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1
Ive, Jeremy George Augustus. "The local dimensions of defence : the standing army and militia in Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex, 1649-1660." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1987. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/244865.
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Thesis: The local dimensions of defence: the standing army and militia in Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex 1649-1660. Par t l: Interregnum governments faced numerous threats to their security and military power: internally from Royalist conspiracies and political dissidence, and externally from the danger of a combined Royalist and foreign invasion. The Eastern Counties were of strategic importance to Interregnum governments because of their proximity to London and the Continent, and because of their considerable economic resources. Interregnum governments were able to maintain their control over the region, and draw upon its resources for defence through the region's local and central administrative structures. Part II: The first arm of the Interregnum system of defence was the standing army. This consisted first of the units of horse and foot stationed in the region. The horse were used primarily to respond quickly to internal threats. The foot were stationed in the region primarily to await embarkation for foreign service. The coast was protected by a series of fortifieti garrisons, the governors of which played a key role in coordinating the defence and security of the region. A uniform assessment was levied which provided a sound basis for the pay and supply of the standing forces. Part Ill: The standing army was complemented by the militia. Like the standing forces, the traditional county and borough forces were reorganized and put on a sound basis after the Civil War. The new organization provided the framework for local defence up to and after the Restoration. Within this framework, Interregnum gover nments experimented with various select militias, but with only limited success. Both the 'general' and 'select' militias were administered in the localities by a group of trusted appointees, who worked closely with the garrison governors, and later with the Major-Generals of 1655 and 1659 to coordinate the regions' defence and security. The financial structure of the militia was based on a uniform and statutorily defined scale of rates. Conclusion: Together the standing army and militia formed part of a single system comprised of three mutually dependent elements: the deployment of men and materials , the maintenance of security, and the raising of funds. The system was put on an efficient basis during the Interregnum and embodied the ideal of publicly uniform administration which characterized Interregnum government as a whole.
2
Marmion, Bob, and victorianvolunteers@hotmail com. "The Victorian Volunteer Force on the central Victorian Goldfields, 1858-1883." La Trobe University. School of Arts and Education, 2003. http://www.lib.latrobe.edu.au./thesis/public/adt-LTU20050430.150445.
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During the 19th century, defence was a major issue in Victoria as indeed it was in other
British colonies and the United Kingdom. To help defend themselves, self governing
colonies throughout the Empire enlisted local citizens to serve as part time soldiers on
a voluntary basis.
The Victorian government in 1859 - 60 took a calculated risk in adopting a Volunteer
Force to underpin the whole colonial defence scheme, particularly as the military
effectiveness of the citizen soldiers was questionable due to the lack of any real
discipline within the Force and the part time nature of the military service. Whilst the
savings which resulted (from using Volunteers rather than expensive Imperial troops)
were spent on building forts and purchasing ordnance to protect Port Phillip Bay, there
were other advantages to be gained from the government decision. It harnessed the
considerable groundswell of public patriotism and pride in the Empire to ensure the
development of a colonial society with strong links to Britain.
The Government also linked Volunteering, stability and patriotism together as part of
a less obvious agenda for the goldfields. In a period of lingering unrest only a few
short years after Eureka, the Volunteers provided a clear indication of government
power and yet another sign (along with the judicial system, education, language) of the
importance and expanse of British society. Should there be any civil unrest on the
goldfields, the local Corps were ideally suited to the role of civil control. On a number
of occasions, the Volunteer Corps were called out to maintain law and order.
The thesis studies a major group of over 5,100 men on the goldfields over two
decades, particularly with regard to their motives for joining the Volunteers and their
demographics such as ages, occupations, addresses, activities and the networks
between members. By addressing the Corps demographics it is possible to understand
the role played by the Volunteers in the development of goldfields society.
3
Faulkner, Jacqueline Suzanne Marie Jeanne. "The role of national defence in British political debate, 1794-1812." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/271636.
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This thesis examines the role of national defence in British parliamentary politics between 1794 and 1812. It suggests that previous analyses of the late eighteenth-century political milieu insufficiently explore the impact of war on the structure of the state. Work by J.E. Cookson, Linda Colley, J.C.D. Clark, and Paul Langford depicts a decentralised state that had little direct involvement in developing a popular “British” patriotism. Here I argue that the threat of a potential French invasion during the wars against Revolutionary and Napoleonic France provoked a drive for centralisation. Nearly all the defence measures enacted during the period gave the government a much greater degree of control over British manpower and resources. The readiness of successive governments to involve large sections of the nation in the war effort through military service, financial contributions, and appeals to the British “spirit”, resulted in a much more inclusive sense of citizenship in which questions of national participation and political franchise were unlinked. National identity was also affected, and the focus on military defence of the British Isles influenced political attitudes towards the regular army. By 1810, however, the nation was disillusioned by the lengthy struggle with France. The result of lingering political weakness was that attention shifted from national defence onto domestic corruption and venality. The aftermath of the Irish Act of Union, too, demonstrated the limits of attempts to centralise the policy of the whole United Kingdom. Significantly, however, the debates over the relationship between the centre and the localities in the 1830s and 1840s, and the response to a new French invasion threat in the 1850s and 1860s, revived themes addressed during the 1790s and 1800s. The political reaction to the invasion threats between 1794 and 1812 ultimately had more in common with a Victorian state bureaucracy than an eighteenth-century ancien régime.
4
Shapiro, Stephen Judah. "The British Army in Home Defense, 1844-1871: Militia and Volunteers in a Liberal Era." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1314979500.
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Kingazi, Lilian. "Enhancing human resource capability in the Tanzania Peoples Defense Force (TPDF)." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FKingazi.pdf.
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Gustafsson, Cecilia. "Den försvarsmedicinska bron : hur påverkar försvarsmedicinsk planering svensk försvarsplanering och genomförande av militära operationer?" Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-9327.
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The capability of the Swedish Armed Forces has been reduced to such an extent that the Armed Forces most likely cannot cope with health care within its own organization in the event of an armed attack on the country. The project Totalförsvarets sjukvårdssystem (The healthcare system of the total defence), initiated in 2015 by the Swedish Armed Forces and the National Board of Health and welfare, did a review of Sweden´s medical capacity, its limitations and needs at peace, crisis and armed conflict. However, the project did not profoundly review the conditions of military medicine for armed conflicts, the capacity of military medical planning and how the military medical capacity affects the planning and implementation of operations. This knowledge gap is not filled by available research or other source of information. The purpose of this work is to fill this gap through a qualitative method via interviews and text analysis. The work is supported by Moshe Kress's logistics theory of valuation of plans; macro- and micro-level subdivision in the planning process and need for information for medical planning. To adapt Moshe Kress's theory to the military medicine a theory development has been made. The result of the work shows that the capacity of military medicine is insufficient and that medical planners are not obvious partners in national military planning. This will probably effect both planning and execution through lack of credibility and fighting morale. This can also have a negative impact on the will to defend Sweden. Research in military medicine for the purpose of this work is limited. A probable cause may be that there is lack of basic research in the field of military medicine and that information about capacity, capabilities and limitations is mainly confidential.
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Radseck, Michael. "Die vernachlässigte Reform : zum Primat der Politik über das Militär im südlichenLateinamerika." Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4823/.
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Despite many economic and state reforms in South America, no comparable changes have taken place with regard to civil-military relations: Neither do the armed forces have a clearly defined mission of their own nor are they adequately democratically controlled. The article looks at the present civil-military relations from various angles and explicitly deals with examples from Argentina, Bolivia, Chile and Peru. It presents the reasons for the lack of civilian control over the military and discusses the resulting consequences for domestic and foreign politics.
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Lomaeus, Anton. "The Military Utility of Unmanned Aerial Systems for Swedish Tactical Deliveries : A Defence Systems Perspective." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-10246.
