Relevant bibliographies by topics / Of Militia and Defence

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Academic literature on the topic 'Of Militia and Defence'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Of Militia and Defence"

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Thompson, Paul. "The Natal Militia: Defence of the Colony, 1893–1910." Journal of Natal and Zulu History 29, no. 1 (January 2011): 20–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02590123.2011.11964164.

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Bolte, Brandon. "The Puzzle of Militia Containment in Civil War." International Studies Quarterly 65, no. 1 (January 21, 2021): 250–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqab001.

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Abstract In most contemporary civil wars, governments collude with non-state militias as part of their counterinsurgent strategy. However, governments also restrict the capabilities of their militia allies despite the adverse consequences this may have on their overall counterinsurgent capabilities. Why do governments contain their militia allies while also fighting a rebellion? I argue that variation in militia containment during a civil war is the outcome of a bargaining process over future bargaining power between security or profit-seeking militias and states with time-inconsistent preferences. Strong states and states facing weak rebellions cannot credibly commit to not suppressing their militias, and militias with sufficient capabilities to act independently cannot credibly commit to not betraying the state. States with limited political reach and those facing strong rebellions, however, must retain militia support, which opens a “window of opportunity” for militias to augment their independent capabilities and future bargaining power. Using new data on pro-government militia containment and case illustrations of the Janjaweed in Sudan and Civil Defense Patrols in Guatemala, I find evidence consistent with these claims. Future work must continue to incorporate the agency of militias when studying armed politics, since these bargaining interactions constitute a fundamental yet undertheorized characteristic of war-torn states.
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Aliyev, Huseyn. "Strong militias, weak states and armed violence: Towards a theory of ‘state-parallel’ paramilitaries." Security Dialogue 47, no. 6 (November 4, 2016): 498–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010616669900.

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This article challenges the well-established presentation within conflict studies of paramilitary organizations as state-manipulated death squads or self-defence groups, and argues that some present-day militias extend their functions well beyond the role of shadowy pro-regime enforcers. Drawing its empirical insights from Ukrainian pro-government volunteer battalions and supporting its findings with empirical observations from other parts of the world, the article posits that the rise of powerful militia organizations acting in parallel with the state makes it imperative to revisit the theory and typology of paramilitary violence. The key theoretical argument of the article is that ‘state-parallel’ militias differ qualitatively from the ‘state-manipulated’ paramilitaries that are typical of the Cold War period. The article shows that although ‘state-parallel’ paramilitaries are not a new phenomenon, they have thus far remained critically understudied and undertheorized.
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Cai, Yuan. "The Chinese Legionaries at the Western Frontier: The Military Role of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps, 1960-1975." Journal of Chinese Military History 1, no. 1 (2012): 61–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221274512x651651.

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Abstract The Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (XPCC) is an important paramilitary organization in Xinjiang with the mandate of checking the Uyghur independence movement. However, in the past the XPCC also played an important military role as a strategic reserve force for the defence of Xinjiang, especially during the period of Sino-Soviet confrontation. This paper examines available documentary and archival materials on the national defence role played by the XPCC during the height of the Sino-Soviet split, especially with reference to the XPCC militia and frontier farms.
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Hoffman, D. "The meaning of a militia: Understanding the civil defence forces of Sierra Leone." African Affairs 106, no. 425 (October 1, 2007): 639–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adm054.

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Harnischfeger, Johannes. "The Bakassi Boys: fighting crime in Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 1 (March 2003): 23–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02004135.

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Nigeria's police and judiciary have failed to protect its citizens and have therefore lost all credibility. European principles of justice have likewise become discredited. Militias like the Bakassi Boys offer a popular alternative, which includes public executions and the use of the occult in fighting evil. But the growing fear of crime is only one reason why ‘jungle justice’ may spread. Governors and influential politicians help finance armed vigilante groups, and may make use of young men with machetes and pump-action shotguns to intimidate political opponents. As an ethnic militia that is ready to defend the interests of the ‘Igbo nation’, the Bakassi Boys have also been used to kill members of other ethnic groups. In many parts of Nigeria, ethnic and religious communities are preparing for ‘self-defence’, because they have no trust in the ability of democratic institutions to settle their conflicts.
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Obert, Jonathan, and Elias Schultz. "Right Wing Militias, Guns, and the Technics of State Power." Law, Culture and the Humanities 16, no. 2 (May 6, 2017): 236–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743872117708851.

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Drawing inspiration from Lewis Mumford’s classic analysis of the “technics” of political organization, this article explores ways in which anti-government militias and like-minded groups frame the civic role of dissent in technological terms. For militia activists, guns are tangible artifacts that uniquely align existing social practices with an important historical tradition, enhance agency, and provide interpretive finality, while militias serve to help embed that protection and defense with participation in an organic, empowering community. To members, these participatory technics provide a seemingly democratic counter to the authoritarian logic of the federal government.
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Gale, Monica R. "Propertius 2.7: Militia Amoris and the Ironies of Elegy." Journal of Roman Studies 87 (November 1997): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301370.

