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Journal articles on the topic 'Occupied Germany'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Weiner, Daniela R. P. "American and British Efforts to Democratize Schoolbooks in Occupied Italy and Germany from 1943 to 1949." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 12, no. 1 (2020): 121–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2020.120106.

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During the Allied occupation of the Axis countries, education and the revision of educational materials were seen as a means of ensuring future peace in Europe. Most scholarly literature on this topic has focused on the German case or has engaged in a German-Japanese comparison, neglecting the country in which the textbook revision process was first pioneered: Italy. Drawing primarily on the papers of the Allied occupying military governments, this article explores the parallels between the textbook revision processes in Allied-occupied Italy and Germany. It argues that, for the Allied occupiers involved in reeducation in Italy and Germany, the reeducation processes in these countries were inextricably linked. Furthermore, the institutional learning process that occurred in occupied Italy enabled the more thorough approach later applied in Germany.

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2

Geller, Jay Howard. ":Jews, Germans, and Allies: Close Encounters in Occupied Germany." American Historical Review 114, no. 1 (2009): 231–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.1.231a.

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3

Miszewski, Dariusz. "Slavic idea in political thought of underground Poland during World War II." Review of Nationalities 7, no. 1 (2017): 67–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pn-2017-0003.

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Abstract After the German invasion in 1941, the USSR declared to be the defender of the Slavic nations occupied by Germany. It did not defend their allies, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia, against the Germans in the 1938-1941. In alliance with Germans it attacked Poland in 1939. Soviets used the Slavic idea to organize armed resistance in occupied nations. After the war, the Soviet Union intended to make them politically and militarily dependent. The Polish government rejected participation in the Soviet Slavic bloc. In the Polish political emigration and in the occupied country the Slavic idea was really popular, but as an anti-Soviet idea. Poland not the Soviet Union was expected to become the head of Slavic countries in Central and South-Eastern Europe.

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4

RÖGER, MAREN. "The Sexual Policies and Sexual Realities of the German Occupiers in Poland in the Second World War." Contemporary European History 23, no. 1 (2014): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000490.

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AbstractSexual policies were a core component of the National Socialist racial policies, both in the Altreich (territories considered part of Nazi Germany before 1938), as well as in the occupied territories. In occupied Poland the Germans imposed a ‘prohibition of contact’ (Umgangsverbot) with the local Polish population, a restriction that covered both social as well as sexual encounters. But this model of absolute racial segregation was never truly implemented. This paper attempts to show that there existed a wide range of sexual contacts between the occupiers and the local inhabitants, with the focus here being on consensual and forced contacts (sexual violence) as seen against the backdrop of National Socialist policies. This article positions itself at the intersection of the history of everyday life (Alltagsgeschichte), the history of sexuality and the gender history of the German occupation of Poland – perspectives that have rarely been used with regard to this region.

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Vande Winkel, Roel. "Film Distribution in Occupied Belgium (1940–1944)." TMG Journal for Media History 20, no. 1 (2017): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-7653.2017.280.

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The military successes achieved by the Wehrmacht in the first years of World War II, provided Nazi Germany with the opportunity to realise a long-dormant ambition of cultural hegemony. This article, focusing on film distribution in German-occupied Belgium (1940–1944), investigates the concrete steps that were taken to bring this new cultural order into practice and identifies the obstacles the German Propaganda Division (‘Propaganda-Abteilung Belgien’) encountered. Through various measures, the number of Belgian film distributors, and the number of films offered by them, were reduced. The market position of German film in general and of German film distributors Ufa and Tobis in particular, was fortified. Nevertheless, these measures did not lead to a complete German market monopoly. This would have been politically undesirable, but also turned out to be economically impossible. Towards the end of the war, the cultural, ideological, but also the undeniable economic mission to make German films as strong as possible in occupied Belgium, proved incompatible with the German war economy.

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Martynenko, Volodymyr. "Organization of reception and accommodation of German refugees from the occupied regions of the USSR in Germany in 1944." European Historical Studies, no. 17 (2020): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.17.4.

