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Journal articles on the topic 'Oba of Benin kingdom'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 13 February 2022

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1

Eisenhofer, Stefan. "The Origins of the Benin Kingship in the Works of Jacob Egharevba." History in Africa 22 (January 1995): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171912.

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The kingdom of Benin has the reputation of being one of the most important examples for a king-oriented state-formation in sub-Saharian Africa. In the past few decades much research has appeared on the early history of this kingdom, the origin of its kingship, and the time of the early Ogiso kings, who are considered by many historians as the autochthonous founders of Benin kingship around 900. These Ogiso rulers are assumed to have been replaced between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries by kings of the later Oba dynasty, which supposedly descends from the Yoruba town of Ife and which continues in office at the present.The abundance of literature on the early history of the Benin kingdom often hides the fact that, apart from sporadic—and for the most part isolated—reports from travelers, a few archeological accounts, and some vaguely dated objects from Benin, the reconstruction of the early history of Benin is based almost exclusively on the data of the Bini local historian Jacob Egharevba, who published prolifically on Benin history and culture from 1930 to 1970. The most famous of his works is the Short History of Benin—a small publication, where the author deals with the history of the kingdom from its origins until the twentieth century.

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2

Bondarenko, Dmitri M., and Peter M. Roese. "Between the Ogiso and Oba Dynasties: An Interpretation of Interregnum in the Benin Kingdom." History in Africa 31 (2004): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003417.

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The evidence for the period separating the times of the two Benin dynasties, that of the ogiso and that of the oba, is extremely scanty and does not look very trustworthy. There are not even any direct indications as to the time when the events under consideration took place. However, an analysis of the Second dynasty's history allows to arrive at the conclusion that the events preceding its advent to power could date from the late twelth and early thirteenth centuries (Bondarenko 2001:160n64; 2003). There are no possibilities for giving a more concrete date, nor for the exact calculation of the respective periods' length. However, the scant information about it still permits an interpretation of the very events of that time (though it looks like none of the professional Benin students has ever attempted it). In fact, we have either to operate with the sources which are in our disposal, or abandon trying to reconstruct an important episode of the Benin kingdom's history and concede that we must categorically deny the very possibility of giving any credit to information provided mainly by oral tradition and ethnography.

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3

Nevadomsky, Joseph. "Photographic Representations of the Oba in the Contemporary Art of the Benin Kingdom." Critical Interventions 9, no. 3 (September 2, 2015): 219–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19301944.2016.1159474.

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4

Bondarenko, Dmitri M. "Advent of the Second (Oba) Dynasty: Another Assessment of a Benin History Key Point." History in Africa 30 (2003): 63–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003144.

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There is no other theme in precolonial Benin Kingdom studies around which so many lances have been broken as that of consolidation of the present-day Second (Oba) dynasty and the person of its founder Oranmiyan (Oranyan in Yoruba). The main reason for this is the existence of considerable disagreements between numerous Bini and Yoruba versions of the oral historical tradition. Besides this, the story of Oranmiyan is one of the Bini and Yoruba oral history pages most tightly connected with mythology. This fact becomes especially important if one takes into account that the oral tradition is no doubt the main (though not the only) source on the consolidation of the Oba Dynasty in Benin. The key point on which different Bini and Yoruba traditions openly contradict each other, and which scholars debate, is the origin of the Dynasty. Who initiated its founding: Bini or Yoruba? Was it a request or a conquest? Are the characters of the oral tradition relations historical figures? Finally, what were historical, sociocultural, and political circumstances of the Oba accession?If one disengages from details, three groups of traditional versions that describe the origin and life of Oranmiyan (including its period connected with Benin) can be distinguished. These groups may be designated as the Yoruba one, the Benin “official” (i.e., traditionally recognized by Oba themselves and most widely spread among common Bini) and Benin “apocryphal” traditions. In the meantime it should be borne in mind that Bini and Yoruba native gatherers and publishers of the oral historical tradition could influence each other. For example, the Yoruba Johnson could influence the Bini Egharevba, while the latter in his turn could influence another Yoruba, Fabunmi, and so on.

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5

Webster, James B., and Onaiwu W. Ogbomo. "Chronological Problems in C.G. Okojie's Esan Narrative Traditions." History in Africa 24 (January 1997): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172035.