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Criticism of Propertius 2.7 has usually centred around the elegy's role as evidence for the poets's attitude towards Augustus. Treated as such, it has been used to support a surprising variety of conclusions. For Stahl and Lyne the poem represents a courageous defence of individualism under a repressive and intolerant regime. At the other end of the spectrum, Cairns has tried to show that the poet's deliberate presentation of himself as ‘a morally tainted individual’ undercuts his argument to such an extent that the poem is effectively an endorsement of the legislation which it purports to attack. Between these two extremes, Baker detects ‘a cautious blend of levity and gravity’ and suggests that, while emphasizing the value of amor, the elegy hints at a tension between Propertius' personal inclinations and the demands of others or his own sense of duty; Boucher, who believes that Propertius is generally pro-Augustan, reads 2.7 as an open and straightforward critique of the princeps' attempts at moral reform, which, by its very openness, militates against the reading of subtle irony into apparently patriotic elegies such as 3.11 and 4.6; and Camps speaks of ‘a certain extravagance, even shrillness, in the manner in which Propertius expresses his defiance of ordinary Roman values’ which ‘may reflect tensions within the poet himself’. More recently, Cloud has argued that Propertius has simply used the marriage law as a peg on which to hang his working out of a collection of Hellenistic erotic topoi, and that the poem cannot be read as a serious statement of opposition to the princeps.
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Vlassenroot, Koen, and Frank Van Acker. "War as Exit from Exclusion? The Formation of Mayi-Mayi Militias in Eastern Congo." Afrika Focus 17, no. 1-2 (February 11, 2001): 51–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0170102004.

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War as Exit from Exclusion? The Formation of Mayi-Mayi Militias in Eastern Congo In eastern Congo scores of young and marginalized people have been increasingly attracted to the mobilising efforts of new local actors. The inquiry into this phenomenon traces the emergence of the first militias to the end of the eighties. These first generation militias were a result of the growing willingness of marginalized youngsters and school drop-outs to form groups of under-aged combatants acting against every representative of modern political authority and against their desperate feelings of exclusion, for which both their political and social environment were held responsible. As they had nothing more to lose than their marginalization, rebellion became an option, both as a survival strategy and as a strategy of self-defence against a predatory political and social order. The shiftiness of their ideological basis and allies only further proved what these first militias were about: a search for alternatives to a situation of acute deprivation. This article reveals that the present RCD rebellion that rages through the eastern parts of the Democratic Republic of Congo has had an escalating effect on the proliferation of new militias. Before, the Kabila-led AFDL rebellion had already offered the already existing militias a new cause: that of an anti-Tutsi force fighting against foreign occupation. In resistance to the effects of state collapse and armed foreign interventions, rural and urban youth today have combined former traditions and newly developed patterns of mobility in an interpretation of customary and national defence. This has not meant that they link up with the traditional emanations of authority. Rather, a crisis in the social fabric has meant a shift in authority towards these combatants and the use of violence. In addition, shared feelings of antipathy towards the ‘Tutsi-aggressors’ have facilitated the creation of links between these diverse local groupings and other, foreign, factions of armed militia roaming the local countryside. Consolidation, however, remains unlikely as this shared ideology does not run very deep and alliances continuously change. The question remains what the future impact of these militias might be on the local social order. On the one hand, for several years now in some remote areas these armed groupings have become the only representatives of any authority structure, even if this structure is based on violence. Contrary to other cases, these militias in South Kivu are still closely linked to the rural population and have not turned against them. On the other hand, the dynamic of the Inter-Congolese Dialogue has forced their leaders to present their grievances to the outside world.
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Christensen, Mark, and Matthew Restall. "Maya militia: the defense and government of colonial Ixil, Yucatan." Colonial Latin American Review 29, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2020.1733866.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Of Militia and Defence"

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Ive, Jeremy George Augustus. "The local dimensions of defence : the standing army and militia in Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex, 1649-1660." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1987. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/244865.

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Thesis: The local dimensions of defence: the standing army and militia in Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex 1649-1660. Par t l: Interregnum governments faced numerous threats to their security and military power: internally from Royalist conspiracies and political dissidence, and externally from the danger of a combined Royalist and foreign invasion. The Eastern Counties were of strategic importance to Interregnum governments because of their proximity to London and the Continent, and because of their considerable economic resources. Interregnum governments were able to maintain their control over the region, and draw upon its resources for defence through the region's local and central administrative structures. Part II: The first arm of the Interregnum system of defence was the standing army. This consisted first of the units of horse and foot stationed in the region. The horse were used primarily to respond quickly to internal threats. The foot were stationed in the region primarily to await embarkation for foreign service. The coast was protected by a series of fortifieti garrisons, the governors of which played a key role in coordinating the defence and security of the region. A uniform assessment was levied which provided a sound basis for the pay and supply of the standing forces. Part Ill: The standing army was complemented by the militia. Like the standing forces, the traditional county and borough forces were reorganized and put on a sound basis after the Civil War. The new organization provided the framework for local defence up to and after the Restoration. Within this framework, Interregnum gover nments experimented with various select militias, but with only limited success. Both the 'general' and 'select' militias were administered in the localities by a group of trusted appointees, who worked closely with the garrison governors, and later with the Major-Generals of 1655 and 1659 to coordinate the regions' defence and security. The financial structure of the militia was based on a uniform and statutorily defined scale of rates. Conclusion: Together the standing army and militia formed part of a single system comprised of three mutually dependent elements: the deployment of men and materials , the maintenance of security, and the raising of funds. The system was put on an efficient basis during the Interregnum and embodied the ideal of publicly uniform administration which characterized Interregnum government as a whole.
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Marmion, Bob, and victorianvolunteers@hotmail com. "The Victorian Volunteer Force on the central Victorian Goldfields, 1858-1883." La Trobe University. School of Arts and Education, 2003. http://www.lib.latrobe.edu.au./thesis/public/adt-LTU20050430.150445.