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There is a rapid development within the unmanned aerial systems (UAS) technologies and the logistics industry leads the research, motivated by potential future profits when used for last-mile deliveries. The military have used unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) for many decades, but the military usage of UAVs for deliveries is almost unheard of. The main purpose of the study is to theoretically evaluate if existing payload carrying UAVs could increase the Swedish defence-logistics organizations capabilities. This study is delimited to tactical deliveries and UAVs with a maximal takeoff weight of less than 250 kg. This study begins by investigating the Swedish Armed Forces logistical needs and the capabilities of the existing UAVs. It then performs a research overview in the subject to be updated on the latest insights which are complemented by discussions with expertise in the subject. The theory utilized are Systems Science, Systems Engineering and Military Capability which lay ground to the Military Utility concept which is developed to evaluate the value of military systems to support decision-makers when acquiring new complex systems. To evaluate the military logistics performance, Mosh Kress book Operational logistics was used. The research is split into three phases, phase one utilizes the insights from the background research to select UAVs to evaluate and to develop three potential scenarios. In phase two the Military Utility evaluation models are developed for each scenario. Phase three evaluates the concept systems performance for the scenarios. The conclusion is that there is circumstantial Military Utility with UAS within the Swedish logistics organization. The potential exists when used for their strengths such as low response time in hard-to-reach areas, and where there is a desire to remove the operators from danger during the transport. Further there is a potential to save operative costs in terms of man-hours, but UAVs are quite vulnerable to electronic disturbances and the cold and windy Swedish climate. The civil airspace regulation is also a major hinder for UAS effective use as well as their limited payload capacity.Den teknologiska utvecklingen inom obemannade flygande system (UAS) går snabbt framåt. Det är logistikindustrin som leder forskningen motiverade av framtida vinster när tekniken används för sista kilometern-transporter. Militären har använt obemannade flygande fordon (UAV) i flera decennier, men inte för materielleveranser i någon betydande utsträckning. Det huvudsakliga syftet med den här studien är att teoretiskt utvärdera om befintliga transport UAV:er kan öka den svenska försvarslogistiska förmågan. Studien är avgränsad till taktiska leveranser med UAV:er som har en maximal startvikt på 250 kg. Studien börjar med att undersöka de svenska försvarslogistiska behoven samt förmågorna av existerande UAV:er. Den genomför sedan en forskningsöversikt i ämnet för att uppdateras om de senaste insikterna som även kompletteras av diskussioner med experter i ämnet. Teorin som används är Systemteori, Systemteknik och Militär förmåga som lägger grunden för det Militär Nytta-konceptet. Konceptet är utvecklat för att utvärdera värdet av militära system och förse beslutstagare med stöd vid anskaffande av nya komplexa system. För att utvärdera den militära logistikprestandan används Mosh Kress bok Operational Logistics. Genomförandet delas upp i tre faser. I fas ett används insikterna från initiala undersökningen för att välja ut UAV:er att utvärdera samt utvecklas tre potentiella scenarier. I fas två utvecklas Militära Nytta utvärderingsmodellerna för vartdera scenario. I fas tre utvärderas systemkonceptens prestanda i scenarierna. Slutsatsen är att Militär Nytta med UAS finns till varierande grad beroende på omständigheterna. Potentialen för tekniken finns främst när den används för sina styrkor till exempel vid behov av snabba leveranser till svåråtkomliga platser, samt när det finns ett behov att få bort förare från farliga platser. Vidare så finns det potential att spara operativa kostnader genom reducering av man-timmar, men UAV:er är ganska sårbara till elektroniska störningar och det svenska klimatet. Även luftrumsregelverken är ett hinder för effektiv användning samt dess begränsade lastkapacitet.
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Salmon, Jago. "Militia politics." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/15799.
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Die vorliegende Arbeit zielt darauf ab, zwei Forschungslücken in der Literatur über Bürgerkriege zu schließen. Erstens, die Analyse der Strukturen nicht-staatlicher bewaffneter Gruppen. Zweitens, die Untersuchung der Politik von Milizen, als Form nicht-staatlicher Gruppen, denen in gegenwärtigen Bürgerkriegen eine zunehmende Bedeutung zukommt. Diese beiden Bereiche werden mit Hilfe einer historisch vergleichenden Analyse am Beispiel von zwei Milizen, die im sudanesischen und libanesischen Bürgerkrieg kämpften, untersucht. Die "Popular Defense Forces", 1989 von der Regierung des Sudan mobilisiert, wurden zum Sammelbecken für undisziplinierte und teilautonome militärische Einheiten, die schwerste Kriegsverbrechen begingen. Die "Lebanese Forces", eine maronitisch-nationalistische Miliz, wurde von einer Koalition konservativer christlicher Parteien gegründet. Nach dem Zusammenbruch des Staates 1975-6 wurde diese Miliz zu einer autonomen politischen Einheit mit einem territorial abgegrenzten Kanton im Osten von Beirut. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Prozesse und Strategien, die diesen Milizen die Etablierung von Herrschaft ermöglichte. Die beiden Gruppen entwickelten sich zu Organisationen, die die zu verteidigenden Gebiete beherrschten und mit staatlichen Geldgebern verbündet waren, aber auch in Konkurrenz zu ihnen standen. Diese Arbeit identifiziert drei Mechanismen, die die Entwicklungen von Milizen im Laufe ihrer Zeit bestimmen. Der Erste erklärt die Formierung von Milizen als ein Bricolage von politischen und nicht-politischen Antworten auf Unsicherheit. Der Zweite erklärt, wie sich Milizen in hybride Organisationen, von zentraler Mobilisierungseinheit und lokal eingebettete Organisationen, entwickeln. Der Dritte führt die Kontrolle des Zentrums über die lokalen Organisationen auf die Macht über Ressourcen zurück. Die Arbeit schließt mit dem Entwurf eines alternativen analytischen Modells für die Untersuchung von Bürgerkriegen.This thesis provides an analysis of the organizational politics of state supporting armed groups, and demonstrates how group cohesion and institutionalization impact on the patterns of violence witnessed within civil wars. Using an historical comparative method, strategies of leadership control are examined in the processes of organizational evolution of the Popular Defence Forces, an Islamist Nationalist militia, and the allied Lebanese Forces, a Christian Nationalist militia. The first group was a centrally coordinated network of irregular forces which fielded ill-disciplined and semi-autonomous military units, and was responsible for severe war crimes. Equally responsible for war crimes, such as the Sabra and Shatila massacre of Shi''a and Palestinian civilians in 1982, the second group, nonetheless, became an autonomous military formation with an established territorial canton with a high degree of control over military units. After first analysing the political and institutional context of formation of these two groups, detailed case study analysis illustrates how political-military leaderships consolidated internal authority over combat units. At first, this authority relied on a bricolage of norms, motivations and institutions, as highly diverse, loosely coordinated actors mobilised in response to insecurity. As key leadership figures emerged, these groups evolved into hybrid organisations, divided between central organisations and locally embedded units operating according to localised security arenas decoupled from central military or political strategy. Central authority was then consolidated through a process of progressive institutionalisation and expansion, as centralised control was established, often violently, over resources, recruitment and discipline. This thesis shows, how militias, formed in allegiance with the state evolved into organizations rivalling state sovereignty and exploiting the communities which they claimed to defend.
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Oliveira, Tiago Siqueira de [UNESP]. "A Liga da Defesa Nacional: entre um projeto de Nação a uma agenda de combate ao comunismo." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/143817.