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The Esan who presently inhabit four local government areas of Edo State, Nigeria, share an exclusive feeling of being one people. In language and custom they are akin to the Edo people of Benin. The name “Esan” is an Edo word meaning “jump” or “flee,” which explains the manner in which they departed the Benin kingdom. The Esan region is divided roughly into the plateau—about one-third the total area but containing three-fifths of the people—and the lowlands. The plateau chiefdoms, originally seven of them, have been classed as Esan ‘A’ and include Irrua, Ekpoma, Uromi, Ewu, Ubiaja, Udo, and Ugboha. The lowland chief doms, originally eight, are known as Esan ‘B’ and consist of Ewohimi (Orikhimi), Ohordua, Emu, Ebelle, Okalo, Amahor, Ezen, and Okaigun.According to Esan traditions all the ancestors of the people, royal and commoner alike, came from Benin, the first groups being escapees and pioneers, the royal groups coming into the region later, during the reign of Ewuare, ca. 1455-82. Closer interviewing of clans, neither royal nor holding titles, demonstrates that many do not hold to this popular tradition, claiming either to be indigenous or to have migrated from elsewhere. Even in the intelligence report on the Esan, a significant number of clans reported origins other than in Benin. It seems that Esan ‘A’ chiefdoms on the plateau were the earliest established, and paid tribute to Benin through the Onojie (chief) of Irrua, who was therefore roughly the paramount of the Esan province of Benin. As the chiefdoms grew in numbers and spread on to the lowlands, he remained their overlord or governor. However, by the early nineteenth century the Oba of Benin installed the chief of Ewohimi as paramount over the lowland or Esan ‘B’ chiefdoms. By the advent of the British in the 1890s the earliest fifteen chiefdoms had grown to thirty.

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6

Musa, Rasheed Abiodun. "The theatre of Ovonramwen." Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 52, no. 2 (November 17, 2006): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.52.2.04mus.

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Abstract The Ovonramwen theatre is a paradigm that necessarily celebrates various theatrical performances and play-texts that reflect on the life and time of Oba Ovonramwen, the former King of the Benin Kingdom, Nigeria. Using the deductive methodology, this paper reflects on the politics of historical reconstruction in the Nigerian theatre and importantly evaluates various play-texts written about Ovonramwen by Nigerian playwrights. We conclude that the international theatre market will benefit from the Ovonramwen theatre and sincerely call on the British Government to tell us their own account about the subjugation of the people of Benin and the deposition of the god-king (Ovonramwen) through the famous revenge mission in 1897. Theatricalising these events through a play-text by a British writer or commissioned by the British Government will further help us to do more comparative study about Ovonramwen all in the Ovonramwen theatre. The ‘incisors’ must be separated from the ‘grinders’ if the truth must be known. Résumé Le théâtre d’Ovonramwen est un paradigme de performances théâtrales et des textes qui reflètent la vie du Roi Ovonramwen, l’un des anciens rois de Benin au Nigéria. A travers une méthodologie déductive, cet article traite de la politique de reconstruction historique du théâtre nigérian et évalue surtout les divers textes des pièces théâtrales écrits sur les dramaturges nigérians. Nous concluons que le marché international du théâtre va bénéficier de l’oeuvre théâtrale d’Ovonramwen et va en profiter pour demander au Gouvernement Britannique de donner sa version de la subjugation du Royaume du Benin et de la déposition du Roi-Dieu (Ovonramwen) à travers la fameuse mission de vengeance de 1897. En théâtralisant ces événements au moyen d’une pièce théâtrale d’un dramaturge britannique, approuvée par le Gouvernement Britannique, on arriverait mieux à procéder à une étude comparative sur Ovonramwen dans diverses oeuvres théâtrales. Les “incisives” doivent se séparer des “molaires” si la vérité doit se mettre à nue.

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7

Eisenhofer, Stefan. "The Benin Kinglist/s: Some Questions of Chronology." History in Africa 24 (January 1997): 139–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172022.

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The chronology of the history of the Benin kingdom is seen by many historians as clarified in the main back to the thirteenth century and even earlier. Apart from the reports of European travelers and missionaries and some information given by merchants, this chronology is based mainly on the Benin kinglist for the periods before 1897. This list names 38 kings (obas) of Benin and covers past centuries with seemingly great accuracy (see table 1).In spite of the many names of former obas and the pretended accuracy of the list's time-frame, it would be problematic to take it as historically factual since it cannot be corroborated by any documentation before the mid-nineteenth century. The data concerning the period before this time are almost exclusively based on the writings of the Benin amateur historian Jacob Egharevba. In his work Egharevba reported on important events in the oral traditions of Benin and connected the reign of former kings with specific years. In doing so he forced his African oral material into a linear European time scheme and into the framework specified by European written sources.Unfortunately, very few historians have as yet critically analyzed the chronological data for Benin. This is surprising, since the great Benin researcher Bradbury noted some time ago that Egharevba's “chronological conclusions have been accepted too uncritically, especially for the period up to the first European contact” (Bradbury 1959:285f) and have been seen as historical facts without any further consideration ever since. Neither the question of so-called “genealogical parasitism,” nor any of the other fundamental problems which arise when studying kinglists have been addressed.

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8

VON HELLERMANN, PAULINE, and UYILAWA USUANLELE. "THE OWNER OF THE LAND: THE BENIN OBAS AND COLONIAL FOREST RESERVATION IN THE BENIN DIVISION, SOUTHERN NIGERIA." Journal of African History 50, no. 2 (July 2009): 223–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370999003x.