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During the 19th century, defence was a major issue in Victoria as indeed it was in other British colonies and the United Kingdom. To help defend themselves, self governing colonies throughout the Empire enlisted local citizens to serve as part time soldiers on a voluntary basis. The Victorian government in 1859 - 60 took a calculated risk in adopting a Volunteer Force to underpin the whole colonial defence scheme, particularly as the military effectiveness of the citizen soldiers was questionable due to the lack of any real discipline within the Force and the part time nature of the military service. Whilst the savings which resulted (from using Volunteers rather than expensive Imperial troops) were spent on building forts and purchasing ordnance to protect Port Phillip Bay, there were other advantages to be gained from the government decision. It harnessed the considerable groundswell of public patriotism and pride in the Empire to ensure the development of a colonial society with strong links to Britain. The Government also linked Volunteering, stability and patriotism together as part of a less obvious agenda for the goldfields. In a period of lingering unrest only a few short years after Eureka, the Volunteers provided a clear indication of government power and yet another sign (along with the judicial system, education, language) of the importance and expanse of British society. Should there be any civil unrest on the goldfields, the local Corps were ideally suited to the role of civil control. On a number of occasions, the Volunteer Corps were called out to maintain law and order. The thesis studies a major group of over 5,100 men on the goldfields over two decades, particularly with regard to their motives for joining the Volunteers and their demographics such as ages, occupations, addresses, activities and the networks between members. By addressing the Corps demographics it is possible to understand the role played by the Volunteers in the development of goldfields society.
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Faulkner, Jacqueline Suzanne Marie Jeanne. "The role of national defence in British political debate, 1794-1812." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/271636.

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This thesis examines the role of national defence in British parliamentary politics between 1794 and 1812. It suggests that previous analyses of the late eighteenth-century political milieu insufficiently explore the impact of war on the structure of the state. Work by J.E. Cookson, Linda Colley, J.C.D. Clark, and Paul Langford depicts a decentralised state that had little direct involvement in developing a popular “British” patriotism. Here I argue that the threat of a potential French invasion during the wars against Revolutionary and Napoleonic France provoked a drive for centralisation. Nearly all the defence measures enacted during the period gave the government a much greater degree of control over British manpower and resources. The readiness of successive governments to involve large sections of the nation in the war effort through military service, financial contributions, and appeals to the British “spirit”, resulted in a much more inclusive sense of citizenship in which questions of national participation and political franchise were unlinked. National identity was also affected, and the focus on military defence of the British Isles influenced political attitudes towards the regular army. By 1810, however, the nation was disillusioned by the lengthy struggle with France. The result of lingering political weakness was that attention shifted from national defence onto domestic corruption and venality. The aftermath of the Irish Act of Union, too, demonstrated the limits of attempts to centralise the policy of the whole United Kingdom. Significantly, however, the debates over the relationship between the centre and the localities in the 1830s and 1840s, and the response to a new French invasion threat in the 1850s and 1860s, revived themes addressed during the 1790s and 1800s. The political reaction to the invasion threats between 1794 and 1812 ultimately had more in common with a Victorian state bureaucracy than an eighteenth-century ancien régime.
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Shapiro, Stephen Judah. "The British Army in Home Defense, 1844-1871: Militia and Volunteers in a Liberal Era." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1314979500.

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Kingazi, Lilian. "Enhancing human resource capability in the Tanzania Peoples Defense Force (TPDF)." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FKingazi.pdf.

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Gustafsson, Cecilia. "Den försvarsmedicinska bron : hur påverkar försvarsmedicinsk planering svensk försvarsplanering och genomförande av militära operationer?" Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-9327.