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Based on a wide range of sources, the article considers the process of organizing the reception and placement of German refugees from the occupied regions of Ukraine on the territory of Germany in 1944. According to archival sources, during the fall of 1943 – spring of 1944, about 350,000 ethnic Germans were evacuated from the occupied Ukrainian territories by the authorities of Nazi Germany. From February 1944, at the direction of Reichsführer SS H. Himmler, German refugees from the USSR were to be sent to the territory of the imperial district of Warthegau. Due to the lack of free land resources, most new settlers planned to be used as agricultural workers until the end of the war. The Nazi Party authorities were tasked with convincing the refugees that at this stage, they needed to think not about their interests, but about working for the good of Germany since their future fate depended on their victory. At the beginning of 1944, a network of special assembly camps was deployed to receive refugees in Warthegau. Many corporate events took place in an accelerated manner. Despite past years’ experience, the Nazi authorities were still not well prepared for the sudden influx of such a large contingent. Therefore, at the initial stage, they sought to meet refugees’ basic needs (for housing, food, medical care, clothing, etc.). Officials of local economic authorities were quite skeptical about the Soviet Germans. They considered them insufficiently adapted to the peculiarities of farming in the region. Some German officials occasionally openly demonstrated their contempt to the settlers. As a result, by the end of 1944, dissatisfaction with their situation began to grow among many evacuated Germans. The Nazi authorities tried to fight this tendency with the help of propaganda.

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Wambach, Julia. "Vichy in Baden-Baden – The Personnel of the French Occupation in Germany after 1945." Contemporary European History 28, no. 3 (2018): 319–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000462.

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This article examines the contested presence of Vichy administrators in high positions of the French administration of occupied Germany after the Second World War. In occupied Germany, where many of Pétain’s officials pursued their careers, resisters and collaborators negotiated their new positions in the wake of the German occupation of France. Key to understanding this settlement are the notions of expertise and merit as well as the role of the inherited French social order untouched by the collaboration.

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8

Kehoe, Thomas J., and Elizabeth M. Greenhalgh. "Bias in the Treatment of Non-Germans in the British and American Military Government Courts in Occupied Germany, 1945–46." Social Science History 44, no. 4 (2020): 641–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2020.25.

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AbstractNon-Germans—particularly “displaced persons”—were routinely blamed for crime in occupied western Germany. The Allied and German fixation on foreign gangs, violent criminals, and organized crime syndicates is well documented in contemporary reports, observations, and the press. An abundance of such data has long shaped provocative historical narratives of foreign-perpetrated criminality ranging from extensive disorder through to near uncontrolled anarchy. Such accounts complement assertions of a broader and more generalized crime wave. Over the last 30 years, however, a literature has emerged that casts doubt on the actual extent of lawlessness during the occupation of the west and, in turn, on the level non-German participation in crime. It may be that extensive reporting of non-German criminality at the time reflected the preexisting bigotries of Germans and the Allies, which when combined with anxieties about social and societal integrity became focused on the most marginalized groups in postwar society. This process of “group criminalization” is common and can have different motivations. Regardless of its cause, it was clearly evident in postwar western Germany and we hypothesized that it should have created harsher outcomes for non-German versus German criminal defendants when facing the Allied criminal justice system, such as greater rates of conviction and harsher punishments. This hypothesis was tested using newly collected military government court data from 1945 to 1946. Contrary to expectations, we found a more subtle bias against non-Germans than expected, which we argue reveals important characteristics about the US and British military government criminal justice system.

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9

Hoppe, Hans-Joachim. "Bulgarian Nationalities Policy in Occupied Thrace and Aegean Macedonia." Nationalities Papers 14, no. 1-2 (1986): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998608408035.

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After the outbreak of World War II, the Bulgarian government pursued a policy of non-alignment. In the fall of 1940 it rejected plans for a combined Italian-Bulgarian attack against Greece. And when Italy alone invaded Greece, Bulgaria facilitated Greek resistance by her own passivity. When Germany called on Bulgaria to enter the Tripartite Pact and make its territory available for a German attack against Greece, the Bulgarian leadership succeeded in retarding the talks. At the same time, the Soviet Union, Germany's Balkan rival, tried to entice Bulgaria into concluding a pact of mutual assistance by offering the whole of western and eastern Thrace at the expense of both Turkey and Greece. Bulgaria refused, and on 1 March 1941 joined the alliance with Germany in hope of territorial gains. It took this step only when it seemed unavoidable.

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KRASNOZHENOVA, ELENA E. "THE OCCUPANTS AND THE POPULATION OF NORTH-WEST RUSSIA DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR." CASPIAN REGION: Politics, Economics, Culture 66, no. 1 (2021): 16–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21672/1818-510x-2021-66-1-016-023.