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AbstractColonial forest reservation in the Benin Division of southern Nigeria was remarkably extensive, with reserves taking up almost 65 per cent of the Division by 1937. This paper explores both the various strategies employed by the colonial government in order to bring about large scale reservation and the role of reservation in changing land politics. In doing so, it provides nuanced insights into the interaction between the colonial government and local rulers under indirect rule. It shows that both Oba Eweka II (1914–33) and Oba Akenzua II (1933–79) supported reservation for strategic reasons, but also highlights the government's many underhand tactics in dealing with the Obas.

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9

Rosen, Norma. "Benin: An African Kingdom." African Arts 30, no. 4 (1997): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3337559.

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10

Nevadomsky, Joseph, John Peffer-Engels, and Chukwuma Azuonye. "Benin Kingdom of West Africa." African Arts 30, no. 4 (1997): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3337564.

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11

Ben-Amos, Paula. "Artistic Creativity in Benin Kingdom." African Arts 19, no. 3 (May 1986): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3336414.

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12

Manning, Patrick. "Hegelian Dialectics in Benin Kingdom Historiography." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 20, no. 3 (1986): 431. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/484450.

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13

Ekeh, Peter P. "Contesting the History of Benin Kingdom." Research in African Literatures 31, no. 3 (September 2000): 147–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/ral.2000.31.3.147.

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14

Ekeh, Peter Palmer. "Contesting the History of Benin Kingdom." Research in African Literatures 31, no. 3 (2000): 147–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ral.2000.0081.

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15

Manning, Patrick. "Hegelian Dialectics in Benin Kingdom Historiography." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 20, no. 3 (January 1986): 431–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.1986.10804166.

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16

Ben-Amos, Dan, and Heather Millar. "The Kingdom of Benin in West Africa." African Arts 30, no. 4 (1997): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3337548.

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17

Osadolor, Osarhieme Benson, and Leo Enahoro Otoide. "The Benin Kingdom in British Imperial Historiography." History in Africa 35 (January 2008): 401–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.0.0014.

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The body of knowledge that constituted British imperial writing, and the expression that interacted with it were attempts to engage European readership on the imperial adventure in Africa in the age of the new imperialism. This study is an attempt to address the complex issues involved in the production of historical knowledge about precolonial Benin to justify British colonial rule. The argument advanced in this paper is that, since imperial discourse set out to deal with history in terms of civilization, British imperial writing was a struggle to articulate certain ideas about Benin into a position of dominance before the British public. As Mary Louise Pratt explains, “depicting the civilizing mission as an aesthetic project is a strategy the west has often used for defining others as available for and in need of its benign and beautifying intervention.” British imperial discourse will form the basis of the discussion in this paper.Imperial discourse and its subjectivity raises questions about issues of power and privilege of those writers who were determined to sustain their voices in the debate on European imperialism in Africa. Their approach to the constitution of knowledge about Benin was one of many ways that opened the frontiers of knowledge about African states and societies to redefine civilization, albeit for the purposes of understanding various meanings and implications in this intellectual assault. This provides a vital entry point for examining the European colonial approach to the construction of the image of Africa. The aim is to demonstrate how this process suggests a connection from imperial expansionism to forms of knowledge and expression that reaffirmed metropolitan authority in the context of colonial subjugation.

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18

Soppelsa, Robert T. "Two Relief Sculptures from the Kingdom of Benin." Bulletin of the Detroit Institute of Arts 70, no. 1-2 (March 1996): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/dia41504920.

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19

BEN-AMOS GIRSHICK, PAULA, and JOHN THORNTON. "CIVIL WAR IN THE KINGDOM OF BENIN, 1689–1721: CONTINUITY OR POLITICAL CHANGE?" Journal of African History 42, no. 3 (December 2001): 353–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853701007915.

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Using a combination of oral tradition and written documents, the authors show that Benin’s civil war was a fundamental transformation of political structure, and not simply an isolated struggle. Before 1640, Benin was centrally governed by its king with the assistance of a royally appointed administration. Difficulties in succession, coupled with changing trading patterns, allowed the administration to gain some independence and then to challenge the kings, taking away some power. The civil war matched different levels of the administration and the kings against each other, and transformed Benin from a centrally governed to a more collectively governed kingdom.

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20

Ben-Amos, Paula Girshick. "A Note on a Lost Woodcarving Tradition from the Benin Kingdom." African Arts 24, no. 2 (April 1991): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3336855.

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21

Nevadomsky, Joseph. "The Identification of the “Bird of Prophecy” in Benin Kingdom Art." African Arts 53, no. 1 (January 2020): 76–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/afar_a_00516.

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22

Nevadomsky, Joseph, Natalie Lawson, and Ken Hazlett. "An Ethnographic and Space Syntax Analysis of Benin Kingdom Nobility Architecture." African Archaeological Review 31, no. 1 (March 2014): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10437-014-9151-x.