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The capability of the Swedish Armed Forces has been reduced to such an extent that the Armed Forces most likely cannot cope with health care within its own organization in the event of an armed attack on the country. The project Totalförsvarets sjukvårdssystem (The healthcare system of the total defence), initiated in 2015 by the Swedish Armed Forces and the National Board of Health and welfare, did a review of Sweden´s medical capacity, its limitations and needs at peace, crisis and armed conflict. However, the project did not profoundly review the conditions of military medicine for armed conflicts, the capacity of military medical planning and how the military medical capacity affects the planning and implementation of operations. This knowledge gap is not filled by available research or other source of information. The purpose of this work is to fill this gap through a qualitative method via interviews and text analysis. The work is supported by Moshe Kress's logistics theory of valuation of plans; macro- and micro-level subdivision in the planning process and need for information for medical planning. To adapt Moshe Kress's theory to the military medicine a theory development has been made. The result of the work shows that the capacity of military medicine is insufficient and that medical planners are not obvious partners in national military planning. This will probably effect both planning and execution through lack of credibility and fighting morale. This can also have a negative impact on the will to defend Sweden. Research in military medicine for the purpose of this work is limited. A probable cause may be that there is lack of basic research in the field of military medicine and that information about capacity, capabilities and limitations is mainly confidential.
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Radseck, Michael. "Die vernachlässigte Reform : zum Primat der Politik über das Militär im südlichenLateinamerika." Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4823/.

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Despite many economic and state reforms in South America, no comparable changes have taken place with regard to civil-military relations: Neither do the armed forces have a clearly defined mission of their own nor are they adequately democratically controlled. The article looks at the present civil-military relations from various angles and explicitly deals with examples from Argentina, Bolivia, Chile and Peru. It presents the reasons for the lack of civilian control over the military and discusses the resulting consequences for domestic and foreign politics.
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Lomaeus, Anton. "The Military Utility of Unmanned Aerial Systems for Swedish Tactical Deliveries : A Defence Systems Perspective." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-10246.

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There is a rapid development within the unmanned aerial systems (UAS) technologies and the logistics industry leads the research, motivated by potential future profits when used for last-mile deliveries. The military have used unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) for many decades, but the military usage of UAVs for deliveries is almost unheard of.  The main purpose of the study is to theoretically evaluate if existing payload carrying UAVs could increase the Swedish defence-logistics organizations capabilities. This study is delimited to tactical deliveries and UAVs with a maximal takeoff weight of less than 250 kg.  This study begins by investigating the Swedish Armed Forces logistical needs and the capabilities of the existing UAVs. It then performs a research overview in the subject to be updated on the latest insights which are complemented by discussions with expertise in the subject. The theory utilized are Systems Science, Systems Engineering and Military Capability which lay ground to the Military Utility concept which is developed to evaluate the value of military systems to support decision-makers when acquiring new complex systems. To evaluate the military logistics performance, Mosh Kress book Operational logistics was used.  The research is split into three phases, phase one utilizes the insights from the background research to select UAVs to evaluate and to develop three potential scenarios. In phase two the Military Utility evaluation models are developed for each scenario. Phase three evaluates the concept systems performance for the scenarios. The conclusion is that there is circumstantial Military Utility with UAS within the Swedish logistics organization. The potential exists when used for their strengths such as low response time in hard-to-reach areas, and where there is a desire to remove the operators from danger during the transport. Further there is a potential to save operative costs in terms of man-hours, but UAVs are quite vulnerable to electronic disturbances and the cold and windy Swedish climate. The civil airspace regulation is also a major hinder for UAS effective use as well as their limited payload capacity.
Den teknologiska utvecklingen inom obemannade flygande system (UAS) går snabbt framåt. Det är logistikindustrin som leder forskningen motiverade av framtida vinster när tekniken används för sista kilometern-transporter. Militären har använt obemannade flygande fordon (UAV) i flera decennier, men inte för materielleveranser i någon betydande utsträckning. Det huvudsakliga syftet med den här studien är att teoretiskt utvärdera om befintliga transport UAV:er kan öka den svenska försvarslogistiska förmågan. Studien är avgränsad till taktiska leveranser med UAV:er som har en maximal startvikt på 250 kg. Studien börjar med att undersöka de svenska försvarslogistiska behoven samt förmågorna av existerande UAV:er. Den genomför sedan en forskningsöversikt i ämnet för att uppdateras om de senaste insikterna som även kompletteras av diskussioner med experter i ämnet. Teorin som används är Systemteori, Systemteknik och Militär förmåga som lägger grunden för det Militär Nytta-konceptet. Konceptet är utvecklat för att utvärdera värdet av militära system och förse beslutstagare med stöd vid anskaffande av nya komplexa system. För att utvärdera den militära logistikprestandan används Mosh Kress bok Operational Logistics. Genomförandet delas upp i tre faser. I fas ett används insikterna från initiala undersökningen för att välja ut UAV:er att utvärdera samt utvecklas tre potentiella scenarier. I fas två utvecklas Militära Nytta utvärderingsmodellerna för vartdera scenario. I fas tre utvärderas systemkonceptens prestanda i scenarierna. Slutsatsen är att Militär Nytta med UAS finns till varierande grad beroende på omständigheterna. Potentialen för tekniken finns främst när den används för sina styrkor till exempel vid behov av snabba leveranser till svåråtkomliga platser, samt när det finns ett behov att få bort förare från farliga platser. Vidare så finns det potential att spara operativa kostnader genom reducering av man-timmar, men UAV:er är ganska sårbara till elektroniska störningar och det svenska klimatet. Även luftrumsregelverken är ett hinder för effektiv användning samt dess begränsade lastkapacitet.
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Salmon, Jago. "Militia politics." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/15799.

