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Journal articles on the topic 'Oblates of the Virgin Mary'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 January 2023

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1

Wiśniewski, Sebastian. "Theology of the Mission in Preaching of the Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate in the Light of the Encyclical Redemptoris missio." Poznańskie Studia Teologiczne, no. 38 (December 10, 2021): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pst.2021.38.07.

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The Church constantly responds to the call to evangelize as it is aware of its missionary duty. Theological reflection on the mission of the Church was the main topic of the encyclical of John Paul II Redemptoris missio. This article attempts to examine the extent to which this papal teaching is undertaken in the preaching of the Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate. The author points to the thematic areas of the encyclical that the Oblates refer to in their preaching, and presents issues that are missing in the published texts of the sermons.

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2

McClelland, V. Alan. "O Felix Roma! Henry Manning, Cutts Robinson and Sacerdotal Formation 1862–1872." Recusant History 21, no. 2 (October 1992): 180–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200001576.

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On whit Monday, June 1st, 1857, the first general chapter of the Oblates of St. Charles Borromeo in the diocese of Westminster was held at Bayswater, one month before the splendid new gothic-conceived church of Thomas Meyer was solemnly blessed by Cardinal Wiseman and dedicated to St. Mary of the Angels, a title reflecting Manning’s enduring devotion to St. Francis of Assisi and the Franciscan Third Order. Subsequent building, extensions and additions were to be the work of John Francis Bentley. The founding group of Oblates was small, all its members being admitted as novices of the community on the day of the first general chapter. When the first biennial elections were held, Manning was confirmed by Wiseman as Superior and henceforth known to the community simply as ‘the Father’. Before the year was over the group was to be joined by three new novices and two postulants, all of whom eventually persevered in their vocation. By the time Manning died in 1892, the Oblates had been able to number a total of forty-six priests in their ranks in the space of only thirty-five years, thus easily outstripping the recruitment pattern of Brompton Oratory, the closest to the concept of the Oblates in both spiritual formation and organisation. Over the eighty years immediately following Manning’s demise, a further thirty-three priests were to be counted among the Oblates.

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3

Jacqueline Doyle. "Meeting the Virgin Mary." Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 34, no. 1 (2013): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.5250/fronjwomestud.34.1.0114.

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4

Shorten, Richard. "The Virgin Mary Confronts Mary of Magdala." Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 24, no. 3 (October 1, 1991): 40–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/45227778.

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5

Green, Harry. "The Virgin Mary Visits Hogfarts." Contexts 5, no. 2 (May 2006): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ctx.2006.5.2.80.

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6

Claudel, Paul. "Born of the Virgin Mary." Chesterton Review 41, no. 1 (2015): 53–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton2015411/28.

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7

DallYae Sohn. "Virgin Mary and Milton’s Eve." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern English Studies 19, no. 2 (November 2009): 297–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.17054/jmemes.2009.19.2.297.

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8

Szewczyk, Anna. "Blathmac i jego "Poemat" poświęcony Dziewicy Maryi." Vox Patrum 46 (July 15, 2004): 573–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.6860.

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The author presents the poem on the Virgin Mary, the oldest in Ireland and one of the oldest in the Early Medieval Europe. This poem wrote Irish monk of the monastery on Iona, Blathmac (+ 825). The author presents biography of Blathmac and the most important aspects of theology of Mary (Mary companion in suffering, Virgin Mary, Mother Mary, Theotocos, Intercessor). The poem includes many names of Mary: Sancta, Dear, Beautiful, Queen, Bright, Brightneck, True Virgin, Sun of the women, Sun of the human race.

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9

Wizeman, William. "The Virgin Mary in the Reign of Mary Tudor." Studies in Church History 39 (2004): 239–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015126.