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23

Nevadomsky, Joseph, and Ekhaguosa Aisien. "The Clothing of Political Identity: Costume and Scarification in the Benin Kingdom." African Arts 28, no. 1 (1995): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3337251.

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24

Boro, Alidou R. Ibourahima. "The United Kingdom Parents and Teachers Associations: A Lesson for Benin Parents Associations." Open Journal of Social Sciences 03, no. 10 (2015): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/jss.2015.310006.

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25

Freyer, Bryna M. "Royal Art of Benin from the Peris Collection: Treasures from an African Kingdom." African Arts 25, no. 3 (July 1992): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3337006.

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26

Chebanenko, Sergey B. "Regarding the problem of restitution of African art pieces removed from Benin during the British military expedition of 1897: practice and legal aspects." Issues of Museology 11, no. 2 (2020): 319–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu27.2020.214.

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The question of the fate of the “Benin bronze” is part of a more general problem of the restitution of African art pieces exported from the continent, during the period of European colonial rule. The difference between the history of the looting of the monuments of the Benin Kingdom (the territory of modern Nigeria) by British troops from many other examples of the removal of original African heritage, is in the fact, that in this case there was a robbery committed as a result of a military conflict, both sides of which were politically independent. The political independence of each party, strictly speaking, does not allow for the situation to be considered in the system of relations “metropolis — colony”. Modern owners of Benin monuments, spread across a number of museums and other collections in the world, recognize the injustice of their acquisitions, but they do not always recognize the possibility and necessity of restitution of these artifacts. This is facilitated by the complexity of the history of objects after their exportation from Africa and the absence of, in most cases, legal grounds for their direct return. Recently, the situation has changed significantly, making it possible to transfer a vast portion of art pieces, originating from Benin, on the basis of not so much the letter of the law, but on the desire to restore justice.

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27

Usuanlele, Uyilawa, and Toyin Falola. "The Scholarship of Jacob Egharevba of Benin." History in Africa 21 (1994): 303–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171890.

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Uwadiae Jacob Egharevba was born in 1893 to a descendant of Ohenmwen, the Iyase of Benin Kingdom during the reign of Osemwende, ca. 1816 to ca. 1848, and Okunzuwa, a granddaughter of an Ibadan chief. Jacob's parents were long-distance traders, and he claimed to have traveled with them in the Benin and Yoruba regions until his father's death in 1902. The brief sojourn in the Yoruba country afforded him the opportunity of attending school for a year in 1899, at a time when there was no such facility in Benin because of the reluctance of the traditional elite to send their children to school. Jacob was impressed by the written word and became interested in education, although it was not until 1911 that he returned to school at Akure. He demonstrated brilliance, although his education here was terminated by relocation. On his return to Benin in 1914, he became a domestic help to Black Shaw, a senior European staff of the Public Works Department, while at the same time enrolling at St. Matthews C.M.S. school. In 1915 he converted to Christianity and, with the encouragement of Shaw and others, he was able to complete his primary education in 1916.Between 1916 and 1921, he worked in lowly paid jobs in Warri, Port Harcourt, and Okigwe. His failure to secure any lucrative government position pushed him to trading. His writing career began in 1921 when he drafted his now famous classic, Ekhere Vb'Itan Edo. Ironically, it was this successful book that exposed his writing inadequacies. To improve his skills, he enrolled in 1926 in a five-year correspondence course with the Institute of Rationalistic Press in London. In 1933 the C.M.S. published the Ekhere Vb'Itan, which attained an instant success. It was reprinted the following year and translated as A Short History of Benin.

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28

LOVEJOY, HENRY B., and OLATUNJI OJO. "‘LUCUMÍ’, ‘TERRANOVA’, AND THE ORIGINS OF THE YORUBA NATION." Journal of African History 56, no. 3 (October 1, 2015): 353–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853715000328.

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AbstractThe etymology of ‘Lucumí’ and ‘Terranova’, ethnonyms used to describe Yoruba-speaking people during the Atlantic slave trade, helps to reconceptualize the origins of a Yoruba nation. While there is general agreement that ‘Lucumí’ refers to the Yoruba in diaspora, the origin of the term remains unclear. We argue ‘Lucumí’ was first used in the Benin kingdom as early as the fifteenth century, as revealed through the presence of Olukumi communities involved in chalk production. The Benin and Portuguese slave trade extended the use of ‘Lucumí’ to the Americas. As this trade deteriorated by 1550, ‘Terranova’ referred to slaves captured west of Benin's area of influence, hence ‘new land’. By the eighteenth century, ‘Nagô’ had replaced ‘Lucumí’, while the ‘Slave Coast’ had substituted ‘Terranova’ as terms of reference. This etymology confirms the collective identification of ‘Yoruba’ and helps trace the evolution of a transnational identity.

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29

Lovejoy, Henry B. "Mapping Uncertainty." Journal of Global Slavery 4, no. 2 (June 6, 2019): 127–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00402002.