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Die vorliegende Arbeit zielt darauf ab, zwei Forschungslücken in der Literatur über Bürgerkriege zu schließen. Erstens, die Analyse der Strukturen nicht-staatlicher bewaffneter Gruppen. Zweitens, die Untersuchung der Politik von Milizen, als Form nicht-staatlicher Gruppen, denen in gegenwärtigen Bürgerkriegen eine zunehmende Bedeutung zukommt. Diese beiden Bereiche werden mit Hilfe einer historisch vergleichenden Analyse am Beispiel von zwei Milizen, die im sudanesischen und libanesischen Bürgerkrieg kämpften, untersucht. Die "Popular Defense Forces", 1989 von der Regierung des Sudan mobilisiert, wurden zum Sammelbecken für undisziplinierte und teilautonome militärische Einheiten, die schwerste Kriegsverbrechen begingen. Die "Lebanese Forces", eine maronitisch-nationalistische Miliz, wurde von einer Koalition konservativer christlicher Parteien gegründet. Nach dem Zusammenbruch des Staates 1975-6 wurde diese Miliz zu einer autonomen politischen Einheit mit einem territorial abgegrenzten Kanton im Osten von Beirut. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Prozesse und Strategien, die diesen Milizen die Etablierung von Herrschaft ermöglichte. Die beiden Gruppen entwickelten sich zu Organisationen, die die zu verteidigenden Gebiete beherrschten und mit staatlichen Geldgebern verbündet waren, aber auch in Konkurrenz zu ihnen standen. Diese Arbeit identifiziert drei Mechanismen, die die Entwicklungen von Milizen im Laufe ihrer Zeit bestimmen. Der Erste erklärt die Formierung von Milizen als ein Bricolage von politischen und nicht-politischen Antworten auf Unsicherheit. Der Zweite erklärt, wie sich Milizen in hybride Organisationen, von zentraler Mobilisierungseinheit und lokal eingebettete Organisationen, entwickeln. Der Dritte führt die Kontrolle des Zentrums über die lokalen Organisationen auf die Macht über Ressourcen zurück. Die Arbeit schließt mit dem Entwurf eines alternativen analytischen Modells für die Untersuchung von Bürgerkriegen.
This thesis provides an analysis of the organizational politics of state supporting armed groups, and demonstrates how group cohesion and institutionalization impact on the patterns of violence witnessed within civil wars. Using an historical comparative method, strategies of leadership control are examined in the processes of organizational evolution of the Popular Defence Forces, an Islamist Nationalist militia, and the allied Lebanese Forces, a Christian Nationalist militia. The first group was a centrally coordinated network of irregular forces which fielded ill-disciplined and semi-autonomous military units, and was responsible for severe war crimes. Equally responsible for war crimes, such as the Sabra and Shatila massacre of Shi''a and Palestinian civilians in 1982, the second group, nonetheless, became an autonomous military formation with an established territorial canton with a high degree of control over military units. After first analysing the political and institutional context of formation of these two groups, detailed case study analysis illustrates how political-military leaderships consolidated internal authority over combat units. At first, this authority relied on a bricolage of norms, motivations and institutions, as highly diverse, loosely coordinated actors mobilised in response to insecurity. As key leadership figures emerged, these groups evolved into hybrid organisations, divided between central organisations and locally embedded units operating according to localised security arenas decoupled from central military or political strategy. Central authority was then consolidated through a process of progressive institutionalisation and expansion, as centralised control was established, often violently, over resources, recruitment and discipline. This thesis shows, how militias, formed in allegiance with the state evolved into organizations rivalling state sovereignty and exploiting the communities which they claimed to defend.
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Oliveira, Tiago Siqueira de [UNESP]. "A Liga da Defesa Nacional: entre um projeto de Nação a uma agenda de combate ao comunismo." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/143817.