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The war of Germany against the USSR was based on the idea of expanding the "living space" of the German nation, capable of using the resources of the occupied territories of the Soviet republics for the benefit of its own development. The population of the countries destined for conquest must feed the German economy with man power resources, the natural reserves of their former territories will provide the economic needs of the German army and the entire German people. The most important tool for the economic use of the occupied territories was the tax system, the export of production equipment, property of organizations and citizens. For staffing industrial production in the occupied territories, labor exchanges were created, distributing the civilian population to work at local enterprises. The occupation caused enormous damage to the population, economy and economy of the North-West of Russia. The number of the local population, which was destroyed in concentration camps, was subjected to robberies and terror, and was mobilized for defensive and other work, significantly decreased. The population experienced constant hunger, only those who were involved in compulsory work in production received the minimum supply. A significant number of able-bodied citizens of the occupied regions of the North-West were sent to forced labor in Germany. The violent deportation of the population to Germany was accompanied by unprecedented cruelty and brutal reprisals. In the face of intensified repression, the process of mass entry of the rural population into partisan detachments began.

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11

Glassheim, Eagle. "National Mythologies and Ethnic Cleansing: The Expulsion of Czechoslovak Germans in 1945." Central European History 33, no. 4 (2000): 463–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916100746428.

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Beginning in January of 1946, trains filled with Sudeten Germans—forty wagons, thirty passengers per wagon—left Czechoslovakia daily for the American Zone of occupied Germany. By the end of 1946, the Czechoslovak government completed the “organized transfer” of almost 2 million Germans, and it did so in a manner that in many respects fulfilled the mandate of the Potsdam agreement that the resettlement be “orderly and humane.” But a focus on these regularized trainloads of human cargo obscures the extent of the humanitarian disaster facing Germans during the summer months of 1945, immediately after the Nazi capitulation. By the end of 1945, Czech soldiers, security forces, and local militias had already expelled over 700,000 Sudeten Germans to occupied Germany and Austria. As many as 30,000 Germans died on forced marches, in disease-filled concentration camps, in summary executions, and massacres.

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12

Hilton, Laura J. "Jews, Germans and Allies: Close Encounters in Occupied Germany (review)." Journal of the History of Sexuality 20, no. 3 (2011): 642–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sex.2011.0044.

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13

Julia Schulze Wessel. "Jews, Germans, and Allies: Close Encounters in Occupied Germany (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 27, no. 3 (2009): 171–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.0.0336.

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14

Peifer, Douglas C., and Timothy R. Vogt. "Denazification in Soviet-Occupied Germany: Brandenburg, 1945-1948." Journal of Military History 65, no. 3 (2001): 851. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677598.

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15

Meier, David A., and Timothy R. Vogt. "Denazification in Soviet-Occupied Germany: Brandenburg 1945-1948." German Studies Review 25, no. 3 (2002): 638. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432647.

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16

Florian Alix-Nicolaï. "RUINS AND VISIONS: STEPHEN SPENDER IN OCCUPIED GERMANY." Modern Language Review 109, no. 1 (2014): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5699/modelangrevi.109.1.0054.

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17

Pike, David. "Cultural Politics in Soviet-Occupied Germany 1945-46." Journal of Contemporary History 24, no. 1 (1989): 91–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200948902400104.

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18

Lehner, Nora. "»Gender Relationships between Occupiers and Occupied during the Allied Occupation of Germany after 1945«." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 79, no. 1 (2020): 123–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgzs-2020-0005.

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19

Krasnozhenova, Elena. "Economic and economic features of the Nazi occupation policy: 1941— 1944. (based on materials from the North-West of Russia)." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 11-1 (2020): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202011statyi17.

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The article shows the content of the Nazi occupation policy in the North-West of Russia during the Great Patriotic war. Features of the German command’s agricultural and tax policy in the occupied territory of the region are presented. To supply Nazi Germany and its armies, the economic resources of the occupied territories were used by exporting raw materials, food, equipment, and other material values. The local population was involved in mandatory work at enterprises, or sent to Germany. The occupation policy led to a significant deterioration of living conditions in the North-West of the Russia. The removal of food and warm clothing from citizens, their eviction from their homes, and the lack of medical care contributed to an increase in morbidity and mortality. The article shows the content of Nazi propaganda in the occupied territory of the North-West of the Russia.

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20

Evarts, Edvīns. "Latvju jaunatnes organizācija Otrā pasaules kara gados." Sabiedrība un kultūra: rakstu krājums = Society and Culture: conference proceedings, no. XXII (January 6, 2021): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37384/sk.2020.22.039.