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Evidence of devotion to the Virgin Mary in the restored Catholic Church of the reign of Mary Tudor survives in numerous religious texts published from 1553 to 1558. These sermons, catechetical texts, primers, and books of devotion and polemic were written to aid the restoration of early modern Catholicism in England after twenty years of religious tumult. By considering how these texts treat devotion to Mary, it is possible to answer two questions. First, was the cult of the saints in Marian England, particularly that of the Virgin, ‘one of [t]he abiding casualties of the preceding reformations’, as Ronald Hutton has argued from the few gilds and pilgrimage centres restored during this period? Secondly, does devotion to the Virgin present any clues as to the nature of the Marian Church? Did it hark back to the Church of the 1520s? Did it embrace much evangelical belief and eschew much traditional religion, as Lucy Wooding argues in her recent monograph? Or was it akin to the Catholic Reformation in Europe? In order to answer these questions, it would be useful to begin by evaluating two texts that possessed semi-official status in the Marian Church, the use and frequent printing of which were encouraged by the likes of Cardinal Pole: Bishop Edmund Bonner of London’s catechetical work, A Profitable Doctryne, and the Wayland Primer, both printed in 1555.

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10

Cousin, Bernard. "La dévotion mariale aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles en Provence." Social Compass 33, no. 1 (February 1986): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003776868603300104.

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The article assesses recent research which sheds light on the devotion to the Virgin Mary in Provence during the Counter- Reformation, and was spread by religious orders, and taken up by the secular clergy and pious laymen grouped together into brothe rhoods, Provence, which is close to Italy and the papal enclaves, was the favourite area for the blossoming of the cult of the Virgin Mary, the mainspring of pious fervour in the second half of the seventeenth century. This is shown by the number and naming of the brotherhoods (of the Rosary, of penitents...), the changing of the paintings in churches and chapels, which, from retable to ex- voto, give the Virgin a privileged position, and the setting up of new chapels of pilgrimage dedicated to Mary who is regarded as the universal protector in contrast with the very specialized thera peutic saints. The success of the devotion to the Virgin Mary in Provence during the last century of the Ancien Régime, significantly affects the choices made at important passages in life: an increase passages in the number of baby girls christened Mary, the genera lization of invocations to the Virgin Mary in the testaments, which declines however in the second half of the eighteenth century. But the devotion to the Virgin Mary will prove one of the main sup ports for the Catholic come-back in the nineteenth century

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11

Bratusa, Tina. "Between devotional practice and propaganda: miraculous images of the Virgin Mary in Marian pilgrimage churches in Slovenian Styria." CEM, no. 14 (2022): 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/2182-1097/14a3.

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The purpose of this paper is to discuss different aspects of the miraculous depictions of the Virgin Mary in selected Marian pilgrimage churches in Styria, Slovenia. The paper focuses in particular on the devotional practices and propaganda context associated with such depictions of the Virgin Mary.Throughouthistory Styrians — Slovenian and Austrian alike — have been particularly strongly attached to the Virgin Mary as the patron of the Habsburg lands. Consequently, miraculous images of the Virgin Mary in various forms were widespread. The immense popularity of the Virgin Mary and the miraculousness attributed to her images encouraged the foundation of many pilgrim routes and churches. The importance of such images can be seen in ex-votos, miracle books, the depictions of miracles in church interiors as well as the numerous holy cards, not to mention the diverse devotional practices

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12

Brundin, Abigail. "Vittoria Colonna and the Virgin Mary." Modern Language Review 96, no. 1 (January 2001): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3735716.

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13

Hodgson, Miranda. "Ælfric’s Abjection of the Virgin Mary." Nordic Journal of English Studies 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.35360/njes.170.

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14

Poston, Carol H. "Evelyn Underhill and the Virgin Mary." Anglican Theological Review 97, no. 1 (December 2015): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000332861509700106.