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Esta Tese identifica as nuances da agenda política da Liga de Defesa Nacional, no período entre 1930 até 1964, quando a Entidade operou uma mudança em seu projeto de modernização conservadora para uma intervenção contra o comunismo. Esta abordagem tem como ponto de partida o movimento político de 3 de outubro de 1930, momento de ajustamento ideológico da Entidade aos interesses de Estado capitaneado pelos líderes da Entidade. A posterior ação intitulada de “Intentona Comunista”, em 1935, foi a suposta justificativa para o fechamento do regime, construindo o “perigo vermelho”. Assim, nossa análise terá este panorama inicial, culminando na II Guerra Mundial, ocasião em que o Brasil inicia seu alinhamento à política externa Estadunidense, completando a análise no golpe civil-militar em 1964. Esta abordagem tem como objetivo central verificar a hipótese da participação da Instituição no cenário político, a partir dos anos 1930, e a construção de um discurso político anticomunista, sucedendo possíveis contradições no discurso e na ação política da Entidade, mas que se manteve em sua agenda política, até o golpe, de forma inalterada. Em suma, avaliamos a interação da Liga de Defesa Nacional na política brasileira, traçando como hipótese que a Entidade, supostamente, se reconfigurou enquanto expressão de um Partido Militar, por meio de uma agenda modernizadora paralelamente ao combate ao Comunismo no Brasil.
This thesis identifies the nuances of the political agenda of National Defence League, in the period between 1930 until 1964, when the entity operated a change in his conservative modernization project for intervention against communism. This approach takes as its starting point the political movement of October 3, 1930, ideological adjustment time of entity to state interests captained by entity leaders. Further action titled "Communist Conspiracy" in 1935, was the supposed justification for the closure of the scheme due to the "red danger". So our analysis will have this initial overview, culminating in World War II, the occasion when Brazil begins its alignment with US foreign policy, completing the analysis in the civilmilitary coup in 1964. This approach is mainly aimed to verify the hypothesis of participation (or not) of the institution on the political scene from the 1930s and the construction of an antipolitical discourse, succeeding possible contradictions in speech and political activity of the Entity, but remained in their political agenda to the coup unchanged. In summary, we will seek to evaluate the interaction of National Defense League in Brazilian politics, tracing the hypothesis that the entity is supposed to be reconfigured as an expression of a military party, by means of a modernizing agenda in parallel with the fight against Communism in Brazil.
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Books on the topic "Of Militia and Defence"

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Dubreuil, Lorraine. Canada's Militia and Defence maps, 1905-1931. Ottawa: Association of Canadian Map Libraries and Archives, 1992.

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John, Sewell. Canada defended by her militia. [Quebec?: s.n.], 1985.

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Canada. Dept. of Militia and Defence. The Department of Militia and Defence under the Honourable Sir Adolphe P. Caron, K.C.M.G.; and the military force of Canada, 1st January, 1887. [Ottawa?: s.n.], 1993.

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Canada. Dept. of Militia and Defence. Manual for the Militia Artillery of Canada. [Québec?]: Gunnery School Press, 1993.

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Morton, Desmond. Understanding Canadian defence. Toronto: Penguin Canada, 2003.

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Hartley, Keith. The economics of defence policy. London [England]: Brassey's (UK), 1991.

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Assembly, Canada Legislature Legislative. Militia act continuation bill: An act to continue for a limited time, therein mentioned, the act for the better defence of the province, and to regulate the militia thereof. [Toronto: Lovell and Gibson, 2004.

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La nación en armas: Venezuela y la defensa de su soberanía, 1810-1812. Caracas: Ministerio de la Cultura, Consejo Nacional de la Cultura, 2005.

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Tannberg, Tõnu. Maakaitseväekohustus Balti kubermangudes 19. sajandi 1. poolel (1806-1856). [Tartu]: Eesti Ajalooarhiiv, 1996.

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Johnson, Stephen D. Cloth insignia of the U.S. state guards and state defense forces. [Hendersonville, Tenn.]: R.W. Smith, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Of Militia and Defence"

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Badran, Tony. "Lebanon’s Militia Wars." In Lebanon, 35–62. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230622432_4.

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Ginifer, Jeremy, and Hooman Peimani. "Civil Defence Forces and Post-Conflict Security Challenges: International Experiences and Implications for Africa." In Civil Militia, 251–80. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315260167-12.

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Ferguson, Kate. "An Irregular Architecture of Defence." In Architectures of Violence, 87–110. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190949624.003.0005.

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When violence began in spring 1992, the Sarajevo government was forced to rely on a loose coalition of irregular armed groups, some of which were created under the auspices of state and pro-government forces, while others were genuine grassroots paramilitary groups. The chapter explains that the Army of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina emerged disjointed, at first made up of a network of units organised along roughly conventional military lines and spontaneously created militia formations. The spontaneity of the Bosnian defence came out of necessity rather than design, and meant that irregular armed groups were the foundation of military capabilities. But as the conflict progressed, central authorities were constantly seeking to create a disciplined regular command structure. An irregular, spontaneous, and unified armed coalition meant that the Bosnian government was ill equipped to effectively protect its populations and was hampered in its efforts to convince the international community of their urgent need for protection.
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McLauchlin, Théodore. "The Popular Army of the Republic, Fall 1936–39." In Desertion, 114–40. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501752940.003.0007.

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This chapter investigates the militia summer of 1936, which had been a summer of both chaos and valor in the defense of the Republic. It describes the militias that arose to fight the rebels, which varied widely in their insistence that combatants send costly signals of commitment to fight. It also clarifies how the Republic transformed its armed forces to regularize them and put power back in the hands of the state by imposing military discipline and a single command structure on its militia forces. The chapter argues that the new discipline rules imposed costly signals of commitment on volunteers, requiring that they sign on to more demanding forms of warfare. It discusses the Republic's recruitment of less-committed troops by imposing conscription at the same time.
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Godwin, William. "Chapter XIX: Of Military Establishments and Treaties." In An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/owc/9780199642625.003.0055.