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Because of the failure of the Eastern Front at the end of 1941, plans of Nazi Germany changed on what should happen with the occupied nations. According to the new idea, the local people should be more involved in a civil administration and one of the ways to do so, was to schedule a youth organization. The occupation power in Latvia, Generalkommissariat, began to create a youth organization, which was meant to be similar to Hitlerjugend organization in Germany. By the spring of 1942, a Latvian youth organization (LYO) was developed, fully subordinated to German officials. The Germans didn’t have enough civil administrators, therefore the leaders of the new youth organization were chosen from former leaders of the scouts and mazpulki (also the youth organizations in Latvia). They often tried to act in national interests or at least without national-socialistic ideology, with led to conflict situations with the occupation power. In July 1944, as a result of approaching front, LYO was transformed into a further instance which helped Germans to mobilize Latvian youth to a German military force.

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21

Cohen, G. Daniel. "Ruth Gay. Safe Among The Germans: Liberated Jews After World War Two. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002. 330 pp.; Zeev Mankowitz. Life Between Memory and Hope: The Survivors of the Holocaust in Occupied Germany. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002. 348 pp." AJS Review 28, no. 2 (2004): 378–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009404320210.

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In the last decade or so, new research on Jewish displaced persons in occupied Germany has pushed the traditional boundaries of “Holocaust studies” (1933–1945) toward the postwar period. Indeed, the displaced persons or “DP” experience—the temporary settlement in Germany of the Sheءerith Hapleitah (“Surviving Remnant”) from the liberation of concentration camps in the spring of 1945 to the late 1940s—provides important insights into post-Holocaust Jewish life. The impact of trauma and loss, the final divorce between Jews and East-Central Europe through migration to Israel and the New World, the rise of Zionist consciousness, the shaping of a Jewish national collective in transit, the regeneration of Jewish demography and culture in the DP camps, and the relationships between Jews and Germans in occupied Germany are some of the many themes explored by recent DP historiography—by now a subfield of postwar Jewish history.

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Fehrenbach, Heide. "Timothy L. Schroer.Recasting Race after World War II: Germans and African Americans in American-Occupied Germany.:Recasting Race after World War II: Germans and African Americans in American‐Occupied Germany." American Historical Review 113, no. 3 (2008): 934–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.3.934.

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23

Glazkov, Mikhail. "Failure of Nazi Germany’s library policy." Scientific and Technical Libraries, no. 3 (March 1, 2017): 96–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.33186/1027-3689-2017-3-96-104.

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Review of the book: Germany’s Library and Publishing Activities in Occupied Territory (on the Examples of Central Regions of the RSFSR) : A monograph. - Orel : Gorizont, 2015. - 130 p. The monograph by A. L. Yesipov deals with library and publishing activity of Nazi Germany in temporarily occupied territories of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War. The author analyses the Nazi’s library and publishing policy in occupied territories, as well as activities of libraries subordinated to them. The major segments and results of Nazi propaganda, as well as little known documents produced by German authorities are presented.

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24

McDougall, Alan. "Benita Blessing.The Antifascist Classroom: Denazification in Soviet-occupied Germany, 1945–1949.:The Antifascist Classroom: Denazification in Soviet‐occupied Germany, 1945–1949." American Historical Review 113, no. 2 (2008): 602–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.602.

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Martynenko, V. "German Population Local Evacuations from the USSR Occupied Regions in winter-spring 1943." Problems of World History, no. 13 (March 18, 2021): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-4.

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One of the elements of the “total war” declared by the Nazi leadership in February 1943 was the massive displacement of the civilian population of the occupied Soviet territories to the deep rear. As a rule, these movements were voluntary compulsory. Among those who were also subjected to mandatory evacuation were ethnic Germans, who, as a rule, enjoyed the special patronage of the occupation authorities. Most of them, of course, could not help fearing reprisals after the return of Soviet power and therefore preferred to retreat with the Wehrmacht. As a result, during the first few months of 1943, thousands of refugees of German nationality were quickly evacuated from several occupied regions of the RSFSR, the Ukrainian SSR, and the BSSR. Some of them, by decision of the SS leadership, remained on the territory of the Reichskommissariat “Ukraine”, while others left for the imperial region of Warthegau and the General Government. Despite their very modest scale, these evacuations had at least two main outcomes. First, they became, in a sense, a prototype (especially at the organizational level) of administrative relocations that unfolded in the autumn of the same year on the territory of Ukraine. Some considerations (such as the idea of the concentration of German refugees on the right bank of the Dnieper or in Galicia) would later form the basis for further plans of the Nazi leadership. Secondly, the arrival of a fairly large contingent of Soviet Germans in the Reich required several changes to the legal framework governing the procedure for their naturalization. A significant part of these innovations will determine the fate of the majority of German immigrants from the USSR practically until the end of the war. In the presented article, based on the involvement of a significant array of documents from the archival funds of Germany, the characteristic features of the evacuation of ethnic Germans from the occupied regions of Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus in winter-spring 1943 are considered.