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Evelyn Underhill (1875–1941) was a guiding light in Anglican spirituality in the twentieth century, and her best-known works, Mysticism (1911) and Worship (1936) are still read and studied today. A prolific writer—theologian, poet, novelist—she is frequently anthologized. Her early life and writings—those undertaken before she became an actively-committed member of the Church of England in the 1920s—are, with the exception of Mysticism, less well-known. This article examines the early works that treat the Virgin Mary, and explain how that subject may have influenced the pacifism she later embraced. A feminist reading of those early works also suggests biographical links to her “care for souls,” or spiritual direction, and to her own family. The dutiful child of somewhat remote and distant parents, herself in a childless marriage, Underhill's spiritual nurture by way of Mary helps explain both her spiritual growth and her role as a spiritual director to others.

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15

Willink, David. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Podington." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 23, no. 3 (August 23, 2021): 370–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x21000533.

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16

Arlow, Ruth, and Will Adam. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Ashford." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 13, no. 1 (December 13, 2010): 120–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x1000102x.

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17

Arlow, Ruth. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Monkseaton." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 13, no. 2 (April 26, 2011): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x11000238.

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18

Arlow, Ruth. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Ashford." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 13, no. 2 (April 26, 2011): 244. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x1100024x.

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19

Arlow, Ruth. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Battle." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 13, no. 2 (April 26, 2011): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x11000330.

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20

Arlow, Ruth. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Wimbledon." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 14, no. 3 (August 22, 2012): 460–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x12000555.

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21

Arlow, Ruth. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Selling." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 15, no. 3 (August 15, 2013): 376–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x13000653.

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22

Arlow, Ruth. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Stansted." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 16, no. 2 (April 15, 2014): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x14000313.

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23

Arlow, Ruth. "Re The Blessed Virgin Mary, Ellesmere." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 17, no. 1 (December 11, 2014): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x14001239.

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24

Arlow, Ruth. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Tutbury." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 19, no. 3 (August 31, 2017): 385–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x17000643.

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25

Arlow, Ruth. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Redcliffe." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 19, no. 3 (August 31, 2017): 389. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x17000692.

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26

Arlow, Ruth. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Eccleston." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 19, no. 3 (August 31, 2017): 392. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x17000734.

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27

Arlow, Ruth. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Ashford." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 21, no. 2 (April 12, 2019): 256. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x19000310.

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28

Willink, David. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Redcliffe." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 22, no. 3 (September 2020): 393–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x2000054x.

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29

HAMILTON, SARAH. "The Virgin Mary in Cathar Thought." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 56, no. 1 (January 2005): 24–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046904002118.

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The central Middle Ages in western Europe witnessed both a significant growth in the cult of the Virgin Mary and the rise of the dualist heretical movements known as the Cathars. Whilst the Cathars' dualism meant they denied any role for the Virgin Mary in the incarnation, nevertheless they often assigned her an important place in their beliefs. This article explores the considerable affinities which existed between contemporary orthodox doctrines and heretical teachings on Mary and, through a case study of the Disputatio inter catholicum et paterinum hereticum, examines the close relationship between anti-Cathar polemic, orthodox biblical exegesis and heretical belief.

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30

Arlow, Ruth, and Will Adam. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Oxford." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 11, no. 2 (April 28, 2009): 234–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x09002129.

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31

Liutikas, Darius. "Apparitions of Virgin Mary: Sociological Analysis." Sociologija. Mintis ir veiksmas 44, no. 1 (December 20, 2019): 155–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/socmintvei.2019.1.12.

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The main purpose of this article is to discuss the social aspects of the apparitions of the Virgin Mary, the development of apparition places, as well as the motivation and behavioral characteristics of pilgrims going to the miraculous places of the Virgin Mary in Lithuania. The article reviews the criteria recognized by the Church for assessment of the authenticity of apparitions, their characteristics, paradigm, and other scientific researches, a list of the Vatican-approved apparitions and apparition places in Lithuania. We used the main elements of the paradigm of apparitions for an empirical study of the officially recognized apparition in Šiluva, Lithuania. Finally, we also explore the complex motivation of religious tourism and pilgrimage. It relates to the manifestation of pilgrims’ personal or community values and identity as well as other cognitive or social motives. The paper concludes that the apparitions of the Virgin Mary take place in locations where social groups resist political, social, or moral change. Therefore, places of apparitions become a continuously re-created and re-interpreted social reality.

