Contents
Academic literature on the topic 'Odeon of Pericles (Athens, Greece)'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Odeon of Pericles (Athens, Greece).'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Odeon of Pericles (Athens, Greece)"
1
Trainor, Sebastian. "The Odeon of Pericles: A Tale of the First Athenian Music Hall, the Second Persian Invasion of Greece, Theatre Space in Fifth Century bce Athens, and the Artifacts of an Empire." Theatre Symposium 24, no. 1 (2016): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tsy.2016.0002.
Full text
2
Fowden, Elizabeth Key. "The Parthenon, Pericles and King Solomon: a case study of Ottoman archaeological imagination in Greece." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 42, no. 2 (2018): 261–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2018.8.
Full textAbstract:
What made Athens different from other multi-layered cities absorbed into the Ottoman Empire was the strength of its ancient reputation for learning that echoed across the Arabic and Ottoman worlds. But not only sages were remembered and Islamized in Athens; sometimes political figures were too. In the early eighteenth century a mufti of Athens, Mahmud Efendi, wrote a rarely studiedHistory of the City of Sages (Tarih-i Medinetü’l-Hukema)in which he transformed Pericles into a wise leader on a par with the Qur'anic King Solomon and linked the Parthenon mosque to Solomon's temple in Jerusalem.
3
Robinson, Eric W. "The Sophists and Democracy Beyond Athens." Rhetorica 25, no. 1 (2007): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2007.25.1.109.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Scholars agree that a connection existed between the early sophists and democracy, usually in theoretical terms or in the association of sophists with the Athens of Pericles. However, to discuss the sophists and demokratia exclusively in the context of Athens makes little sense, given that the earliest sophists came from outside Athens and thus began to develop the ideas and practices that made them famous in other contexts. This paper considers what political experiences or background the early sophists may have had outside Athens. Examining the backgrounds of Protagoras, Gorgias, Thrasymachus, Prodicus, and Hippias, one can build a case for clear democratic associations beyond Athens. This may affect our understanding of the causes—and possibly the consequences—of the so-called “sophistic movement” with respect to democracies in Greece.
4
ALLAN, DAVID. "THE AGE OF PERICLES IN THE MODERN ATHENS: GREEK HISTORY, SCOTTISH POLITICS, AND THE FADING OF ENLIGHTENMENT." Historical Journal 44, no. 2 (2001): 391–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01001686.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores changing responses among late Georgian Scots towards Greek history in general and classical Athens in particular. Tracing the early study of Greece through some of the more innovative Scottish Enlightenment scholars, it argues that Periclean Athens long remained a difficult and controversial topic, mainly because eighteenth-century authors found it hard to offer a fully sympathetic treatment of a historical subject strongly associated with radical political democracy. With the defeat of Napoleon, however, and as new ways were sought to celebrate Scotland's own recent imperial, economic, and intellectual achievements, Athenianism gained in credibility, assisted by the rising tide of cultural Hellenism and political Hellenophilia throughout Britain. Plans were laid for a national monument in Edinburgh, modelled on the Athenian Parthenon. Nevertheless, insufficient support was forthcoming and by 1830 the project had stalled. Not least among the causes of this debacle – popularly known as ‘Scotland's Disgrace’ – were the contradictions involved in Athenian symbolism: the abandoned monument ultimately served to represent only the failings of Scotland's tory establishment.
