuerda dentro de la incertidumbre estadística con la dirección esperada. Los datos de anisotropía de susceptibilidad magnética determinados en la Ignimbrita Etla presentan una alta dispersión angular, lo que no permite inferir las direcciones de flujo y la localización de la fuente.

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Kowalewski, Stephen A., and Jacqueline J. Saindon. "The Spread of Literacy in a Latin American Peasant Society: Oaxaca, Mexico, 1890 to 1980." Comparative Studies in Society and History 34, no. 1 (1992): 110–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750001745x.

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The object of this essay has been to help examine spatiotemporal variation in literacy. The research reported here centered on the Valley of Oaxaca, an agricultural region in southern Mexico, during the period from 1890 to 1980. The data consist of a systematic compilation of tax and voting lists from the nineteenth century, census responses from 1890 to 1980, community ethnographies, published histories and biographies, and government reports. Attending to both the spatial and the temporal scales of events and causes was methodologically important for this research.

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Hepp, Guy David, Sarah B. Barber, Jeffrey S. Brzezinski, Arthur A. Joyce, and Rachael L. Wedemeyer. "The Symbolism, Use, and Archaeological Context of Masks in Formative Period Coastal Oaxaca, Mexico." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 30, no. 2 (2019): 257–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774319000623.

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The production and use of masks at multiple scales and in diverse contexts is a millennia-long tradition in Mesoamerica. In this paper, we explore some implications of Mesoamerican masking practices in light of materiality studies and the archaeology of the senses. We also discuss a collection of 22 masks, miniature masks and representations of masks from the lower Río Verde valley of coastal Oaxaca, Mexico. The iconography of these artefacts as well as their recovery from well-documented archaeological contexts inform our interpretations of masking practices during an approximately 2000-year span of the Formative period (2000 bc–ad 250). Specifically, we argue that these masking-related artefacts index sociocultural changes in the region, from the first villages and the advent of ceramic technology during the Early Formative period (2000–1000 bc) to a time of increasing consolidation of iconographic influence in the hands of the elite in the final centuries before the Classic period. As indicated by their continued use today, masks have long been intimates of communal activities in Oaxaca.

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Mayes, A. T., and S. B. Barber. "Osteobiography of a high-status burial from the lower Río Verde Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico." International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 18, no. 6 (2008): 573–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/oa.1011.

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Little, Bertis Britt, and Robert M. Malina. "Inbreeding Avoidance in an Isolated Indigenous Zapotec Community in the Valley of Oaxaca, Southern Mexico." Human Biology 77, no. 3 (2005): 306–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hub.2005.0049.

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Tavárez, David. "Land, Livelihood, and Civility in Southern Mexico: Oaxaca Valley Communities in History by Scott Cook." American Anthropologist 117, no. 2 (2015): 418–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aman.12255.

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Larsen, Clark Spencer. ": Prehistory and Human Ecology of the Valley of Oaxaca, Volume 9: Agricultural Intensification and Prehistoric Health in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico . Denise C. Hodges, Kent V. Flannery." American Anthropologist 93, no. 4 (1991): 994–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1991.93.4.02a00590.

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Haller, Mikael J., Gary M. Feinman, and Linda M. Nicholas. "SOCIOECONOMIC INEQUALITY AND DIFFERENTIAL ACCESS TO FAUNAL RESOURCES AT EL PALMILLO, OAXACA, MEXICO." Ancient Mesoamerica 17, no. 1 (2006): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536106060044.

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Differential access to faunal resources (meat) is one index of socioeconomic inequality that traditionally has been considered but rarely investigated in ancient Mesoamerica. Recent excavations in residential contexts at the Classic-period hilltop terrace site of El Palmillo, in the Valley of Oaxaca (Mexico), have produced a large faunal assemblage from a set of different households. Terrace-by-terrace comparisons reveal spatial variability in the distribution of faunal remains, with the gradient of access running from households near the base of the hill to contexts near the site's apex. Residents of households near the top not only had more overall access to meat but greater access to specific species. Nevertheless, these gradations in access to fauna are not as strikingly marked as architectural differences between various residential units at the site, nor do they coincide entirely with patterns of architectural variation or the distribution of portable wealth items such as obsidian and green stone. Socioeconomic inequality appears to have been manifested through multiple dimensions at pre-Hispanic El Palmillo, with the overarching variation not easily definable into two or three categorical divisions or classes.

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Feinman, Gary M., Linda M. Nicholas, and Edward F. Maher. "DOMESTIC OFFERINGS AT EL PALMILLO." Ancient Mesoamerica 19, no. 2 (2008): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536108000333.