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Abstract This historical GIS experiment attempts to map the collapse of the kingdom of Oyo alongside the departure of slave ships from the Bight of Benin. The achievements and drawbacks of mapping Africa’s pre-colonial past require an overview of the sources and methods used to illustrate the dissolution and formation of inland places during an intense period of intra-African conflict. By collating geopolitical data, it is possible to represent on annual maps the likely origins and migrations of diverse groups of enslaved people who were involved in the warfare in the Bight of Benin hinterland between 1816 and 1836. During this period, an unknown number of captives were enslaved and forced into an internal slave trade, most especially into the Sokoto Caliphate, while over 75,000 individuals involuntarily boarded European slave ships leaving for Brazil, Cuba and, due to British abolition efforts, Sierra Leone.

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30

Odiahi, Ese Vivian. "The Origin and Development of the Guild of Bronze Casters of Benin Kingdom up to 1914." AFRREV IJAH: An International Journal of Arts and Humanities 6, no. 1 (February 28, 2017): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijah.v6i1.15.

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31

Cook, Nigel, Kyle Landskroner, Susann Walda, Olivia Weiss, and Vikrant Pallapotu. "VP161 Identification Of Needs Of Pigmented Villonodular Synovitis Patients Using Online Bulletin Board." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 33, S1 (2017): 222–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462317003981.

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INTRODUCTION:Pigmented villonodular synovitis (PVNS) is a very rare, benign proliferative tumor affecting the inner lining of synovial joints and tendon sheets. Information on treatment needs of PVNS patients to inform drug development is currently scarce, hence we conducted qualitative research with patients using an online bulletin board (OBB) methodology to generate insights on objective and emotional aspects related to the medical journey and living with this disease.METHODS:OBB is an asynchronous, online qualitative market research tool that allows participants to comprehensively answer pre-defined questions in a comprehensive manner. Patients were recruited via physician referral and underwent screening questions to ensure eligibility for the study and willingness to participate. The discussion was moderated, structured, and allowed open answers and in response to other participants posts. Analysis was conducted using a combination of different qualitative analytical tools.RESULTS:The patient OBB ran for 4 days with eleven participants (n = 3 Canada, n = 4 United Kingdom, n = 4 United States of America) aged 28–57 years, suffering from PVNS for 2–27 years. The key patient insights were: (i) pain is the primary factor, constituting a significant emotional and psychological burden; (ii) surgery (arthroscopy) does not get rid of PVNS, relapse rate was high in these patients; and (iii) PVNS has a big financial impact on patients, their families, and the healthcare system, due in particular to time off work/lost wages (patient & caretaker), for healthcare system it is repeat costs for surgeries/hospital stays plus other medical expenses. We also identified orthopedic specialists/surgeons are the physicians who predominantly manage PVNS at this point, as surgery is the only option.CONCLUSIONS:This study shows the suitability of the OBB for uncovering qualitative patient insights to inform decision making and strategy in early pharmaceutical drug development. OBB lends itself very well to uncovering patient insights which might not be revealed in focus group or telephone interviews, particularly in a rare disease like this. PVNS patients are in need of a medical drug treatment which can reduce pain, relapses and provide an alternative to surgery, the current standard of care.

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32

Law, Robin. "Early European Sources Relating to the Kingdom of Ijebu (1500-1700): A Critical Survey." History in Africa 13 (1986): 245–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171544.

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The history of the Yoruba, as is well known, is very poorly documented from contemporary European sources prior to the nineteenth century, in comparison with their neighbors Benin to the east and the states of the ‘Slave Coast’ (Allada, Whydah, and Dahomey) to the west. There is, however, one Yoruba kingdom which features in contemporary European sources from quite early times, and for which at least intermittent documentation extends through the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This is the kingdom of Ijebu in southern Yorubaland. The availability of contemporary European documentation for the early history of Ijebu is especially valuable since the historical traditions of Ijebu itself do not appear to be very rich.Such, at least, is the impression given by published accounts of Ijebu history: although a large number of kings of Ijebu are recalled, thereby suggesting for the kingdom a considerable antiquity, and though there is some recollection locally of early contacts with the Portuguese, it does not seem that Ijebu traditions record much in the way of a detailed narrative of the kingdom's early history. At the same time, the European sources referring to Ijebu present considerable problems of interpretation, particularly with regard to establishing how far successive references to the kingdom constitute new original information rather than merely copying a limited range of early sources, and consideration of them helps to illuminate the character of early European sources for west African history in general. For these reasons, it seems a useful exercise to pull together all the available early European source material relating to Ijebu down to the late seventeenth century.

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33

Akpoka, Obhioze Augustine, O. S. Imade, T. E. Obi, and M. U. Okwu. "BIOCHEMICAL CHARACTERIZATION OF BACTERIA AND FUNGI ISOLATES ASSOCIATED WITH POST-HARVEST SPOILAGE OF AVOCADO PEAR (PERSEA AMERICANA) SOLD IN TWO FRUIT MARKETS IN THE BENIN CITY METROPOLIS, NIGERIA." Bacterial Empire 3, no. 1 (January 14, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.36547/be.2020.3.1.1-4.