5
Matiash, Iryna. "Activities of the Consulate of Greece in Kyiv and the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission of the Ukrainian People's Republic in Greece in 1917-1920: a Role in the Establishment of Ukrainian-Greek Relations." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 29 (November 10, 2020): 10–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2020.29.010.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the study is to clarify the main activities of the Greek Consulate in Kyiv in 1917 - 1918 and the UPR Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Greece in 1919 - 1920 through the prism of activity of Ukrainian and Greek diplomats (Pericles Hripari, Fedir Matushevskyi, Modest Levytskyi) and determining the peculiarities of the establishment of Ukrainian-Greek relations in 1917-1920. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, historicism, and systematicity. General and special scientific methods are used, in particular archival heuristics, historiographical analysis, external and internal criticism of the sources. The scientific novelty of the results of the study is the reconstruction on the basis of the archival information, found by the author in published and unpublished sources, of activities of the Greek Consulate in Kyiv, the Ukrainian diplomatic mission in Athens and clarification of the participants in the Ukrainian-Greek relations in 1917 - 1920, functions and tasks of diplomatic and consular representatives. Conclusions. The mutual diplomatic and consular presence of Ukraine and Greece in 1917-1920 was due to different reasons. The Greek Consulate in Kyiv was established as a Greek consulate in the Russian Empire and continued to perform its functions primarily in the field of guardianship of Greek citizens after the proclamation of the Ukrainian People's Republic. Greek Consul Pericles Hripari acted as the doyen of the consular corps and managed to ensure active cooperation with the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry. At the time of the Central Council, it developed within the norms of international law. During the Hetmanate, at the insistence of the German administration, P. Hripari, as a representative and ally of Entente, was expelled from Kyiv. The Ukrainian diplomatic mission as an Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission was sent to Greece after the victory of the Directory and the restoration of the UPR in order to achieve recognition of its independence by as many states and spread information about the struggle of Ukrainians against the Bolsheviks for independent existence. The Mission was headed successively by F. Matushevskyi and M. Levytskyi. Greece's position on recognizing the independence of the UPR depended on the position of the Entente states. Despite the lack of official recognition of the mission, information about Ukraine, its people and its struggle for independence was communicated to Greek society and government agencies through a special memorandum, local newspapers and a thematic bulletin
6
Surikov, Igor. "Nicknames among Greeks of the Archaic and Classical Periods: Preliminary Thoughts of a General Theoretical Nature." Akropolis: Journal of Hellenic Studies 2 (December 31, 2018): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.35296/jhs.v2i0.33.
Full textAbstract:
This article is the first in a series devoted to nicknames of well-known people in Greece of pre-Hellenistic times. In it general considerations are primarily expressed about the role of nicknames in human societies (including ancient Greek), relations of nicknames to personal names and divine epithets, terminology of nicknames among the Greeks, and the possible reasons for not very broad development of the practice of nicknaming in Greece during this period.
 A nickname is a fundamental phenomenon of the history of culture, and its real significance has not yet been appreciated. Nicknames in particular served as means of distinguishing individuals within any society. The names of the ancient Greeks had originally resembled nicknames as much as possible. Onomastic units in Greek poleis were mostly meaningful.
 Nicknames can be assigned—not from a semantic but rather from an emotional point of view—to three basic types. We deal with nicknames of a) a positive, exalted character (“Olympian” as to Pericles); b) a negative, pejorative character (“Coalemos”—“Simpleton” as to Cimon the Elder); c) a neutral character—those that show a certain characteristic appearance of an individual (e.g., “One-Eyed”), or some kind of memorable detail of his biography (Hipponicus the “Ammon” in Athens at the turn of the 6th and 5th centuries BC).
 Another interesting thing took place in pre-Hellenistic times. Nicknames were more often connected not with politicians and state figures but with people from cultural spheres—poets, philosophers.
7
Franghiscos, Emmanuel N. "A Survey of Studies on Adamantios Korais During the Nineteenth Century." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 2 (January 20, 2006): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.185.
Full textAbstract:
<p>With the exception of a biographical entry on Adamantios Korais (1748-1833) published in 1836 by the Hellenist G. R. L. de Sinner in Paris and of a university discourse by Professor Pericles Argyropoulos, published in 1850 in Athens, scholars and intellectuals in the newly founded kingdom of Greece had not included Korais among their research priorities. Eventually the academic foundations of research on Korais would be laid in the decade 1871-80. The Chiot merchants of Marseille in collaboration with a corresponding committee in Athens planned, among other manifestations honouring their compatriot Korais, the publication of his unpublished writings and his correspondence. The year 1881 saw the inauguration of the series <em>Posthumously found writings</em> with a volume edited by A. Mamoukas, who included a long biographical introduction. In 1885-6 Korais' correspondence was published by Professor N. Damalas. Earlier, in 1877, in Paris from among the ranks of the "Association pour l'encouragement des études grecques en France", neohellenists Brunet de Presle and the Marquis de Queux de Saint-Hilaire had published Korais' correspondence with the classicist Chardon de la Rochette during the French Revolution and with a number of other distinguished French philologists. In a separate edition they published his correspondence with the Swiss philosopher P. Prevost, and Queux de Saint-Hilaire translated and published in French in 1880 Korais' correspondence with the Precentor of Smyrna D. Lotos during the Revolutionary period. In 1889-90 the Greek journalist in Trieste, D. Therianos, published a three-volume biography of Korais, which represents the most important milestone in Korais studies during the nineteenth century. Among more partial approaches to Korais' life and work after Therianos, mention should be made of a critical study in 1903 by the diplomat scholar I. Gennadios, who called Damalas' edition of Korais' correspondence a shame for Greek letters. Although it was too early for nineteenth century authors to see Korais in the perspective of the European Enlightenment, they nevertheless have left important general synthetic works and prepared the ground for subsequent fuller editions of his correspondence.</p>
Books on the topic "Odeon of Pericles (Athens, Greece)"
6
Fornara, Charles W. Athens from Cleisthenes to Pericles. University of California Press, 1991.