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Esta Tese identifica as nuances da agenda política da Liga de Defesa Nacional, no período entre 1930 até 1964, quando a Entidade operou uma mudança em seu projeto de modernização conservadora para uma intervenção contra o comunismo. Esta abordagem tem como ponto de partida o movimento político de 3 de outubro de 1930, momento de ajustamento ideológico da Entidade aos interesses de Estado capitaneado pelos líderes da Entidade. A posterior ação intitulada de “Intentona Comunista”, em 1935, foi a suposta justificativa para o fechamento do regime, construindo o “perigo vermelho”. Assim, nossa análise terá este panorama inicial, culminando na II Guerra Mundial, ocasião em que o Brasil inicia seu alinhamento à política externa Estadunidense, completando a análise no golpe civil-militar em 1964. Esta abordagem tem como objetivo central verificar a hipótese da participação da Instituição no cenário político, a partir dos anos 1930, e a construção de um discurso político anticomunista, sucedendo possíveis contradições no discurso e na ação política da Entidade, mas que se manteve em sua agenda política, até o golpe, de forma inalterada. Em suma, avaliamos a interação da Liga de Defesa Nacional na política brasileira, traçando como hipótese que a Entidade, supostamente, se reconfigurou enquanto expressão de um Partido Militar, por meio de uma agenda modernizadora paralelamente ao combate ao Comunismo no Brasil.
This thesis identifies the nuances of the political agenda of National Defence League, in the period between 1930 until 1964, when the entity operated a change in his conservative modernization project for intervention against communism. This approach takes as its starting point the political movement of October 3, 1930, ideological adjustment time of entity to state interests captained by entity leaders. Further action titled "Communist Conspiracy" in 1935, was the supposed justification for the closure of the scheme due to the "red danger". So our analysis will have this initial overview, culminating in World War II, the occasion when Brazil begins its alignment with US foreign policy, completing the analysis in the civilmilitary coup in 1964. This approach is mainly aimed to verify the hypothesis of participation (or not) of the institution on the political scene from the 1930s and the construction of an antipolitical discourse, succeeding possible contradictions in speech and political activity of the Entity, but remained in their political agenda to the coup unchanged. In summary, we will seek to evaluate the interaction of National Defense League in Brazilian politics, tracing the hypothesis that the entity is supposed to be reconfigured as an expression of a military party, by means of a modernizing agenda in parallel with the fight against Communism in Brazil.
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Gavra, Daniel V. "Militias: exploring alternative force structures for national defense." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/42631.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedLarge-scale conventional wars have become quite rare, yet most militaries are built with this model in mind. Conversely, less well-resourced entities employ force through part-time fighters and prevail at a higher rate than expected when facing standing militaries; in these cases, they employ pre-existing combat-related skills mastered either in civilian life or through military refresher courses. This research seeks to determine whether a militia-focused approach may be the most cost-effective security choice for a community; it may not be optimal for short, blitzkrieg-like engagements, but it may employ force effectively for defending the community it represents. Through analyzing three historical cases that stretch from small-scale to nationwide war, from desert to forested mountains, from unconventional to mechanized warfare, and from active combat to pure successful deterrence, this thesis examines the conditions under which a militia-based defense system is a viable and attractive option for national defense.
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Silva, Walter Franco Lopes da. "Maquiavel Segretario (1498-1512), guerra e política em I Primi Scritti Politici." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2012. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/11620.
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This research aims at addressing Machiavelli s I primi scritti politici written during the philosopher s fourteen years of involvement in politics, social conflicts and military events as Secretary to the Florentine Republic s Second Chancellery, as well as when working as Secretary to the dei Dieci di Libertà e Balía. Central to this investigation is the understanding of I primi scritti politici as an important group of writings whose fundamental nature is to bring about new debates in the fields of politics, war and social conflicts within the Florentine Republic from the early XVI Century. In addition to that, this investigation aims at considerate I primi scritti politici as the launching of Machiavelli process of thinking. Accordingly, one intends to comprehend this philosopher s process of thinking in relation to the fields of diplomacy, war and politics when in charge of a quite specific position within the Government of the Florentine Republic. Furthermore, in order to comprehend Machiavelli s infant process of thinking as a philosopher, one needs to position it within both the Florentine Government s administrative and power structures. Since this research addresses Machiavelli thinking in the fields of political and military powers in the context of the Florentine Republic, it was taken into consideration that the thinking itself reflects on a theoretical level the presumed attempt to put together the Chancellery s political-administrative and written praxis within an historical context of Florence from the years of 1489-1512. Notwithstanding this, the understanding of such philosophical thought from a historical perspective demands the comprehension of the philosopher s own universality of thinking not bind to the so-called spread of rudimentary political realism so present at that time. By the reading of I primi scritti politici, in addition to a reflexion about his experience in the Florentine Chancellery, one may comprehend the reasons behind the defence of the militia project and the consequential debate about the maintenance of freedom in Florence. Therefore, through the reconstruction of the precise political and military context - as well as logistical, legal and theoretical difficulties existent - one can understand the hardships encountered by this thinker. Hence, one shall argue that Machiavelli s experience as Secretary offered him backgrounds needed to bring about a strategy to put into place the militia project in line with the broader need to maintain freedom. By backing a military power financed and supported by Florence, Machiavelli brought a larger political project into the arena, focused on State defence and territorial administration backed on the removal of the mercenary forces from the Florentine scene. These ideas can be found on the philosopher s later works on politics, war and defence in his
Este trabalho trata de I primi scritti politici de Nicolau Maquiavel (1469 1527) redigidos durante os catorze anos em que esteve envolvido nas políticas, nos conflitos e nas guerras de seu tempo, exercendo suas atividades como Segretario da Segunda Chancelaria e como Segretario dos Dez da Liberdade da República Florentina a partir de 1498. Nesta dissertação adotam-se alguns pressupostos necessários para lançar mais uma luz sobre o início e o processo de amadurecimento do pensamento maquiaveliano a partir de I primi scritti politici. Assim, busca-se a compreensão e seu pensamento a respeito da diplomacia, da guerra e da política a partir de uma experiência de governo muito específica. Para se compreender o início do discurso maquiaveliano, portanto, exige-se o seu emparelhamento face à experiência de governo de Maquiavel Segretario então inserido na estrutura administrativa e de poder da República Florentina. Isto porque, seria através de uma aproximação de alguns elementos da teoria político-militar maquiavelinana com a práxis político-administrativa e de escrita da Chancelaria que se torna possível, em muitos de seus aspectos, a reconstrução da obra face ao contexto de sua época. Contudo busca-se esta compreensão segundo um contexto de época, sem prender o autor ao realismo político rudimentar ainda muito difundido em seu tempo ou mesmo, perder de vista a universalidade de seu pensamento. I primi scritti politici oferecem um relato único das preocupações do governo florentino com sua integridade territorial, de como lidar com as questões da liberdade e da autonomia ou não de seus domínios territoriais e, não menos importante, dos temas que vêm a ser objeto deste estudo: a querra, o papel desempenhado pelos condottieri, a sua defesa da formação de uma milícia própria e o jogo de poder político muito característico da República Florentina do período. Assim, a partir da leitura dos scritti e reflexão a respeito da sua experiência na Chancelaria, compreendem-se as razões da defesa da constituição de uma milícia da Ordenança, paralelamente ao fundamental problema da manutenção e das garantias das liberdades na Florença de então. Investiga-se se Maquiavel Segretario entre 1498 a 1512 compreendia o estabelecimento da milícia da Ordenança Florentina como parte de uma estratégia político-administrativa maior do território florentino (e de seus domínios) e na qual o estabelecimento de um exército próprio não mercenário impunha-se. O discurso maquiaveliano não apenas analisa os pressupostos necessários para o estabelecimento de forças próprias militares, mas, também, os meios necessários para a sua gestão com todas suas implicações, valiosa experiência para o processo de amadurecimento do autor e que permearia suas obras posteriores
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Hällström, Jonas. "En jämförelse mellan krigsvetare och Försvarsmakten avseende synen på egenskaper och karaktär hos militära chefer." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-1208.