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Schmidt, Carolin E. "The quest for affordable owner-occupied housing in Germany." Journal of European Real Estate Research 12, no. 3 (2019): 365–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jerer-10-2018-0046.

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Purpose Even though housing prices in Germany are low by international standards, housing in urban areas has become less affordable. Since 2018, certain families aspiring to become homeowners may apply for a capital subsidy (Baukindergeld) that contributes to their down-payment. This paper analyzes whether this subsidy is an appropriate policy instrument to achieve the desired goals. Design/methodology/approach The paper presents an equilibrium model with two types of households (low- and high-income) and two types of houses (low- and high-quality) to examine equilibrium prices before and after the introduction of a subsidy. Findings This subsidy not only makes owning less affordable for the lower-income household but also increases the prices of more expensive houses that are not within reach of lower-income households. Research limitations/implications Because this policy has just come into effect in 2018 and no data are available yet, the implications of the model are yet to be tested. Practical implications The implications of the subsidy run counter to its intentions as house prices will rise even further. Other policies or fewer regulations for new construction may be more effective. Social implications An instrument aiming to relieve financially weaker families, this subsidy will increase prices for all house types, assuming continuing supply shortages observed in the German urban housing markets. Originality/value This is the first paper on Germany’s new homeownership subsidy. The model is general enough to be used with any explicit demand and supply functions and is thus applicable to other markets with low supply elasticities.

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Beer, Matthias. "Vertriebene und “Umsiedlerpolitik.” Integrationskonflikte in der deutschen Nachkriegsgesellschaft und die Assimilationsstrategien in der SBZ/DDR 1945-1961." Central European History 39, no. 1 (2006): 169–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906370069.

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Among forced population transfers in the twentieth century, the expulsion of the German population from East Central Europe at the end of World War II was remarkable. More than twelve million Germans were expelled from the eastern parts of the German Reich and some eastern European states. These refugees arrived in a defeated, occupied, destroyed, and divided country. Initially, the percentage of expelled persons in the Soviet Occupation Zone was much higher than in the western zones. With almost 4.5 million individuals, the expellees made up twenty-four percent of the total population in the Soviet Occupation Zone in 1949. By contrast, western Germany had eight million expellees, who comprised roughly sixteen percent of the total population.

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Jonas, Manfred, and Hermann-Josef Rupieper. "The Occupied Ally: The American Germany Policy, 1949-1955." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (1994): 801. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081387.

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29

Grose, Peter. "The Boss of Occupied Germany: General Lucius D. Clay." Foreign Affairs 77, no. 4 (1998): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049040.

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Feigel, Lara, and Emily Oliver. "INTRODUCTION: NARRATIVES OF IDENTITY AND NATIONHOOD IN OCCUPIED GERMANY." German Life and Letters 71, no. 2 (2018): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/glal.12187.

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Silverberg, Laura. "East German Music and the Problem of National Identity." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 4 (2009): 501–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902985710.

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Caught between political allegiance to the Soviet Union and a shared history with West Germany, the German Democratic Republic (GDR) occupied an awkward position in Cold War Europe. While other countries in the Eastern Bloc already existed as nation-states before coming under Soviet control, the GDR was the product of Germany's arbitrary division. There was no specifically East German culture in 1945—only a German culture. When it came to matters of national identity, officials in the GDR's ruling Socialist Unity Party (SED) could not posit a unique quality of “East Germanness,” but could only highlight East Germany's difference from its western neighbor. This difference did not stem from the language and culture of the past, but the politics and ideology of the present: East Germany was socialist Germany.

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Forner, S. A. "Reconsidering the 'Unpolitical German': Democratic Renewal and the Politics of Culture in Occupied Germany." German History 32, no. 1 (2014): 53–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ght100.