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Persea americana is a major and cheap source of nutrients-containing protein fruit and commonly referred to as Avocado pear. It is a green-skin, fleshy body and may be spherical or pear-shaped and ripens easily after harvest, significantly reducing its shelf-life. The average storage time before spoilage is 3-6 days. The fruit is highly cherished by many and as such a significant dietary contribution, in developing countries. However, the poor shelf-life of the fruit has led to its high perishability, huge post-harvest losses and market glut during harvest. In this study, fresh, undamaged, firm, healthy-looking, ripe avocado fruits purchased from Oba Market and New-Benin market were left free of dust and insects under room temperature for between 5-6 days to undergo a natural process of spoilage. A homogenate of each of the sample was achieved by blending 25 grams of the sample in 225 ml of sterile 1.5 % peptone water with a sterile glass blender. Serial dilutions of up to 10-1 - 10-5 were made and 1 ml of each of the dilutions were transferred into sterile Petri dishes and respectively mixed with 15 ml of an appropriate sterile media and incubated at a temperature of 37 oC for 48 hours, while the Sauboraud dextrose agar (SDA) was left at room temperature for 5 days. After incubation, bacterial and fungal colony-forming units were counted and used to determine the total aerobic viable counts (TAVC), total coliform counts (TCC), Escherichia coli counts (EC), Staphylococci counts (SC) and total fungi counts (FC). Representative colonial isolates were subsequently subcultured on nutrient agar slants and stored at a temperature of 4 oC prior to characterization. Phenotypic identification of microbes was performed according to standard methods. The present study revealed that the coliform bacteria (TCC = 2.42 x 103 cfu/g and 2.06 x 103 cfu/g) accounted for a significant fraction of the total bacterial population (TAVC = 2.75 x 104 cfu/g and 9.68 x 103 cfu/g) isolated from spoiled pear produce. Hence, Erwinia and Klebsiella aerogenes of genus of Enterobacteriaceae, were the main spoilage bacteria; while Phytophthoras species (FC = 1.73 x 104 cfu/g and 1.02 x 104 cfu/g) was the main spoilage fungus of pear produce sold in the two Nigerian markets. The isolation of pathogenic organisms also calls for a public health concern.

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Dottridge, Mike. "Between Theory and Reality: The challenge of distinguishing between trafficked children and independent child migrants." Anti-Trafficking Review, no. 16 (April 29, 2021): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14197/atr.201221162.

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The offence of child trafficking appears to have a clear definition in the UN Trafficking Protocol and in laws based on it. In practice, this is an illusion. This article reviews the experiences of three countries (Benin, the United Kingdom, and Vietnam), in two of which anti-trafficking laws and policies regard a broad swath of children who migrate to earn a living, without being subjected to coercion, as victims of trafficking. It questions whether the definitions in international law and in the laws of many countries of what constitutes the crime of trafficking committed against a child are appropriate to distinguish between adolescent migrants in general and those who are victims of crime (at the hands of a trafficker) in particular. It suggests that this is in part because there is no international understanding about the ages at which children habitually leave home to find work and what should be done to protect them when they do. It concludes that a possible result of considering a very broad range of children to be ‘trafficked’ is that measures to protect and assist those who suffer acute harm are inadequate.

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Koltukhov, S. G. "STONE CRYPT IN THE BARROW X OF BELOGORSK BURIAL GROUND." Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine 33, no. 4 (December 25, 2019): 229–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2019.04.14.

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As a result of the excavations completed in 2001 it became clear that the barrow X is one of elite barrows of Scythia. The crypt was constructed by Bosporan masters, whereas the mound of the barrow was built in Scythian traditions. Barrow X differs from the barrow of Besh-Oba IV which is located on the same necropolis but Scythian traditions are much more brightly expressed in it (Koltukhov, Senatorov 2019). The period of construction of this barrow can be dated to the second half of the 4th century BC. Possibly, the barrow IV precedes the barrow X and belongs to the moment when the Crimean Scythia and the clan «dynasty» of it’s nomarchs only began to form and natives of Steppe Scythia became its first representatives. Barrow X was built later, at that time when connections of new local dynasty with Bosporan kingdom got stronger, and the building of tombs in traditions of Bosporan funeral architecture became a norm in a funeral ceremony of privileged class of Crimean Scythia. We do not know same analogies of the burial chamber of the crypt of barrow X on European and Asian Bosporu, although in proportions are close to the crypt found in 1837 barrow at the city garden of Kerch which looking like the four-sided overlap. It is dated to the last quarter of the 4th century BC but may belong to the earlier time. The crypt of the second Tarasov kurgan on the Asian Bosporus usually dated to the 3rd c. BC but, most likely, it can be dated to the earlier period. In our case, the dating of the crypt is determined by the dating of the mound itself, and it was built no later than the 4th century BC.