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Genom Försvarsmaktens doktrin och dess innehåll, tar Försvarsmaktens verksamhet från och mednu en tydligare utgångspunkt i militärvetenskapen. Doktrinens innehåll bygger på teorier ommedel och metoder för krigföring från krigsvetare (militärteorier) som sträcker sig kontextuelltöver en tidsmässigt lång period. Jämförelsen har studerat hur doktrinen på motsvarande sätt (sommed medel och metoder) tagit till sig synen på den militära chefens egenskaper och karaktär hosdessa krigsvetare.Krigsvetare har de facto påverkat doktrinens innehåll avseende medel och metoder för krigföring.Jämförelsen visar att inbäddat bakom de förmågor om egenskaper och karaktär hos chefen somdoktrinen uttrycker, finns spårbarheten till krigsvetares syn om egenskaper och karaktär hoschefen.Först vid en djupare analys och diskussion om jämförelsens resultat uppstår skillnader. Närverklighet avseende utbildning, övning och träning inom Försvarsmakten speglas i doktrinensinnehåll, och genomlyses av krigsvetares och militära tänkares syn om egenskaper och karaktär,då uppstår skillnader.Through the Swedish Armed Forces’ doctrine and its content, the activities of the Swedish defensefrom now on take a starting point by referring to military science and theories. The doctrine isbased on science by military theorists about what are the means and the procedures for conductingwar. Those military theorists covering a span from contexts during a long historical period. Thiswork has studied whether the doctrine on the same deep and interest (as with the means andprocedures for conducting war) emphasizes the necessary characteristics and mentality needed ona military commander, expressed by the one and same group of military theorists.War scientists obviously have affected the doctrine’s content regarding means and procedures forconducting war. The comparison shows in the end that behind the capacities concerning necessarycharacteristics and mentality as war scientists express in today’s doctrine, there is a link also towhat war-scientists states about necessary characteristics and mentality needed on a militarycommander.After a final and deeper analyzes and discussion about the achievements in this study, differencesoccurs. These differences occur, when the reality within the Swedish Armed Forces is mirroredwith the content of the doctrine and its means, and above that, when further analyzes are made byassistance from theories expressed by military thinkers.
Avdelning: ALB – Slutet Mag. 3 C-upps. Hylla: Upps. ChP 07-09
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Walldén, Dean. "Det Militära Maktmedlet : En politisk pusselbit vid upprustning av nationell försvarsförmåga." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-10016.
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The strategic decision-making mechanisms a state has at its disposal to shape and develop its military means of power are complex. Perceptions of the outside world may be particularly problematic because perceptions of threats change. Political decisions which aim to create robust and long-term security strategies where several factors must be taken into account that are largely determined by the interests of other actors can be difficult to understand and explain. The investment in defence set out in Swedish Defence Bill 2020 is a paradigm shift from reducing to enlarging the armed forces This involves a continued investment into a dedicated professional defence, but in combination with conscription, new establishment of regiments, more military units and increased materiel investment. The purpose of this study is to, examine the driving forces and explanatory factors linked to this paradigm shift, where political decisions to enlarge the military are in focus and examined using Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow's three theoretical perspectives on strategic decision-making. The results of this study clearly show that the dominant driving force for the re-expansion of Sweden's defence capability was the deteriorating external situation, which was evident in terms of all three theoretical perspectives. It is also possible to see traces of other driving forces in the bill, such as long-termism, sustainability and the degree of detailed control of the Armed Forces, which demonstrates the complexity of political decision-making about the creation of military power.
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Nelson, Ivan Francis. "The Irish militia 1793-1802." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.343023.
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Gouveia, António Rodolfo Gonçalves. "Locação operacional nas Forças Armadas Portuguesas." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/7663.
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Mestrado em Economia e Políticas PúblicasPara colmatar equipamentos militares em fase final de vida, procedeu-se à aquisição de equipamentos e serviços através da locação operacional, ao invés da aquisição direta, como tradicionalmente tinha sido executado no passado. Através deste processo, inspirado nas novas tendências do New Public Managment, o Estado renovou duas frotas com recurso a duas empresas do Sector Empresarial do Estado e desta forma, com intuito deliberado, colocou os custos associados para fora do Orçamento de Estado. Numa altura onde é exigido rigor orçamental e gastos públicos controlados, pretende-se com este trabalho analisar a execução destes dois contratos realizados pelo Estado Português, demonstrar se são benéficos para o erário público e se, no futuro, continuarão a ser opção válida aquando da necessidade de realizar avultados investimentos na área militar. Com a análise da locação e da elaboração destes programas públicos, reforçado pela comparação com outro instrumento de financiamento, neste caso a dívida pública, será possível constatar o benefício ou o prejuízo que o Estado obteve deste tipo de contratos.
In order to replace military equipment reaching its end of life cycle, it was procured equipment?s and services by acquiring them via operational leasing instead of, the traditional acquisition as it was in the past. This process, inspired within the new trends of New Public Management, Portuguese Government replaced two aircraft fleets by using two public owned companies and with this throwing out deliberately these costs out of the national budget. On a time where budget accuracy and discipline is demanded to the governments, the purpose of this paper it to analyse the execution of these two contracts undertaken by the Portuguese government, to demonstrate if they were beneficial and if they still stand as a valid option in the future in case of new investments for the military. By analysing leasing and military procurement in these public contracts, reinforced by contrasting them with others means of financing it, public debt, it will be possible to verify the benefits or the impacts that these programs had to the Portuguese State.
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Kuzmina, Maryana. "Analysis of the restructuring of the Russian defence industry (by the example of aviation industry and knaapo) and the creation of United Aviation Construction Corporation." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/3701.
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Previous issue date: 2007The present study is focused on the analysis of the three main governmental measures occurred in 2000-2006 in Russian defense industry: the creation of the holding structures, the establishing of the state monopoly in arms export, and creation of the United Aviation Construction Corporation (Ob¿edinennaya Aviastroitel¿naya Corporatziya), which was initiated by the President and Government of Russian Federation in 2006. The last project assumes the consolidation and joining of all producers of civil and military aviation into one united corporation in order to save the technological and productive potential of the sector after serious crisis in 1990-s. On the other hand, this project can be considered as one of the measures to establish state control and hierarchy in the defense industry. The current project tries to analyze the necessity and the possible impacts of restructuring processes. In order to perform such analysis, I need to observe the evolution of the sector, which involves the description of the restructuring and reforming of the industry since the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The current situation in aviation sector was shaped by number of reforms performed by Government of Russian Federation, which I describe in phases: conversion, privatization, decentralization, followed by evident desire of the state to establish control over some companies. Later on, I am trying to understand the reasons lying behind all reforms of 2000-2006 and the integration of the industry. I also try to predict which impacts on the companies it will have. The last part presents the main conclusions of the paper.
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Richter, Christian [Verfasser]. "Preemptive Self-Defense. : Die Vereinbarkeit des Konzepts der Preemptive Self-Defense mit dem Völkerrecht. / Christian Richter." Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1238436668/34.
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Stoneman, Robert James. "The reformed British militia, c.1852-1908." Thesis, University of Kent, 2014. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/48735/.