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33

DAVIES, VERONICA. "CAPTURING THE GERMAN EYE: AMERICAN VISUAL PROPAGANDA IN OCCUPIED GERMANY BY CORA SOL GOLDSTEIN." Art Book 17, no. 3 (2010): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8357.2010.01120.x.

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34

Andrew Donson. "The German Antifascist Classroom: Denazification in Soviet-Occupied Germany, 1945–1949 (review)." Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth 1, no. 2 (2008): 304–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hcy.0.0004.

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Datsishina, Marina V. "Place Renaming and German Policy-Making in Temporarily Occupied Soviet Territories." Вопросы Ономастики 17, no. 1 (2020): 113–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/vopr_onom.2020.17.1.006.

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The article discusses the transfer of territory-remapping strategies by Nazi Germany from Europe to the occupied territories of the USSR, with a particular focus on place renaming. Measures concerning toponymy and onomastics were generally well-rooted in the policy of the Third Reich. In the year of 1942, as the German occupation zone in the Soviet Union reached its peak for the whole period of the war, specific guidelines for renaming were issued to secure the acclaimed territories. On the functional side, the guidelines were to eliminate confusion in the correspondence between administrative bodies of the occupied lands and their Berlin leadership. The author shows that each renaming decision could be due to several factors, but ultimately these were meant to contribute to further legal and cultural appropriation of the occupied territories and their subsequent Germanization. Renaming of places in the German way took different forms. Most commonly, it went through the integration of the Nazi ideology into the context of European and world history. The national socialists declared themselves heirs to Germany’s great past, the successors of its best traditions. The “Germanization” of place names in different occupation zones had different dynamics. Logically, the farther the occupied territories were from the Western border of the USSR, the fewer German names they featured. The article showcases how the “derussification” policy was used to disrupt the links with the Soviet past, to foster separatist tendencies, and ultimately to verbalize the expectations of a “blitzkrieg” victory. Renaming of toponymic objects also aimed to reduce the population’s resistance to occupation, as well as increase the loyalty to the occupiers. The paper builds on archival documents, the occupation press, eyewitness accounts.

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Steinmetz, George. "Empire in three keys." Thesis Eleven 139, no. 1 (2017): 46–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513617701958.

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Germany was famously a latecomer to colonialism, but it was a hybrid empire, centrally involved in all forms of imperial activity. Germans dominated the early Holy Roman Empire; Germany after 1870 was a Reich, or empire, not a state in the conventional sense; and Germany had a colonial empire between 1884 and 1918. Prussia played the role of continental imperialist in its geopolitics vis-à-vis Poland and the other states to its east. Finally, in its Weltpolitik – its global policies centered on the navy – Germany was an informal global imperialist. Although these diverse scales and practices of empire usually occupied distinct regions in the imaginations of contemporaries, there was one representational space in which the nation-state was woven together with empire in all its different registers: the Berlin trade exhibition of 1896. Because this exhibition started as a local event focused on German industry, it has not attracted much attention among historians of colonial and world fairs. Over the course of its planning, however, the 1896 exhibition emerged as an encompassing display of the multifarious German empire in all its geopolitical aspects. The exhibition attracted the attention of contemporaries as diverse as Georg Simmel and Kaiser Wilhelm. In contrast to Simmel and later theorists, I argue that it represented the empire and the nation-state, and not simply the fragmenting and commodifying force of capitalism. In contrast to Timothy Mitchell, I argue that the exhibit did not communicate a generic imperial modernity, but made visible the unique multi-scaled political formation that was the German empire-state.

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37

Koshar, Rudy, and David Pike. "The Politics of Culture in Soviet-Occupied Germany, 1945-1949." American Historical Review 99, no. 5 (1994): 1717. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168488.

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Silberman, Marc, and David Pike. "The Politics of Culture in Soviet-Occupied Germany: 1945-1949." German Quarterly 67, no. 3 (1994): 437. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/408656.

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Bessel, Richard. "The politics of culture in Soviet-occupied Germany, 1945–1949." International Affairs 69, no. 4 (1993): 780–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620647.

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Deshmukh, Marion F., and David Pike. "The Politics of Culture in Soviet-Occupied Germany, 1945-1949." German Studies Review 17, no. 2 (1994): 411. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432504.

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41

Teo, Hsu-Ming. "The continuum of sexual violence in occupied germany, 1945-49." Women's History Review 5, no. 2 (1996): 191–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029600200111.