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AbstractAlthough the topic has received recent attention, relatively little is known about how pre-Hispanic Mesoamerican communities were internally organized and interconnected. In this paper, we examine that question from the perspective of the Classic-period settlement of El Palmillo, in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico. Previous studies of the valley have postulated that communities often were (and still are) subdivided into barrios, although the modes of integration for those segments are less fully defined. Along these lines, we have previously identified commoner and higher-status houses at El Palmillo (along with associated artifactual and architectural inventories). We also have noted that different commoner houses were involved in distinct suites of craft activity, thereby indicating a degree of economic interdependence among these units. Here we expand our analysis to domestic offerings, which we found to vary across the excavated houses. Adapting a perspective from Durkheim's distinction between mechanical and organic solidarity, we find an expected organic (hierarchical) relationship between the offering assemblages of the higher-status residences and the offerings in commoner house lots. At the same time, we see another axis of variation in domestic offerings that appears more organic (nonhierarchical) in nature. The latter axis of variation at El Palmillo has a clear spatial component, in support of previous hypotheses that barrios or spatially defined social segments were important in Valley of Oaxaca pre-Hispanic communities. At El Palmillo, the definitional features of these social segments appear to have been ideological as well as economic.

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Pétronille, Marie, Avto Goguitchaichvili, Juan Morales, Claire Carvallo, and Yuki Hueda-Tanabe. "Absolute geomagnetic intensity determinations on Formative potsherds (1400–700 BC) from the Oaxaca Valley, Southwestern Mexico." Quaternary Research 78, no. 3 (2012): 442–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.yqres.2012.07.011.

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AbstractNew Thellier-Coe archeointensity determinations have been measured on 15 potsherds from the Oaxaca Valley belonging to three of the four Formative Periods (Pre-Classical) of Mesoamerica, spanning 1400–700 BC. Seven of these are considered to be reliable and indicate a geomagnetic field strength of about 30 μT. This value is some 75% of the present geomagnetic field strength but is in agreement with the absolute intensities predicted from global models for this time and location, and consistent with coeval published determinations. These data thus provide significant evidence for the geomagnetic field strength in an area and for a time that was previously poorly constrained, thus providing an important contribution towards establishing a local master curve for the last 3500 yr. When established, such a curve would be a useful dating tool and also enable establishing for field strength correlations with climatic events and civilization evolutions in a region that is particularly strong in archeological and geological features. Such potential is examined for aridity events, although such observations can only be considered tentative at this stage.

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Mueller, Raymond G., Arthur A. Joyce, and Aleksander Borejsza. "Alluvial archives of the Nochixtlan valley, Oaxaca, Mexico: Age and significance for reconstructions of environmental change." Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology 321-322 (March 2012): 121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.palaeo.2012.01.025.

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Malina, Robert M., Maria Eugenia Peña Reyes, Swee Kheng Tan, and Bertis B. Little. "Physical activity in youth from a subsistence agriculture community in the Valley of Oaxaca, southern Mexico." Applied Physiology, Nutrition, and Metabolism 33, no. 4 (2008): 819–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/h08-043.

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Observations of activities of contemporary subsistence agricultural communities may provide insights into the lifestyle of youth of 2 to 3 generations ago. The purpose of this study was to document age- and sex-associated variation in household activities and daily steps walking to school of youth 9–17 years in an indigenous subsistence agricultural community in Oaxaca, southern Mexico. Activities during leisure were also considered. A cross-sectional survey of a rural Zapotec-speaking community was undertaken, and respondents included 118 boys and 152 girls, aged 8.7–17.9 years. Household and leisure activities were documented by questionnaire and subsequent interview. Household activities were classified by estimated intensity for before and after school and on the weekend, and an estimate of METS per day accumulated while doing chores was derived. Number of steps from home to school was estimated. Contingency table analysis and MANCOVA controlling for age was used to evaluate results. Household activities tended to cluster at light and moderate intensities in girls and at moderate to moderate-to-vigorous intensities in boys. Estimated METS per day in ~2 h of chores differed significantly by sex. Secondary school girls expended significantly more METS per day in chores than primary school girls, but there was no difference by school level in boys. The daily round trip from home to school was ~2400 steps for primary students and ~2700 and ~3100 steps for secondary boys and girls, respectively. Television viewing and participation in sports were major leisure activities for boys and girls. Daily household chores, walking, and leisure activities suggest moderately active and moderately-to-vigorously active lifestyles in girls and boys, respectively, in this indigenous subsistence agricultural community.

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Carpenter, Lacey B., Gary M. Feinman, and Linda M. Nicholas. "Spindle Whorls from El Palmillo: Economic Implications." Latin American Antiquity 23, no. 4 (2012): 381–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/1045-6635.23.4.381.