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This thesis aims to provide a comprehensive investigation of the reformed British militia between its reconstitution in 1852 and its abolition (and replacement by the Special Reserve) in 1908, addressing one of the major remaining gaps in our understanding of the auxiliary forces of this period. The post-1852 militia has generally been overshadowed by its eighteenth and early nineteenth century predecessor, and of the few major works that do examine the force after its reform, most do so as part of broader studies examining it from the point of view of the regular army, or as an epilogue to a much broader study of the militia of the earlier period, or the wider amateur military tradition as a whole. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to provide the first dedicated study of the reformed British militia in recent years. It will move beyond the limited ‘top-down’ approach characteristic of many works examining the wider Victorian army and instead tap into a more recent methodological trend which utilises a range of national and local archival material to examine the nuances of what remained a locally organised force. It will examine not just the role of the militia and the way in which it was organised, but also study the nature and composition of its officer corps, its rank and file, and will investigate areas which have been hitherto largely ignored such as the way discipline was maintained in what remained an amateur force. It will conclude with an examination of the militia’s unprecedented service during the South African War before going onto examine the process by which the militia was ultimately abolished and replaced by the Special Reserve (and ask whether or not this represented a moment of continuity, or an outright break with the past.) This study rejects the idea that during this period the militia largely became ‘an anachronistic auxiliary’ to the regular army. There can be no doubt that it became increasingly centralised under the control of the War Office and that it also provided a vital role as a source of both officers and men for the regular army. Yet by looking at a mix of both national and local archival material, a more nuanced picture emerges. Several units managed to retain a degree of organisational independence and a social distinctiveness from the wider army. Furthermore, many of the reforms which altered the organisation of the force had important benefits. Compared to the 1850s and 1860s, during which the newly reconstituted force was forced to yield to the exigencies of the regular army, the militia of the 1870s, 1880s and 1890s was arguably better trained, better equipped and quantitatively stronger than during the preceding decades.
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Fisher, John F. "Texas Sheriff Perceptions of the Militia Movement." ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/2726.
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With the election of President Barack Obama, the United States has seen a steady increase in the number of right-wing militia groups. The Southern Poverty Law Center and the Department of Homeland Security have claimed that the various militia groups are a dangerous domestic terrorism threat. Law enforcement perceptions of the threat that these militia groups pose served as the focus of inquiry in this multiple case study. These perceptions were explored through the theoretical frameworks of groupthink, Credulous Bayesianism, and nudge theory. A purposeful sample of 12 local sheriffs in Texas were interviewed in an attempt to identify common themes regarding their perceptions of militia groups. Two common themes emerged from the interviews, which showed that sheriffs' firsthand knowledge and experience with members of the militia were instrumental in their approach to militias. If sheriffs had direct contact with the militia, then they did not believe that it posed a threat to society. However, if sheriffs did not have firsthand experience with the militia and depended on the media for their opinions, then they followed the narrative that the militia groups are dangerous. This research project showed that sheriffs' direct interaction with the militia can decrease law enforcement's fear of militia groups, allowing sheriffs to detect, investigate, and prosecute any actual threats from militia groups to make their communities safer while protecting the rights of all citizens.
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Steeves, Kerry Ragnar. "The Pacific Coast Militia Rangers, 1942-1945." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/42024.
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For Canadians the Second World War traditionally evokes images of the invasion of Normandy,
the Falaise Gap, and the ill-fated raid on Dieppe. Over the years Canadians
who served overseas have been recognized but, at the same time, soldiers who served on
the home front have been overlooked. This is because many of Canada's home defence
soldiers were conscripted under the National Resources Mobilization Act, and were unwilling
to go overseas. Thousands of Canadians, however, were denied entry into the
regular forces because they were too old, too young, or classified as medically unfit. In
British Columbia during the Second World War, these men were given the opportunity to
enlist in a unique home guard unit called the Pacific Coast Militia Rangers (P.C.M.R.).
The Pacific Coast Militia Rangers were organized in response to public pressure,
and because existing coastal defences were inadequate. Composed of unpaid volunteers
trained in guerilla tactics, the Pacific Coast Militia Rangers were a home defence force peculiar
to British Columbia. The Rangers were not a typical military organization. Rather,
they were a distinctively North American fighting force in the tradition of previous Ranger
formations. A sense of historical tradition was evident in the designation of "Rangers"
for British Columbia's Second World War guerilla home defence volunteers. In North
America, since the 1700s, men born in and acquainted with the hinterland-frontiersmen,
hunters, cowboys, and trappers proficient in the use of firearms-have been formed into
irregular Ranger units in times of emergency. There is a long list of these North American
Ranger organizations: Rogers' Rangers in the French and Indian War; Butler's Loyalist
Rangers, the East Florida Rangers, and the Queen's Rangers in the American Revolution;
the Frontier Battalion of the Texas Rangers in the revolution against Mexican
authority; Mosby's Rangers in the U.S. Civil War; and the Rocky Mountain Rangers in
the Northwest Rebellion. The Pacific Coast Militia Rangers were the twentieth century
revival of this Ranger tradition. Throughout history, all Ranger units have used the
same tactics: they employed guerilla warfare with an emphasis on surprise attacks, they
operated in small units which were highly mobile, and they focussed on rifle training. A
lack of formal military discipline has also been characteristic of all Ranger formations.
The Pacific Coast Militia Rangers, then, were not an innovation in the Canadian military
experience. They were part of a distinct military tradition of irregular troops adapted
to suit North American frontier conditions.
The Pacific Coast Militia Rangers reflected the character, fears, and internal conflicts
of British Columbia's society. British Columbia was a predominantly white community
and the P.C.M.R. mirrored the widespread white ethnic prejudices in the province. Ethnic
groups were largely excluded from the Rangers and Native Indians, who were accepted
as valuable recruits, were treated in a paternalistic manner.
Militant trade unionism has been an important facet of B.C. history, and trade unionists
were prominent in the Pacific Coast Militia Rangers. Trade unions fully supported
the P.C.M.R. and Ranger membership was dominated by the working class. The labour
movement's influence in the P.C.M.R. can be seen in the anxiety over the possible employment
of Ranger units to break strikes.
The role of war veterans in the P.C.M.R. also reflected the composition of the larger
society. First World War veterans were a well-defined group in B.C. society, and their
values and outlook were revealed through their Ranger participation. The veterans' zeal
and rivalry with younger Rangers indicates that their patriotism was, at times, misguided,
but it was rooted in a personal need to play a visible role in the war effort.
The P.C.M.R. operated in a democratic manner: if the commander of a Ranger company was disliked by his men, he could be voted out of his position. Similarly, if Rangers
disagreed with directives from P.C.M.E. headquarters they were quick to express their
displeasure and threatened resignation. This would have been impossible in the regular
army, but in the P.C.M.R.-composed of citizen-soldiers-it was a commonplace pattern.
The social equality between ranks, and the egalitarian way in which the P.C.M.R. operated
expressed the New World frontier values of British Columbia in the 1940s.
The wartime fears and phobias of British Columbians showed in the actions of the
Pacific Coast Militia Rangers. Life in British Columbia during the early years of the
Second World War was, for the most part, as secure as life in other regions of Canada.
This was changed, however, with the bombing of Pearl Harbor on 7 December 1941. The
aggressiveness of Japan and the stunning success of her war machine, caused panic in
the Pacific Coast province about the vulnerability of B.C. to an attack. In addition,
the war sharpened the already existing white racial animosity against the Japanese, and _
provided a socially acceptable outlet for its expression. White British Columbia has had
a history of fear of Asians and, subsequently, anti-Orientalism has been a current in the
province's culture. In much the same way that anti-Japanese sentiment forced the federal
government to intern and evacuate British Columbia's Japanese population, so too did
public outcry prompt the formation of local home guard units. These two problems-the
defence of British Columbia and anti-Japanese sentiment-became manifest in the history
of the Pacific Coast Militia Rangers.
From the Dominion government's viewpoint, the P.C.M.R. was a valuable organization.
The Rangers provided military protection at a low cost, but they also comforted a
frightened population which demanded protection from a Japanese invasion. It will be
argued here that while the main purpose of the P.C.M.R. was home defence, the organization
became much more than that to both the government and the people of British
Columbia. Quite apart from its defence role, the P.C.M.R. provided reassurance, sustained
the morale of a population at war, and acted as a means to indoctrinate civilians
with military propaganda.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Löfgren, Ulrika. "Att bli utbildare : En studie av kadetters syn på hur de formas till utbildare." Thesis, Swedish National Defence College, Swedish National Defence College, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-830.