Find full text
8
Thucydides, Pericles, and the idea of Athens in the Peloponnesian War. Cambridge University Press, 2009.
Find full text
10
Hē stegē tou Hērodeiou kai alles giganties gephyrōseis. Ekdotikos Oikos Melissa, 2014.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Odeon of Pericles (Athens, Greece)"
1
Cline, Diane Harris. "Entanglement, Materiality and the Social Organisation of Construction Workers in Classical Athens." In Ancient Greek History and Contemporary Social Science. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474421775.003.0019.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter views the “Periclean Building Program” through the lens of Actor Network Theory, in order to explore the ways in which the construction of these buildings transformed Athenian society and politics in the fifth century BC. It begins by applying some Actor Network Theory concepts to the process that was involved in getting approval for the building program as described by Thucydides and Plutarch in his Life of Pericles. Actor Network Theory blends entanglement (human-material thing interdependence) with network thinking, so it allows us to reframe our views to include social networks when we think about the political debate and social tensions in Athens that arose from Pericles’s proposal to construct the Parthenon and Propylaea on the Athenian Acropolis, the Telesterion at Eleusis, the Odeon at the base of the South slope of the Acropolis, and the long wall to Peiraeus. Social Network Analysis can model the social networks, and the clusters within them, that existed in mid-fifth century Athens. By using Social Network Analysis we can then show how the construction work itself transformed a fractious city into a harmonious one through sustained, collective efforts that engaged large numbers of lower class citizens, all responding to each other’s needs in a chaine operatoire..
2
Thomas, Edmund. "Creating Form: Architects in the Antonine Age." In Monumentality and the Roman Empire. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199288632.003.0014.
Full textAbstract:
At Miletus we saw a distinction between the workmen contracted to construct the arcades and the architect who designed them. Ancient building projects were usually dominated by architects, who directed a large number of subordinate workmen. Whereas the workmen sometimes challenged an instruction, the architect at the top identified more with the project, and his opportunity for social prestige was greater. Since Aristotle, architects were considered to be both ‘wiser’ and ‘more valued’ than manual workers, because they knew the ‘causes’ of a building project. At Patara it was not only the Velii Proculi as patrons who gained glory from new architectural forms. In the odeion stood a statue to the architect Dionysius of Sardis. He is described as ‘skilled in all works of Athena’, which recalls the mention of this goddess at Miletus; but the ‘future fame’ that his statue commemorated was for a work of architecture and engineering of which any Roman would have been proud: the great roof over the odeion itself. Another who made a professional reputation for himself beyond his home city was Marcus Aurelius Pericles of Mylasa, who was honoured at Rome for his success in architecture, described as ‘the greatest art of countless people’. To understand the monumentality of Roman architecture, then, we need to consider the views of architects. One should bear in mind, however, that the architectural profession in antiquity was very diverse. Indeed, there was no idea of a ‘profession’ at all in the modern sense of recognized qualifications and a relatively stable corporate identity. It is difficult to evaluate the social position of those architects whose names are recorded across the Roman Empire, as the mainly epigraphic evidence for their existence is both diffuse and varied, coming from areas as heterogeneous in social structure as imperial Rome, cities in Asia Minor, villages in late Roman Syria, and military settlements on the north-western frontier. In Greece and Asia Minor an individual called an architektōn might have been either a civic magistrate, with no professional activity in the design process, though sometimes involved with public building; a religious official, with responsibility for the buildings of a sanctuary; or a practising architect, either employed by a city or working independently.