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AbstractWe analyze household inventories from eight excavated residences at El Palmillo (Oaxaca, Mexico) with a focus on a large sample of spindle whorls. Measurement of the whorls provides a basis to suggest that a variety of fibers were spun in these Classic period households; however, the particular mix of fibers varied in each residence. The distribution of whorls by size and production technique was compared with the spatial patterning of other tool classes related to cloth production to illustrate that each household participated with differing intensity in the various steps of the cloth-making process while also being involved in other economic pursuits. The domestic multicrafting, along with the clear procurement of domestic goods through intra- and extracommunity transfers, is indicative of economic practices that incorporate both interdependence and flexibility to operate in a socioeconomic setting prone to fluctuations in both demand and climatic conditions such as those found in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico. The model generated from this bottom-up analysis illustrates the limitation of the command-oriented models of the prehispanic Mesoamerican economy and sheds new light on craft specialization and economic strategies that vary not only between elite and nonelite families but among commoner households as well.

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MONTAÑO-ARIAS, GENARO, ISOLDA LUNA-VEGA, JUAN J. MORRONE, and DAVID ESPINOSA. "Biogeographical identity of the Mesoamerican dominion with emphasis on seasonally dry tropical forests." Phytotaxa 376, no. 6 (2018): 277. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/phytotaxa.376.6.3.

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Several studies on the geographical limits and regionalization of the Neotropics have recognized this region as a biogeographical unit. Recent regionalization proposals recognize the existence of a Mesoamerican dominion within the Neotropics, extending from the northern portion of the Mexican Pacific coast into the lowlands of south-central Mexico and most of northern Central America (Guatemala, Belize, Honduras, El Salvador and Nicaragua). In this study, we assessed the biogeographical identity of the Mesoamerican dominion through the analysis of the geographical patterns of diversity of 356 species included in 28 genera and 16 families of plants, with a preferential distribution in the seasonally dry tropical forests of Mexico and Central America. Occurrence data were obtained from online databases (e.g., GBIF, SNIB, MEXU and TROPICOS) and refined using taxonomic and geographical information. We used the Biodiverse 2.0 program to obtain maps of species richness, centres of endemism and conducted analyses of similarity among areas. The analyses led to corroborate the geographical limits of the Mesoamerican dominion. With respect to the species with distributions that extend to America arid, the Brazilian sub-region and Florida and the Greater Antilles. From these analyses, we could identify for the Mesoamerican dominion two highly diverse areas in southern Mexico: the Balsas Basin (more than 60 species) and the Central Valleys of Oaxaca (28). We also identified seven areas of higher dissimilarity corresponding to river basins throughout the study area: Grande de Santiago, Armería-Coahuayana, Tepalcatepec (western Balsas), Eastern Balsas, Papagayo, Verde, higth Papaloapan (Tehuacán-Cuicatlán Valley) and Tehuantepec. The high values of dissimilarity in the Pacific watershed of southern Mexico are responsible for the high species turnover observed for the seasonally dry tropical forests in the Mesoamerican dominion.

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Spencer, Charles S., and Elsa M. Redmond. "A Late Monte Albán I Phase (300–100 B.C.) Palace in the Valley of Oaxaca." Latin American Antiquity 15, no. 4 (2004): 441–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4141587.

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AbstractA masonry and adobe construction called the “Area I Palace” was excavated by the authors at the site of El Palenque (SMT-llb), located near San Martín Tilcajete in the Ocotlán district of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico. The Area I Palace covered 850 m2and consisted of nine interconnected structures, one of which was an elaborate residence that measured 16 m by 16 m and had eight rooms arranged around an interior patio. Several additional platforms and two paved courtyards were probably more ceremonial in nature. There is evidence that multiple work groups were involved in the construction of the palace. The associated ceramics and four radiocarbon samples indicate that the palace was built at the beginning of the Late Monte Albán I phase (300–100 B.C.) and abandoned in the first century B.C. It is argued that the Area I Palace is one of earliest known examples of a Zapotec quihuitào or royal palace.

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CANSECO-MÁRQUEZ, LUIS, GUADALUPE GUTIÉRREZ-MAYEN, and ANDRÉS ALBERTO MENDOZA-HERNÁNDEZ. "A new species of night-lizard of the genus Lepidophyma (Squamata: Xantusiidae) from the Cuicatlan Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico." Zootaxa 1750, no. 1 (2008): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.1750.1.6.

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A new species of Lepidophyma from the Biosphere Reserve area of Tehuacan-Cuicatlan, Oaxaca, Mexico, is described. This new species, Lepidophyma cuicateca sp. nov., is known from two areas in the Cuicatlan Valley. Lepidophyma cuicateca sp. nov. is a member of the Lepidophyma gaigeae species Group and is characterized by its small body size, small size of tubercular body scales, poorly differentiated caudal whorls and interwhorls, and relatively large dorsal, ventral and gular scales. It lives in shady places, below rocks along the Apoala River, and is commonly found in plantain, sapodilla, cherimoya, mango and coffee plantations, as well as tropical deciduous forest. The description of L. cuicateca sp. nov. increases the number of species in the L. gaigeae Group to five.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Oaxaca Valley (Mexico)'

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