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Background: Officers in the Swedish Armed Forces educates their soldiers in various skills and arenas. The Officers get their educational training in officer training courses conducted by the Swedish Armed Forces or the Swedish national defence college. The aim of this study was to find out how the cadets, belive that they are formed into educators, their views on the literature being used in the Swedish armed Forsces, and their views on leadership and educational science.
Methods: The data for analysis were collected in spring 2010, by use of a questionnaire among cadets studying the tactical/operational program Ta/Op 07/10 at the Swedish national defence college. The respons rate was 69, 6 %.
Results: The majority of the cadets thought that experience was the most important factor in becoming a good educator. Most of the cadets also thought that the literature being used by the Swedish armed forces was good, however, few cadets stated that they will use the material for reflection on their own teaching when working as officers.
Conclusions: The Cadets had a positive attitude towards the educational philosphy and literature being used, but few will use the literature in reflecting on themselves as teachers. Cadets belive that they mainly will become good educators through experience, and that it is important that leaders and managers in Swedish armed forces have knowledge about educational science.
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Nelson, Ivan Francis. "The Irish militia, 1793-1802 : Ireland's forgotten army /." Dublin ; Portland, OR : Four Courts Press, 2007. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0801/2007297981.html.
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Janurberg, William. "Militär nytta på stridsteknisk nivå : SUAV-system och CUAS." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-8587.
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Detta självständiga arbete undersöker stridstekniska obemannade luftfarkostsystem (SUAV) och potentiella tekniska system som är motverkande mot obemannade luftfarkoster (CUAS). Nyttjandet av stridstekniska obemannade luftfarkostsystem har ökat kraftigt och har observerats i både Syrien och Ukraina. I den ryska armén har de sett framgångsrik användning i samverkan med befintliga artillerisystem. Syftet med detta självständiga arbete är att analysera och förstå de effekter som tekniken har på militära operationer. I detta arbete används det militärtekniska konceptet ’militär nytta’ Andersson m.fl. (2015) i kombination med Johnsonkriteriet som används för att beräkna räckvidden på infraröda sensorer. Tillsammans med användningen av systemanalys och scenariobaserade metoder, har stridstekniska obemannade luftfarkostsystem och tekniska system som är motverkande mot obemannade luftfarkoster värderats med konceptet militär nytta. Slutsatserna från detta arbete visar att stridstekniska obemannade luftfarkostsystem har en god militär nytta då de används mot en motoriserad skyttebataljon (militär aktör), i förberedelsefasen av en fördröjningsstrid (kontext). Vid värderingen av de två tekniska systemalternativen som motverkar obemannade luftfarkoster; eldvapensystem och robotsystem, har bärbara luftvärnsrobotsystem bedömts ha en bättre militär nytta än automatkanonsystem på grund av dess möjliga användning i avsuttna operationer.This independent project studies Small Unmanned Aerial Vehicles and potential Counter Unmanned Aerial Systems. The usage of Small Unmanned Aerial Systems has grown rapidly and has seen use in warfare in both Syria and Ukraine. In the Russian armed forces, they have seen successful use when used in combination with legacy artillery systems. The purpose of this independent project is to analyse and understand the effects that technology has on military operations. In this project, a military-technology concept called ‘military utility’ Andersson et al. (2015) is used in combination with the Johnson criteria which is used to calculate infrared sensor range. Together with the use of systems analysis and scenario-based methods, Small Unmanned Aerial Vehicles and two identified Counter Unmanned Aerial System alternatives have been assessed with the military utility concept. The conclusions of this independent project show that Small Unmanned Aerial Vehicles have a good degree of military utility when used against a motorized infantry battalion (military actor), in the preparatory phase of a delay operation (context). When assessing the two Counter Unmanned Aerial System alternatives; gun-based systems and missile air defence systems, man-portable air-defence systems have, because of their possible use in dismounted operations, been considered to have a greater military utility in comparison to autocannon systems.
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Mayers, Carl Nicholas. "Cucumber mosaic virus : defence and counter-defence." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.621673.
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Hales, Michael R. "Civilian soldiers in Staffordshire, 1793-1823." Thesis, Sheffield Hallam University, 1995. http://shura.shu.ac.uk/3101/.
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The thesis is concerned with civilian soldier movements raised in Staffordshire between 1793 and 1823: - the militias, the volunteer infantry movements and the yeomanry cavalry. In order to assess standards of performance in the various movements, it has been necessary to draw comparisons with similar forces throughout the country, but more especially those in the Inland Area. In Staffordshire there were three, separate, volunteer infantry movements. The Staffordshire Yeomanry did not disband, as did many cavalry units in 1802 and again in 1815, but its nature changed, so in effect, there were three movements. There were three militias - the regular, supplementary and local militias. The work has concentrated on the procedures for raising, enrolling and financing all the movements. It has considered their service, behaviour, efficiency and their military contribution to the war effort. It has examined the use of corps as posse comitatus and the impact they made on their neighbourhoods or, in the case of the militias, their stations. The period 1793 to 1816 covered the service of the militias and the voluntary movements during the war years. The post-war period, 1815 to 1823, has been concerned with the service of the yeomanry corps and their aid to the civil power, and the voluntary infantry raised between 1819 and 1823. Throughout the work, the relationship between the three movements has been studied, as has their relationship with the army. The work has considered the reasons given by government for raising, maintaining and financing such large civilian forces, and how happy the administrations were with so many armed civilians, in war-time, when there was a great fear of Radical activity. It has examined the bureaucracies given the task of administering and controlling the movements and the role played by Whitehall. It has sought to discover what part the civilian movements were expected to play in the event of a French invasion. From 1793 to 1807, considerable legislation was enacted to raise the forces,to alter their status, to give government powers to direct men into voluntary movements, and to rationalise such matters as pay, training and service, so the question of national rather than local movements has been discussed. In the light of increased government involvement in the infantry and yeomanry, the voluntary nature of the two forces has been questioned. The militia and the army were generally detested and feared. In the light of this, the thesis has sought to discover why considerable numbers of civilian's were willing to join voluntary military movements, who they were, and how far they were prepared to accept military discipline and the increased demands made upon them, and their localities, by government as the wars progressed. The great civilian mobilisation, in the form it took, was unique. No modem work exists in Staffordshire, or possibly elsewhere, which has undertaken a thorough, comparative study of all three local military associations during the European and Napoleonic Wars and the post-war period to 1823. The work therefore adds to the existing knowledge of civilian movements. It advances the argument that they were social rather than military movements; it defines a continuous link between the early associations, those of mid-Victorian Britain and the Local Defence Volunteers of 1940.
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Clark, Howard. "Lions of Marjah : why Marjah's militia combats violent extremists." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2014. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/lions-of-marjah(0dc25921-89ea-46cc-8fe0-b8fa877dfbdb).html.
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This study uncovers the motivations of the indigenous counter-violent-extremist movement in Marjah, a village in southwest Afghanistan, between 2009 and 2013. Furthermore, it elucidates how the international and central government security forces allowed and enabled this grassroots anti-Taliban militia. The thesis submits that the fighters rose up and defeated Taliban because of selfdetermination- describing the townsmen’s ultimate goal of village autonomy as well as their self-sufficient actions. Self-determination acted as a centre of gravity that drove fighters to struggle and die to eradicate local violent extremist elements. The Afghan government and outside militaries allowed this independence, unlike the Taliban, and thus became the militia’s welcome partners instead of enemies. After introducing the history of traditional Pashtun militias in southern Afghanistan and then in Marjah specifically, the paper tests three hypotheses: whether and how much the 1) need for stability, 2) antipathy towards a foreign ideology, and 3) protection of tribalism may have factored into the motivations for this movement. From interviews with over a quarter of the civilian guardians in 2011, unpublished unclassified and declassified reports, and notes from observers, this study assesses that stability, hatred of an alien ideology, and nationalism—not tribalism—were rallying cries for the movement. However, self-determination, not originally postulated before field research, served as the central theme underpinning these other drivers and acting as the main master narrative. The findings of this single case study may be an early look at a burgeoning discipline in counterinsurgency and stability operations investigating similar movements worldwide.