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32

Clark-King, Ellen. "Mary: A Revolutionary Virgin (Advent 4)." Expository Times 118, no. 2 (November 2006): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524606070874.

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33

Barnard, Deborah, Jill Dowse, Kate Hale, and Cath Kilcoyne. "Bloody Mary and the Virgin Queen." Contemporary Theatre Review 6, no. 3 (September 1997): 47–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10486809708568428.

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34

Willink, David. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Ashwell." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 25, no. 1 (January 2023): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x22000801.

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35

Willink, David. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Dedham." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 25, no. 1 (January 2023): 119–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x22000886.

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36

Elkins, Sharon. "Gertrude the Great and the Virgin Mary." Church History 66, no. 4 (December 1997): 720–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169210.

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Scholars agree that European Christians in the thirteenth century were enthusiastically devoted to the Virgin Mary. Even when they debated Mary's immaculate conception or her assumption body and soul into heaven, medieval Christians are not thought to have wavered in their desire to rely on her intercessory powers. While today some argue that Mary's virginal maternity set an impossible ideal for women and that her place below the Trinity sanctioned women's subordinate role within Christianity, medieval women supposedly did not assess Mary negatively. Given these widely held assumptions about thirteenth-century attitudes toward Mary, any uncertainty about honoring Mary warrants investigation. Any thirteenth-century Christian who rarely sought Mary's direct intercession but instead asked Christ to intercede with Mary deserves study. Attention especially ought to be given when questions about devotion to Mary are found in an unexpected place: the writings of a female saint renowned for her orthodoxy.

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37

Ayerbe Linares, Miguel. "Diferencias en la traducción de términos griegos del campo léxico ‘mujer’ en la Biblia gótica de Úlfilas1." Futhark. Revista de Investigación y Cultura, no. 8 (2013): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/futhark.2013.i08.01.

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In any language, we expect a given term or expression to be used when referring to the same thing. Something similar is to be expected of a translation. However, in certain translations of religious texts featuring the Virgin Mary, this does not seem to apply. Apparently, the choice of words used for the lexical field of “woman” varies when it is referring to the Virgin Mary. This difference of usage is shown by the fact that in this type of texts, there are certain terms related to the lexical field of “woman” that are never used with reference to the Virgin Mary, whereas some others are used only with reference to this figure, and not to other women. In this paper, my aim is to show this circumstance, using fragments from the Gothic Bible, translated from Greek by the Arian bishop Ulfilas (4th century). I will gather the terms that are used in gothic to refer to a woman, whether it is the Virgin Mary or not, and I will also analyse the contexts in which these terms are used, in order to discover what specific terms are used only with reference to the Virgin Mary, and in which specific contexts, and what terms are not used with reference to her. Finally, I will attempt to explain the reasons that might reasonably have given rise to these distinctions. Key words: Biblical Translation, terminological distinctions, Virgin Mary, gothic language, lexical field, woman.

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38

Sinambela, Rani Mardinata, and Tetty Mirwa. "Makna Aksesoris Patung Bunda Maria di Kapel Graha Annai Velangkanni Medan." Journal of Education, Humaniora and Social Sciences (JEHSS) 3, no. 3 (March 3, 2021): 1347–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.34007/jehss.v3i3.562.

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This study aims to determine the meaning and description of the accessories for the statue of the Virgin Mary in the Chapel of the Graha Annai Velangkanni. The sampling technique used in this research is total sampling, which is a whole sampling technique, so the samples in this study are 11 accessories worn on the statue of the Virgin Mary. The results of this study indicate that the accessories on the statue of the Virgin Mary still show the impression of mixing Indian culture with the Catholic Church. For the accessories of the statue of the Virgin Mary, the aesthetic value has aesthetic value, it can be seen in the form of the sculpture itself which has a good composition and a harmonious combination of colors according to the visual elements contained in the fine art. Types of accessories worn on the statue of the Virgin Mary has its own meaning, this can be seen in the use of accessories. There are 11 accessories worn on the statue of the Virgin Mary, namely: 12 Sea Stars (a sign of hope), the Golden Crown of Our Lady (a sign of the glory of a mother's heart), the Golden Crown of Jesus (a sign of prosperity), a Stola (a holy and clean symbol), the Pastor's Staff. (symbol of directing), Mangalsutra Necklace (symbol of love), Ring of Our Lady (symbol of dignity), Rosary (meditation instrument), Indian Flower Necklace (sign of respect), Saree (Indian traditional dress), and Crescent Moon (snake tread) .