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42

Augustine, D. L. "The Antifascist Classroom. Denazification in Soviet-occupied Germany, 1945-1949." German History 26, no. 2 (2008): 327–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghn017.

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Schroer, Timothy L. "Winning the Peace: The British in Occupied Germany, 1945–1948." German History 35, no. 3 (2017): 474–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghx058.

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44

Knapton, Samantha K. "Winning the peace: the British in Occupied Germany, 1945–1948." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 27, no. 4 (2020): 575–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2020.1715044.

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45

Martynenko, Vladimir. "Evacuation of the German Population from Transnistria in March–July 1944." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2020): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.1.6.

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Introduction. During autumn 1943 – spring 1944 the systematic phased evacuation of the German population was carried out from the occupied Soviet regions. Its final phase was the operation of relocating more than 130 000 ethnic Germans from the Transnistria Governorate controlled by Romanian authorities to the territory of Warthegau. Materials and methods. The presented research is based on the historicism and objectivity principles. In the course of the work, the author uses special methods such as historical-systematic, chronological, historicaldescriptive, and historical-genetic. The Source base of the research consists of documents of archival funds of Germany, memoirs and partly materials from the German press. Analysis. The decision of the SS leadership to execute the evacuation of ethnic Germans from Transnistria was due to the further advance of Soviet troops in the southern direction. However, even at the planning stage, the German side was faced with serious problems that could disrupt the entire operation. Due to the fact that control over many transport communications was lost, evacuation routes could only run through the territory of Romania, Bulgaria, occupied Serbia and Hungary. Therefore, the German leadership had to initiate urgent negotiations with the authorities of some of these states. Especially difficult was the negotiation process with the Romanian side which did not want to provide any assistance in the evacuation of the Germans from Transnistria. The High Command of the Wehrmacht was also in no hurry to provide assistance (for example, in transport support). Results. Despite the above-mentioned problems, the SS leadership was still able to carry out this resettlement action for several months. Most Germans decided to leave their homes not under the administrative pressure from the occupying authorities, but voluntarily, guided exclusively by the instinct of their survival.

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Wolpert, Daniel Jonah. "THE AUTHOR AND HIS CORPSE: GERMAN CLASSICAL CULTURE IN THE NATIONAL CINEMA OF OCCUPIED GERMANY." German Life and Letters 71, no. 2 (2018): 154–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/glal.12189.

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Pepin, Craig K. "Dilettantes and Over-Specialization”: Diagnosing and Treating Nazism at West German Universities after World War II." History of Education Quarterly 45, no. 4 (2005): 604–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2005.tb00057.x.

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After 1945, the words “anti-fascist education” appeared much less frequently in the western zones of occupied Germany than in the Soviet zone, but the concerns expressed by the phrase were shared by all occupying powers: How could education help prevent a resurgence of Nazism? For the American and British occupation authorities, and to a lesser extent, the French, the answer was to “reeducate” for democracy. The leaders of German universities in the western zones answered this question differently. Drawing on the traditional German “idea of the university,” German professors stressed the inculcation of morality through Bildung or character formation. In practical terms, this meant very little change in curriculum, course content, or educational structure: Only a rededication to university traditions supposedly uncompromised and unaffected by Nazism could lead German higher education, and by extension Germany, away from fascism.

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Коrzun, Оlena. "ORGANIZATION OF AGRICULTURAL RESEARCH WORK ON THE TERRITORY OF THE REICHSKOMMISSARIAT «UKRAINE»." Journal of Ukrainian History, no. 40 (2019): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2522-4611.2019.40.14.