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Marques, Adriana Aparecida. "Amazônia: pensamento e presença militar." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-30112007-153256/.
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A tese analisa o pensamento dos militares sobre a Amazônia brasileira e a escolha das estratégias das Forças Armadas para defender a região, dando uma especial atenção às modalidades de sua presença na área. A pesquisa mostra que a identificação da Amazônia como prioridade estratégica das Forças Armadas não se deve apenas a uma reconfiguração dos interesses estatais em matéria de segurança e defesa. A importância atribuída à região amazônica pelos militares resulta de uma intrincada relação entre interesses e elementos simbólicos. O primeiro capítulo apresenta o debate acadêmico entre neorealistas, organizativistas e construtivistas sobre o que determina a adoção de uma doutrina militar por um Estado. O segundo capítulo analisa o discurso dos militares sobre a região amazônica e as transformações deste discurso ao longo das duas últimas décadas, dando especial atenção ao discurso do Exército. O terceiro capítulo examina a presença do Exército na Amazônia e as estratégias militares elaboradas para defendê-la. O quarto capítulo trata das percepções da Força Aérea e da Marinha sobre os problemas de Defesa Nacional na Amazônia. E o quinto capítulo aborda a percepção dos formuladores de política civis sobre a problemática amazônica e as medidas adotadas para incrementar a defesa militar da região. A principal fonte de pesquisa desta tese é a bibliografia militar, composta por discursos, entrevistas, documentos doutrinários, revistas, livros de memórias, e monografias de final de curso das Escolas de Comando e Estado- Maior das Forças Armadas. Para a elaboração desta pesquisa também foi consultada uma bibliografia acadêmica que trata das relações entre os civis e os militares no Brasil, de sociologia militar, e de relações internacionais. Ademais, foram consultados documentos parlamentares, como os anais da Câmara de Deputados e do Senado Federal, assim como os arquivos eletrônicos disponíveis na internet referentes aos partidos políticos brasileiros, aos Ministérios das Relações Exteriores, e da Defesa.This thesis analyzes the Brazilian Armed Forces strategic thought about the Amazon and the military presence in the region. It shows that the identification of the Amazon as a strategic priority to Brazilian military is not due only to a reconfiguration of state security and defense interests. The importance given to the region by the military service derives from a framework of interests and symbolical elements. The first chapter presents the academic debate among neorealism, organization theory and constructivism about the origins of military doctrine. The second chapter analyzes the military discourse about the Amazon and its changes over the last two decades, giving special attention to the Army. The third chapter focuses the Army presence in the Amazon and the military strategies to its defense. The fourth chapter deals with the Navy and the Air Force perceptions on the Amazon security problems. The fifth chapter presents the civilian perceptions on the Amazon problem and the policies adopted in order to increase the military defense of the region. The main source of this research is the Armed Forces bibliography, which is composed by speeches, interviews, doctrinaire documents, military magazines, memory books and Military Academies degree monographies. An academic bibliography dealing with civil-military relations in Brazil, military sociology and international relations was also adopted. Besides, the thesis dealt with parliamentary documents (as the Proceeding of the Chamber of Deputies and of the Federal Senate), as well as internet electronic archives referring to political parties, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ministry of Defense.
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Silber, Stephane Carleton University Dissertation Management Studies. "Defence conversion: A comparison of the innovation processes of defence and non-defence products in the electronic sector of the Canadian defence industry." Ottawa, 1996.
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Ahram, Ariel I. "Devolution from above the origins and persistence of state-sponsored militias /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (ProQuest) Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2008. http://worldcat.org/oclc/436265260/viewonline.
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Allen, Theodore C. "The American militia phenomenon a psychological profile of militant theocracies /." full text thesis available online via Chico Digital Repository, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10211.4/75.
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Ukpabi, Obiozo Mirjam. "The emergence of ethnic militia movements in Nigeria's Niger Delta." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3685.
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Moore, Cyrus III. "The Ohio National Guard before the Militia Act of 1903." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1437997707.
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Harris, Liam Jon Kieran. "Dual-use technology transfer between defence and non-defence markets." Thesis, Imperial College London, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10044/1/18938.
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Defence procurement easily matches and exceeds virtually any other form of technology-intensive procurements by the government. Additionally, defence procurement often focuses on technologically advanced, engineering-intensive equipment. This represents a significant potential for technological innovation and subsequent diffusion of this innovation throughout the economy. The defence industry has often been considered insular and idiosyncratic, meeting the demands of a bureaucratic, central buyer, creating firms unable to compete in dynamic commercial markets, and posing a barrier for innovative firms to enter. This study poses the question: When is technology likely to transfer into or out of the defence sector? Which organisational-level factors facilitate or hinder the likelihood and success of such technology transfer? By combining organisational identity, capabilities and institutional theories, this thesis pursues a novel approach to the problem, and we find that organisational identity moderates the capability-performance relationship – in essence, a strong organisational identity is negatively associated with the likelihood that a firm will deploy its resources in unfamiliar markets, or to exploit technologies present in them. The defence industry provides a salient context for the study of this phenomenon. This thesis presents a current overview of the UK defence sector, by reviewing the existing literature in the field and updating it with consideration to the significant changes which the industry has faced. This includes a review of the previous research on firm-level factors which influence the transfer of technology into and out of the sector. An organisational identity theory of capability deployment is then developed, and tested with a combination of expert interviews and quantitative analysis of the results of a survey of firms in the UK defence sector. The resulting analysis and discussion contribute to the understanding of the UK defence sector in the modern world, and the potential barriers to fully exploit technology developed in the defence context, and to the factors which may influence the UK armed forces’ access to technologies from non-traditional sources. Further, the recognition that institutional forces can influence organisational identity and subsequently affect the deployment of capabilities, I contribute to the management literature by suggesting a link between the rarely connected literatures on organisational identity and capabilities.
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Salonikidis, Konstantinos. "Amazon, syjuntatant - lotta : Om frivilligdeltagandet inom Riksförbundet Sveriges lottakårer mellan 1960- och 1970-talen." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445347.
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This thesis on the Swedish voluntary women’s defence organisation Riksförbundet Sveriges lottakårer (SLK), studies how the board and the members of SLK discussed the problems and the meaning of voluntary defence work during the 1960s and 1970s. Furthermore the thesis aims to engage with previous research and give an explanation to why people may be interested in voluntary defence. Views varied greatly within SLK: some meant that the voluntary grounds of participation gave a sense of elite status to the organisation; however others saw voluntary work as untenable, since more women at the time had both work and family obligations. Another issue was professionalisation versus socialisation. While some members wanted to see a centralisation and professionalisation of the organisation, others found it more important to safeguard the social functions and independence of the local corps unit. The results suggest that gender structures as well as individual agency create multiple reasons and meanings behind voluntary defence work.
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Field, Sean Jeffrey. "A limited defence for C3I-disarmament and the Strategic Defence Initiative /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09Ar/09arf456.pdf.
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Hodgson, Terry L. Thomas Glenn R. "Rethinking militias recognizing the potential of militia groups in nation-building /." Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Jun%5FHodgson.pdf.
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Thomas, Glenn R. "Rethinking militias recognizing the potential of militia groups in nation-building." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/3430.
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Recent media, political, and military consideration regarding the use of militias has been almost totally negative. This conceptual bias against militias is somewhat misguided, and can lead to disastrously counterproductive situations. Conceivably, militias can play a role in building a functioning state, and can support immediate and long-term U.S. and host nation government efforts in these situations. Stability, Security, Transition, and Reconstruction (SSTR) has become a mainstay of current U.S. strategy, but little effort is dedicated to developing options that deal specifically with the inclusion of irregular forces outside the control of a central government. This thesis seeks to counter the conceptual bias against militia groups, and provides a framework for analyzing militias' potential to assist with the establishment of governance in weak and failing states. Second, it analyzes a series of examples and arrays them along a spectrum that can be used to better define militias' characteristics and intents. The third aim of this thesis is to offer a set of strategy options the U.S. might apply in its efforts to deal with militias in its nation-building efforts.