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39

Rule, Maria. "Mary, Mother of God -Virgin And Ever-Virgin (Parthenos and Aeiparthenos)." Ecumenical Review 60, no. 1-2 (January 4, 2008): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-6623.2008.tb00244.x.

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40

Zoutendam, Erin Risch. "The Bride of the Holy Trinity: The Role of Mary in Mechthild of Magdeburg's Mystical Theology." Church History 91, no. 2 (June 2022): 245–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640722001354.

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This article adds to our understanding of late medieval women's religious writing by examining the role of the Virgin Mary in Mechthild of Magdeburg's thirteenth-century mystical text The Flowing Light of the Godhead (Das fließende Licht der Gottheit). The Virgin Mary was ubiquitous in late medieval religious writing, but she played different roles and modeled different ways of life, reflecting the particular aims of individual authors. In Mechthild's text, Mary is depicted as a spiritual teacher who actively draws the narrator into higher forms of the mystical life. Mechthild also portrays the Virgin in several traditional roles, adapting each of these roles to support her particular vision of the mystical life. Mary thus functions as a model for religious experience in The Flowing Light, while also authorizing and sanctioning Mechthild's contemplative ideals.

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41

Boland, T. P. "Book Review: A Little by Ourselves: Oblates of Mary Immaculate in Australia, 1894–1994." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 8, no. 2 (June 1995): 241–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x9500800215.

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42

Cadwallader, Robyn. "Shadows of Mary: Reading the Virgin Mary in Medieval Texts (review)." Parergon 22, no. 1 (2005): 270–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2005.0006.

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43

Kalinina, L. "The cult of the Virgin Mary in Catholicism." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 4 (December 10, 1996): 52–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/1996.4.75.

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44

Ditlevsen, Kirsten. "Maria - et forbillede for kristne? Grundtvigs syn på Jomfru Maria." Grundtvig-Studier 42, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v42i1.16062.

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Mary - a Model for Christians..... ? Grundtvig’s View of Virgin MaryBy Kirsten DitlevsenThe Protestant Church has always tended to keep warily aloof from the Virgin Mary, and still does. After the Reformation, Mary played a very insignificant role in the church, at least up to the time of Grundtvig. The fact is that Grundtvig begins to take an interest in Mary, inspired by the church father Irenaeus. Grundtvig compares Eve in the Garden of Eden with Mary in Nazareth. Both women were met with an angel’s talk. A false angel beguiled Eve into violating the word of God; while a true angel came to Mary to announce to her that she was to give birth to the Saviour of the world. Mary immediately accepted being part of God’s plan of salvation, thus excusing Eve, her mother. In the words of Irenaeus: Mary’s virgin obedience makes up for Eve’s virgin disobedience.Inspired by Irenaeus, Grundtvig sees Mary as a guarantee of the humanity of Jesus. Jesus had a true human being as his mother, and Grundtvig describes her as an entirely ordinary mother, definitely not infallible. She is conscious that she is a humble and poor woman, whom God had granted His grace. Mary had not imagined that she should be found worthy of meeting and conversing with an angel, as it happened at the Annunciation. But nothing is impossible to God.Grundtvig makes Mary into a model for Christians because she trusts Jesus fully and firmly at the wedding in Cana; in the same manner we should trust Him so that he will help us as He helped His mother.Grundtvig also makes Mary an image of the church. Grundtvig speaks about the spiritual Virgin Mary as the mother of all Christians, i.e., the congregation. A spiritual mother is as necessary for human life as a physical mother, says Grundtvig. In the same way as the Holy Ghost overshadows the Virgin Mary, so the Holy Ghost overshadows the spiritual Virgin Mary - the congregation of the Lord.In Mary we are faced clearly with the true Christian heart. Mary believed in God with all her heart, and thus her faith is a model for how we must take in the word of God.In many of his sermons Grundtvig gives a high priority to what he sees as characteristically .female., in particular in the sermons from the 1850s. Women think with their hearts, while men think with their reason; thus women have a deeper understanding of Our Lord and His Gospel.Grundtvig advocates the idea that women too should be able to preach the Gospel, for just as it was a woman who gave birth to the Son of God, so the great Gospel about the Crucified and Resurrected was also born by a woman’s lips. And Jesus himself had the most loving relationship to women, Grundtvig says, and treated them as equals to men, so the example of Jesus must be sufficient recommendation for his servants, the clergymen. Grundtvig gives a higher priority to women and women’s experience in his sermons; thus, since half of Christendom are after all women, there is certainly reason enough to study his sermons.