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A country may look for its defence either to a standing army or an universal militia.—The former condemned.—The latter objected to as of immoral tendency—as unnecessary—either in respect to courage—or discipline.—Of a commander.—Of treaties. The last topic which it may be necessary to...
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Wold, Atle L. "Military Recruitment." In Scotland and the French Revolutionary War, 1792-1802. Edinburgh University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474403313.003.0004.

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Recruitment for the armed services formed a central part of wartime policies, and this chapter addresses the recruitment which took place in Scotland, comparing this with England. The chapter addresses all the different types of armed units which were raised in the 1790s, ranging from regular forces such as the Army and the Royal Navy, to the different kinds of forces for ‘internal defence’ that were set up, the Fencibles, Volunteer Corps and Auxiliaries. Most attention has, however, been given to the raising of a Scottish Militia in 1797, and the main argument presented with respect to this is that – while the militia riots were not doubt serious and widespread – Scottish responses to the Militia Act were more varied that has often been allowed. There were many Scots who either supported the measure, or demonstrated their opposition in more constructive ways than to stage riots.
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La Serna, Miguel. "The General’s Station Wagon." In With Masses and Arms, 115–26. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469655970.003.0012.

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Tigre, a teenager from Pucallpa, joins an MRTA column in the Oxapampa jungle. There, he witnesses MRTA abuses of Ashaninka villages, including the murder of Indigenous leader Alejandro Calderon. The Ashaninka form their own civilian militia to avenge Calderon’s murder and defend their communities against MRTA incursion. Rodrigo Galvez commands the MRTA’s Northeastern Front in San Martin. MRTA groups target members of the LGBTQ community in San Martin and assassinate retired Defense Minister Enrique Lopez Albujar.
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Dreyer, June Teufel. "The Chinese People's Militia: Transformation and Strategic Role." In The Chinese Defense Establishment: Continuity and Change in the 1980s, 155–86. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429309564-7.

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Malovany, Pesach, Amatzia Baram, Kevin M. Woods, and Ronna Englesberg. "Additional Military Organizations." In Wars of Modern Babylon. University Press of Kentucky, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813169439.003.0055.

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This chapter deals with additional military or quasi-military forces outside the army that operated alongside the army in wartime. They included the Border Guard Forces, that fought in the war against Iran; the Popular Army, the militia of the Ba’ath party that supported the regular army during that war and the one in Kuwait (in 1991); the Kurdish forces, which fought alongside the Iraqi Army in Kurdistan, both against the Iranians and the Kurdish opposition organizations; and the Civil Defence Directorate, whose purpose was to aid the country’s citizens in defending themselves against wartime damage and natural disasters. It describes their background, organization and structure, their development, training, activities and participation it the different wars during the Ba’ath regime.
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"The South Sudan Defence Force." In Militias and the challenges of post-conflict peace: silencing the guns. Bloomsbury Academic, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350221390.ch-003.

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Conference papers on the topic "Of Militia and Defence"

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Sosranova, Z. V. "Activity Of Ordzhonikidze Defense Committee Aimed At Formation Of People’s Militia." In SCTCGM 2018 - Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.03.02.190.

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Wang, Yiting, Qixiang Li, and Zhibo Yang. "Functional Requirements Analysis of Militia Emergency Communication Equipment Based on SOA Architecture." In 2021 Asia-Pacific Conference on Communications Technology and Computer Science (ACCTCS). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/acctcs52002.2021.00068.

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Bevià i Garcia, Màrius, Juan Antonio Mira Rico, Jaime Manuel Giner Martínez, and José Ramón Ortega Pérez. "Arqueología e investigación documental: las defensas pre-abaluartadas de Alacant (España)." In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11341.

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Archaeology and documentary research: the first bastioned fortifications of Alacant (Spain)In the Courts of the Crown of Aragon held in Monzón (Huesca, 1528) it was raised the need to organise the coast defence of the Kingdom of Valencia through a series of fortification works and the creation and maintenance of militias in order to avoid the attacks and incursions of the Turks and the Berber corsairs. In Alacant (1533), under the auspice of the Duke of Calabria, viceroy of the Kingdom of Valencia, and the design of Joan de Cervelló, noble, military and engineer of King Carlos I and with great experience in artillery and fortification of cities, three bastions were built taking advantage of the medieval walls: Sant Francesc, Sant Bertomeu and Sant Sebastià. These improvement works on the walls continued with the rise of two more towers that protected the gate (Puerta del Mar or Montserrat). The bastions had a circular plan and an escarp elevation up to their half and vertical until the crowning, besides a low armed parapet. They were demolished because of the urban renovations that Alacant experienced during the nineteenth century. However, the historical planimetry, engraving images and photographs, as well as the archaeological excavations carried out in them allow to know their morphology and materials, which are explained in this paper.
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Николаев, Александр Геннадьевич, and Александр Олегович Джиоев. "ORGANIZATION OF THE ACTIVITIES OF THE POLICE UNITS OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH OSSETIA TO ENSURE PUBLIC SAFETY." In Научные исследования в современном мире. Теория и практика: сборник избранных статей Всероссийской (национальной) научно-практической конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Июнь 2021). Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/nitp317.2021.36.94.009.