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Agricultural research as a system of permanent research institutes for agricultural needs during the Second World War on the territory of Ukraine has proved to be a remarkable period in the study of the history of science. Within 6 years it changed its structure several times to meet the needs of the party that captured Ukrainian territories: in Western Ukraine from the Polish model to the Soviet one; under fascist occupation - to meet the needs of the Germans and Romanians; evacuation and re-evacuation, which also required reorganization, re-institutionalization of the institutions to new climatic conditions in the critical situation of the war time. A separate aspect of the research is an analysis of changes in the organizational structure of the agrarian research institutes during the German occupation. This article is aimed at analyzing the organizational structure of agricultural research in the period of the German occupation during World War II on the territory of the Reichskommissariat «Ukraine» on the basis of original sources. The analysis of these issues will allow us to reflect on the events of the World War II more closely, better understand the plans of Nazi Germany on the development of Ukrainian lands meant for the prospective settlement of the Germans, the organizational drawbacks of the Soviet agricultural research and Nazi’s attempts to overcome them. Utilization of the Ukrainian arable farm lands became a major geostrategic and military aspect German invasion plans. For the effective exploitation of this territory, all German scientific forces were united to study the agricultural potential of the occupied lands. With the establishment of new occupation authorities in Ukraine, their primary actions were to collect maximum information from scientific documentation and materials on breeding, to involve the best local scientists to projects aimed at deep study of the occupied territories for the prospective German settlers. The main organization responsible for the collection and export of scientific material from the occupied territories was the Rosenberg Operational Headquarters, which collaborated with the Imperial Ministry of Occupied Eastern Territories. The departments of this ministry belonged to the Central Research Service of the East, under supervision of all German scholars who came for scientific work on the territory of the Reichscommissariat «Ukraine». In order to study the scientific potential of the agricultural sector in the autumn of 1941, the Center for Research of Agriculture and Forestry for Northwestern Ukraine was created. During 1942-1943 agricultural scientific institutions accounted to the Institute of Local Lore and Economic Research, and later to the National Research Center with the allocation of a separate Special Group on Agricultural Research. This structure allowed the occupational authorities to control the institutional, financial, personnel and scientific issues of the institutions and integrate domestic agricultural research with the German science management. Despite the presence of the Ukrainian administration representatives in each agricultural research institute, all issues were resolved solely by the German authorities subordinated to the Imperial Ministry of Occupied Eastern Territories The occupation authorities planned to use the scientific potential of these institutions for better development of the invaded territories. This issue was in the center of attention, both for economic, scientific and ideological benefits of the new government. With approaching military actions, German curators were ordered to export scientific records, elite seed funds and valuable literature. At the beginning of 1945, researchers of agricultural research institutes and scientific documentation were scattered among different German institutions in Poland and Germany. Thus, despite numerous difficulties caused on the territory of Ukrainian lands by the Second World War and German interference into the organizational framework of agricultural science, this situation proved to have a positive turn, because Ukrainian scientists never ceased their work, managed to preserve the agricultural potential of Ukraine.

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Heger, Martin. "BgHSt 20, 22 und die Neubürger-Klausel des deutschen Strafanwendungsrechts – ein deutsch-polnischer Fall schreibt Rechtsgeschichte bis heute." Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 19, no. 2 (2020): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2020.19.02.08.

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In its judgment of the 4th September 1964 the German Federal Court of Justice had to deal with a German-Polish case of murder. The accused persons were members of the German minority in Poland and lived in the Western part of Poland, when German troops occupied that territory in the autumn of 1939. Short after the invasion they killed the members of a Jewish family living in the same territory. Both, the perpetrators as well as the victims were Polish nationals, when the crime was committed. The perpetrators have got the German nationality in the following. It is not clear, whether they have been naturalized by German authorities during WW II, but if not, they were seen as German nationals with the Getting-into-Force of the German Basic Law (Constitution), because they were refugees from Poland to Germany. Therefore, Article 116 § 1 Basic Law naturalized them as German nationals. For the criminal case it was crucial whether the later naturalization can give the German Justice system jurisdiction over a case which happened before the perpetrator has reached the German nationality, as it was (and still is) stated in section 4 (resp. today section 7) of the German Criminal Code. The paper should deal with the implications of this so-called "New Citizenship Clause" and with the circumstances of the case and the following cases at Western German Courts against German people for committing murder in the occupied Polish territories during WWII. Shortly after the named case, the Auschwitz trial started in Frankfurt. On that background, the paper reflects on the situation between West and East Germany as well.

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Schumann, Abel. "Persistence of Population Shocks: Evidence from the Occupation of West Germany after World War II." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 6, no. 3 (2014): 189–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.6.3.189.

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In the immediate aftermath of World War II, millions of German expellees were resettled into the new borders of Germany, but not into the parts of Germany that were occupied by France. Using a spatial regression discontinuity framework, I estimate the persistence of the population shock over a 20-year-period. Between 1945 and 1950, the inflow of people increased the population in municipalities where expellees could settle by 21.6 percent. The difference in population levels is highly persistent and remained 17.8 percent in 1970. The results suggest that population patterns in the region that I study were not determined by locational fundamentals. (JEL J11, N34, R12, R23)

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