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45

Chojnacki, Stanislaw. "Notes on a Lesser-known Marian Iconography in 13th and 14th century Ethiopian Painting." Aethiopica 5 (May 8, 2013): 42–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.5.1.445.

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In this article the early evolution of iconic iconography of the Virgin Mary in Ethiopia is discussed. One particular image is postulated to exist on a painted manbar at Lālibalā. The figure of the Child Mary depicted together with her mother, St. Anne, in the wall painting at the Gannata Māryām Church can also be considered iconic. In the late 14th century and the first decades of the 15th century, three specific groupings of depictions of the Virgin Mary, all clearly having iconic characteristics, have come to light: the Orant Virgin, the seated Hodegetria and the enthroned Virgin holding the Child in her lap. These three forms are characterised by the inclusion of the Archangels Michael and Gabriel, who are shown sheltering her with their outstretched wings. They are depicted holding crosses, while in a particular group of miniatures they extend their hands towards Mary in a gesture of supplication. This Orant form appears to be exceptional, and exists only in 14th century. The Hodegetria type evolved into numerous variants depending on the position of the Child, on Mary's left or right arm. The form of the Enthroned Virgin holding the Child in her lap, faded away in the early 15th century.

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46

Reis-Habito, Maria. "The Bodhisattva Guanyin and the Virgin Mary." Buddhist-Christian Studies 13 (1993): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389874.

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47

VAN LOON, Gertrud J. M. "The Virgin Mary and the Midwife Salomé." Eastern Christian Art 3 (December 1, 2006): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/eca.3.0.2018705.

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48

Lundberg, Magnus. "Fighting the Modern with the Virgin Mary." Nova Religio 17, no. 2 (February 2013): 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2013.17.2.40.

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This article provides a study of the organizational development and self-understanding of the Spanish Palmarian movement that emerged from a series of Marian apparitions in the Andalusian town of Palmar de Troya beginning in 1968. Within a year the leading visionary was Clemente Domínguez, whose received messages leveled severe criticism against the post-Vatican II Roman Catholic Church. In the mid-1970s, the Palmarians ordained their own priests and consecrated their own bishops; in 1978, Domínguez declared himself divinely elected pope and founded the Palmarian Church. At the beginning, Palmar de Troya was a typical apparition case, but development of apparition contents, a solid financial base, and the tumultuous relationship with the Roman Catholic Church eventually led to the founding of a separate church. From its inception, the Palmarian Church claimed that the outside world was evil, but with time it has become even more closed and exclusive.

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Ralls, Anna D. "The Virgin Mary Has a Panic Attack." Colorado Review 44, no. 3 (2017): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/col.2017.0107.

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Hwang, Kun. "The Missing Nose of the Virgin Mary." Journal of Craniofacial Surgery 30, no. 5 (2019): 1338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/scs.0000000000005235.

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