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В статье рассмотрены вопросы организации деятельности милиции Республики Южная Осетия в сфере обеспечения общественной безопасности. Раскрываются отдельные аспекты ее деятельности, связанные с административно-правовым регулированием, формированием организационных структур, выполняемыми правоохранительными функциями, подбором и расстановкой персонала, а также их мотивации к добросовестному несению службы. The article deals with the issues of organizing the activities of the militia of the Republic of South Ossetia in the field of ensuring public safety. The article reveals certain aspects of its activities related to administrative and legal regulation, the formation of organizational structures, performed by law enforcement functions, the selection and placement of personnel, as well as their motivation for conscientious service.
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Cheng, Bernard, Mallory Ketcheson, Jordan van der Kroon, and T. C. Nicholas Graham. "Corgi Defence." In CHI PLAY '15: The annual symposium on Computer-Human Interaction in Play. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2793107.2810268.

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Cointet, A. "Defence in depth: transport system and defence system." In URBAN TRANSPORT 2008. Southampton, UK: WIT Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.2495/ut080091.

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Pais, Maria Rita, Katiuska Hoffmann, and Sandra Campos. "Post-militar landscape patrimony as a climate emergency escape to waterfront resilience." In Post-Oil City Planning for Urban Green Deals Virtual Congress. ISOCARP, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/apoc5973.

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Coastal Artillery Regiment (RAC) is a unit of the Portuguese Army with the mission of guaranteeing the coastal defense of the ports of Lisbon and Setúbal. The set consists of fixed, secret, camouflaged and fortified batteries, installed along the entrance to the Sado and Tejo rivers. The structures are equipped with heavy artillery pieces. RAC was deactivated in 1998 and its archive was recently declassified. In times of technological advances, there is an inevitable change in the paradigm of military architecture. Technically obsolete structures have fallen into extinction. These territorial voids must be discussed in the inevitable territory reorganization. Should they display archeology or just be absorbed by surroundings? How to deal with post-military heritage? And lastly, how can we deal and operate in such a territorial resilience example, in a way to take profit from this particular long extension of waterfront regarding Climate Emergency. Present paper is a result within two main research projects: “SOSClimateWaterfront” (Marie Skłodowska-Curie Research and Innovation Staff Exchange (RISE) program) and “Bunker architecture from mid 20th century and the post military Portuguese classified heritage” project. In this sense proposes a active research that means an accurate research about Portuguese bunkers and around military areas together with the discussion around the possible use of these areas as resilience areas to climate improvement within waterfronts around Lisbon.
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Li, Fubing, and Xiaojian Xu. "Numerical study of the thermal infrared characteristics for orbital objects." In Security + Defence, edited by David H. Titterton and Mark A. Richardson. SPIE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1117/12.861752.

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Salmon, Neil A., Ian Mason, Peter Wilkinson, Chris Taylor, and Peter Scicluna. "First imagery generated by near-field real-time aperture synthesis passive millimetre wave imagers at 94 GHz and 183 GHz." In Security + Defence, edited by Keith A. Krapels and Neil A. Salmon. SPIE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1117/12.860396.

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Grasso, Robert J. "Source technology as the foundation for modern infra-red counter measures (IRCM)." In Security + Defence, edited by David H. Titterton and Mark A. Richardson. SPIE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1117/12.869848.

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Reports on the topic "Of Militia and Defence"

1

Al-Rabi, Mohamed A. Air Defence Systems and Weapons. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada229939.

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Weeks, T. F. Towards a European Strategic Defence Capability. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada377959.

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Nyarwa, Michael. The Ill-Structured Militia" Problem in Africa's Great Lakes Region". Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada589868.

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Heller, Charles E. Twenty-First Century Force: A Federal Army and a Militia. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada267400.

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Marsh, Howard J. Canadian Defence Policy: Why a History of Reversals. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada220491.

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Millar, Katharine, James Shires, and Tatiana Tropina. Gender Approaches to Cybersecurity: Design, Defence and Response. The United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research, January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37559/gen/21/01.

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Gender approaches to cybersecurity explores how gender norms shape specific activities pertaining to cybersecurity design, defence and response. In each of these three pillars, the research identifies distinct dimensions of cyber-related activities that have gendered implications and, thus, need to be considered from a gender perspective. The report proposes recommendations for the incorporation of gender considerations throughout international cybersecurity policy and practice, so as to ensure that cybersecurity improves the security of people of all gender identities and expressions, as well as international peace and security. The ultimate conclusion is that these two levels of security cannot be separated.
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Oakley, Daniel J., and Francine Perillo. DDN (Defence Data Network) Protocol Implementations and Vendors Guide. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, August 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada199688.

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Wing, Ian. The Australian Defence Force: Broadened Concepts of Security Operations. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, October 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada386066.

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Alt, Josef. The Future of the European Security and Defence Policy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada475658.

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Reed, C. URN Namespace for the Defence Geospatial Information Working Group (DGIWG). RFC Editor, August 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.17487/rfc6288.

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