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Liesegang, Thomas J. "Effect of oral contraceptives on tear physiology. Tomlinson A,∗∗Department of Vision Sciences, Glasgow Caledonian University, Glasgow GA OBA United Kingdom. E-mail: a.tomlinson@gcal.ac.uk Pearce EI, Simmons PA, Blades K. Ophthal Physiol Opt 2001;21:9–16." American Journal of Ophthalmology 131, no. 4 (April 2001): 539. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0002-9394(01)00906-0.

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Fairweather-Tait, Susan, Cornelia Speich, Comlan Evariste S. Mitchikpè, and Jack R. Dainty. "Dietary Iron Bioavailability: A Simple Model That Can Be Used to Derive Country-Specific Values for Adult Men and Women." Food and Nutrition Bulletin 41, no. 1 (November 20, 2019): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0379572119885482.

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Background: Reference intakes for iron are derived from physiological requirements, with an assumed value for dietary iron absorption. A new approach to estimate iron bioavailability, calculated from iron intake, status, and requirements was used to set European dietary reference values, but the values obtained cannot be used for low- and middle-income countries where diets are very different. Objective: We aimed to test the feasibility of using the model developed from United Kingdom and Irish data to derive a value for dietary iron bioavailability in an African country, using data collected from women of child-bearing age in Benin. We also compared the effect of using estimates of iron losses made in the 1960s with more recent data for whole body iron losses. Methods: Dietary iron intake and serum ferritin (SF), together with physiological requirements of iron, were entered into the predictive model to estimate percentage iron absorption from the diet at different levels of iron status. Results: The results obtained from the 2 different methods for calculating physiological iron requirements were similar, except at low SF concentrations. At a SF value of 30 µg/L predicted iron absorption from the African maize-based diet was 6%, compared with 18% from a Western diet, and it remained low until the SF fell below 25 µg/L. Conclusions: We used the model to estimate percentage dietary iron absorption in 30 Beninese women. The predicted values agreed with results from earlier single meal isotope studies; therefore, we conclude that the model has potential for estimating dietary iron bioavailability in men and nonpregnant women consuming different diets in other countries.

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AIHEVBA, Peter O., and Tohan E. EKHATOR. "THE DRAMATIC MEMORIALIZATION OF SIGNIFICANT HISTORICAL LAND MARKS IN AFRICAN FESTIVALS. A CLOSE EXAMINATION OF THE CORONATION OF THE 40TH OBA OF BENIN." International Review of Humanities Studies 4, no. 1 (April 29, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/irhs.v4i1.142.

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This paper is a critical examination of the major significance of the cultural institution called festival. African festivals provide a document that aesthetically, skillfully and ostentatiously preserves a peoples shared beliefs, custom, values and historical heritage. This study utilized the analytical methodology which furnished the researchers with useful information from books, journals and other printed and electronic materials. Several interviews were also conducted to gamer information from historians and cultural icons. The active involvement of the researchers as observers and participants in Benin festivals also aided the researchers in this endeavour. The focus of the paper was a careful study of the memorialization practice artistically employed in the preservation of historical and cultural heritage of the Benin Nation for centuries as expressed in the 40th coronation of the Oba of Benin, Oba Ewuare, Ogidigan II. In this festival, the Binis were able to historize document and express the history of their greatness, survival wealth and stability in an electrifying atmosphere of pomp, celebration and pageantry.

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Edwrad, Membere, and Eso Whiskey. "Impact of Noise on Human Health from Oba and Lagos Street Markets in Benin City, Nigeria." International Journal of Science & Technoledge 8, no. 1 (January 31, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.24940/theijst/2020/v8/i1/st2001-011.

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Smolen, R. "The continuity of the funeral ritual of Oba of Benin from the 17th century to the modern times. An example of funeral of Oba Erediauwa in 2016." European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, February 17, 2017, 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.20534/ejhss-17-1-3-5.

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Ononeme, EI. "Tourism and Facilities Development in Three Art Traditions of Benin Kingdom." African Research Review 4, no. 2 (August 24, 2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/afrrev.v4i2.58373.

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Nevadomsky, Joseph. "Commentary: Cautionary Tales and Culture History in the Evolution of the Benin Kingdom: The Ogiso Era." Global Journal of Archaeology & Anthropology 1, no. 4 (June 15, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.19080/gjaa.2017.01.555568.

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Sjørslev, Inger. "ABOMEY." Tidsskriftet Antropologi, no. 47 (June 1, 2003). http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/ta.v0i47.107108.

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The West African city Abomey was the centre of the kingdom Dahomey, notorious for its slave raids, ritual sacrifices of human beings, and its religious belief in vodhuns. Today a peaceful town in the state of Benin, its visual non-citylike impression provides the outset for reflections on what constitutes a city. The article digs into the history of the kingdom of Dahomey and relates how it was constructed on the basis of expansion and incorporation of its enemies through assimilation, but also symbolically expressed in rituals that celebrated the conquest of the enemies. Such stories are recounted today in the historical royal palace, the Musée Historique d’Abomey, where the famous bas-reliefs and the stories of how the kings’ palaces were built on the blood of the enemies testify to the historical drama of the kingdom. The article compares today’s city of Abomey with the neighbouring city of Bohicon, which at first glance seems to live up to expected standards of what constitutes a modern city much better than does Abomey. However, it is argued that commerce, exchange, heterogeneity and traffic are not enough to constitute a city. Historically, Abomey had an aura of holiness to it, which sprang from its placement at the centre of the kingdom, but also from its being the frame for the temples of the gods and the king. This gives rise to a question of what kind of holiness can be attributed to modern cities. If they are not “holy” by virtue of being cities of kings or historical centres, cities will have to create themselves for instance through performative culture and historical recreation.

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"Agrotis segetum. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Pests, December (August 1, 1987). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpp/20056600490.

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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Agrotis segetum (Denis & Schiffermueller) [Lepidoptera: Noctuidae] Turnip moth, black/common cutworm, winter moth. Attacks beet, cotton, cucurbits, maize, turnip, sunflower, tomato, lucerne, leeks. Information is given on the geographical distribution in EUROPE, Austria, Azores, Belgium, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, East Germany, West Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Majorca, Malta, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Sardinia, Sicily, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, United Kingdom, Yugoslavia, USSR, Azerbaijan, Byelorussia, Estonia, Kazakhstan, Kirghizia, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldavia, Russian, SFSR, Tadzhikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, AFRICA, Algeria, Angola, Ascension Island, Benin, Botswana, Canary Islands, Cape Verde Islands, Egypt, Ethiopia, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Libya, Madeira, Malawi, Mali, Morocco, Mozambique, Namibia, Senegal, South Africa, St. Helena, Sudan, Tanzania, Togo, Tunisia, Uganda, Zaire, Zambia, Zimbabwe, ASIA, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Burma, China, Hongkong, India, Assam, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Punjab, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Indonesia, Java, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jammu & Kashmir, Japan, Jordan, Korea, Lebanon, Malaysia, Nepal, Pakistan, Philippines, Sakhalin Island, Saudi Arabia, Sikkim, South Yemen, Sri Lanka, Syria, Taiwan, Yemen.

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Gyeltshen, Choki, and Sangay Dema. "Bhutan’s Challenges in Biodiversity Informatics." Biodiversity Information Science and Standards 3 (September 17, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/biss.3.39255.

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Access to reliable and updated data and information on the status of biodiversity for effective conservation and sustainable use has been one of the major challenges in Bhutan. The current scenario of inaccessibility is due to the fact that biodiversity inventories and documentation are carried out within the context of individual projects and institutions, guided by their specific objectives and collection standards, often in isolation. More critical is the fact that these data hardly get shared nor are they easily accessible, resulting in either duplication of efforts or underutilization of the existing data. It has been duly noted that despite the global recognition of Bhutan’s protected areas system and its conservation achievements, information on the existing biodiversity of these protected areas is not easily accessible. There is also inadequate information on the critical biodiverse areas of the country, making it difficult to make informed decisions for either initiating developmental activities or prioritizing the area for conservation. These gaps are acknowledged and discussed in national documents (NBSAP 2014). In order to provide easy access to comprehensive biodiversity data and information of the country and to ensure the judicious use of our scarce resources, there is a compelling need to establish a coordination mechanism for sharing data on a common platform, not only to overcome the existing gaps but also to enable consolidation and analysis of the data in order to generate information for broader use such as conservation planning or education. Thus in 1994, Bhutan, along with the South-South Cooperation (PSC 2009), which included Benin and Costa Rica, initiated a basic biodiversity information system in each country, funded by the Kingdom of Netherlands. In 2008, the National Biodiversity Centre (NBC) developed a web-based biodiversity portal, which was subsequently upgraded to the status of a national biodiversity information clearing house in 2010. However, because of the vastness and variety of biodiversity data, it was not feasible for a single agency to collect as well as curate these vast data. Thus, in early 2013, the Centre proposed the formation of a consortium to manage biodiversity data through a strengthened and an improved version of a web-based portal. In addition, this initiative to form a consortium amongst different biodiversity stakeholders, was also to address the issue of duplicative efforts in developing and managing isolated information systems and databases. The Bhutan Biodiversity Portal (www.biodiversity.bt) was launched on 17th December 2013. Currently, the observation data has crossed 63,000 of all taxa owing mostly to the efforts of a mass campaign across the country. However, one of the major challenges is the availability of active taxonmic curators especially for the understudied taxonomic groups such as invertebrates. In addition, some users prefer social media over the portal due to its user-friendliness.

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