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Harmoy-Durofil, Héloïse. "Chefs et officiers barbares dans la militia armata ( IVe - VIe siècle)." Thesis, Tours, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015TOUR2028/document.
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Cette recherche s'organise autour de trois points: tout d'abord nous allons nous intéresser au regard posé par nos sources sur ces individus. interroger l'identité de ces personnes autour du champ de l'ethnicité et la mettre en relation avec toutes ses variables, origine sociale entre autres ; il faudra également interroger l'opinion portée par les auteurs antiques sur la valeur militaire, les mœurs et les trahisons des chefs et officiers barbares de la militia armata. Une seconde partie envisagera en quoi les chefs et officiers barbares ou d'origine barbare font partie des élites de ma militia armata, et des élites de la société romaine de l'Antiquité tardive, pour les officiers principalement, et participent au renouvellement de celles-ci Une troisième partie s'intéressera au degré de participation des chefs et officiers barbares dans la militia armata de Constantin à Anastase, et ce, dans une continuité temporelle afin de mesurer les effets de la conjoncture historique sur le recrutement ethnique de la militia armata. Mais il faut aussi cerner les stratégies développées pour mener une carrière au scinde l'armée romaine et ainsi mieux comprendre la place qu'ils ont occupée au sein des états-majorsThis research is organized around three points she gaze by sources on the chiefs and officers of barbarian origin to query the identity of these characters around the ethnicity field and all its variables, social essentially A second part will consider how leaders and officers of barbarian origin are part of the elite of the army and the late Roman society and participate in the renewal thereof A third part will be interested in the degree of participation of barbarian chiefs and officers of barbarian origin in the militia armata from Constantine to Anastase , and in temporal continuity to measure the effects of the historical situation of ethnic recruitment of Roman army and to better understand the strategies developed to conduct a military career in the late Roman army
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Weeber, Stan C. "Internet and U.S. citizen militias." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2491/.
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Smelser's theory of collective behavior holds that people join radical social movements because they experience strain. Among the most serious strains are anxieties that relate to one's social status and the roles that correspond to it. A social movement arises as a means of coping with these anxieties.
Militia presence and activity on the Internet (especially Usenet) is a phenomenon that can be studied within the framework of Smelser's theory. Militia watchers contend that those who join the militias have experienced the kinds of strain to which Smelser refers.
A content analysis of Internet traffic of U.S. militias provides a test of the general thesis outlined above. By analyzing Internet sites it is possible to examine whether militiamen have experienced strain, and whether the strain, together with other factors, influence an individual's decision to join the militia.
This dissertation was the first sociological study of American militias on the Internet and the first in which militias from all regions of the country was studied. Information was gathered on 171 militiamen who joined 28 militias.
A qualitative analysis of militia web sites and Usenet traffic (n=1,189 online documents) yielded answers to seven research questions. Most militiamen studied experienced some form of stress or strain prior to joining the militia. Within this context, three generalized beliefs arose to help explain this stress among those militiamen. Bureau of Alcohol, Firearms and Tobacco (BATF) raids at Ruby Ridge, Idaho and Waco, Texas were mentioned most often as movement precipitants. Based on the militiamen studied, the militia movement was Internet-driven, although a number of alternative media played a joint role in movement mobilization. On the basis of the cases studied, increased social control following the Oklahoma City bombing affected the direction of the movement as many militias went underground. Yet, Usenet traffic by and about militiamen rose significantly. Constitutionalism was the primary philosophical orientation of the militias in this dissertation; however, Christian Identity militias were growing in number and visibility.
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Butler, William Marsh. "The Irish amateur military tradition in the British Army, c.1854-1945." Thesis, University of Kent, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.633644.
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This thesis examines the Irish amateur military tradition in the British Army from 1854 until 1945, as separate to the amateur military tradition in Great Britain. The work argues that such a difference did exist but, also, within this, two further traditions emerged. Firstly, the re-emergence of the Protestant volunteering tradition, witnessed in Ulster as early as the seventeenth century, and, secondly, a Catholic amateur military tradition largely present in the Irish militia. Importantly, these two traditions, although not directly competing, also reflected Irish, and later Northern Irish, society up until the end of the Second World War. It will assess these traditions by looking at a variety of different aspects: the political and strategic considerations of the use of Irish auxiliaries at a time when there was a degree of upheaval in Ireland; the officer corps of the amateur forces, and how this developed over time; likewise, for the rank and file, its changing nature is evaluated; the discipline and morale of these forces is assessed, with special attention given to how religious composition affected this; their use on active service is considered; and, finally, the contemporary image, both inside and outside of Ireland is considered in order to build a picture of the auxiliary forces cultural impact on society as a whole. In' essence, this approach has previously been used to assess the British Army as a whole, especially during the Victorian and Edwardian periods, and also the amateur forces of Great Britain. However, this work builds upon this concept to evaluate the Irish position in detail, within the British context, for the first time. In so doing, the thesis also disproves some of the assumptions made about the Irish position and how its amateur forces were placed within its unique political, social, and cultural environment.
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Brookman, Jay A. "The citizen-soldier and homeland security in the twentyfirst century." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2816.
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This thesis examines the evolution of the civil-military relations gap that has been exacerbated by the recent attacks against America. It then discusses this new and troubling gap in civil-military relations and the negative implications to the Global War on Terrorism. The thesis then offers the National Guard as a means of narrowing the gap, by linking the people of the community through the state to the federal government, and recognizing that first responders are the key to Homeland Security. This thesis reviews the long and successful history of the National Guard in both warfighting and domestic support to civil authorities from the perspective of an underlying tension that has existed between the citizen-soldier and the professional standing army for more than 350 years. This stressed relationship shaped the laws of our country that define the dual statefederal role of the National Guard. It concludes with recommendations policy makers may consider when preparing for both the internal and external threats from terrorism including the National Guard Counterdrug Support Program, the Weapons of Mass Destruction Civil Support Teams and post 9/11 National Guard military support to civil authorities (MSCA).California Air National Guard, author.
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Gertsson, Jonas. "Försvarsmaktens befälssystemsreform : Från Ny Befälsordning till Tvåbefälssystemet." Thesis, Swedish National Defence College, Swedish National Defence College, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-26.
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Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera det nuvarande samt föregående befälssystem medavsikten att utröna vad i tillämpningen av det nya som skall bli annorlunda ifrån det föregående. Avsikten är även att kritiskt granska hur de båda systemen skiljer sig åt och vilka för ochnackdelar de kan tänkas föra med sig. 1983 införeds Ny Befälsordning, NBO, i Sverige vilket var ett befälssystem utan en motsvarighet i övriga världen. Detta befälssystem har blivit omdiskuterat och kritiserat vilket lett fram till att det i januari 2006 fattades ett beslut om återinförande av ettflerbefälssystem, Tvåbefälssystemet. Detta arbete vill visa vilka förändringar som gjorts så välsom att undersöka vilka fördelar respektive nackdelar detta byte kan tänkas föra med sig. Denna del har genomförts med en kvalitativ metod och med i huvudsak officiella dokument och utredningar. Resultaten har visat på att fördelarna och nackdelarna för de båda systemen är flera. Samt att Försvarsmakten med återinförandet av ett flerbefälssystem försökt att dels råda bot på de brister som uppstått efter införandet av NBO såväl som att förvalta arvet ifrån tidigare system ochta fasta på de lärdomar och erfarenheter som dragits tidigare.
The main purpose of this thesis is to analyse the present and the previous officer systems. Thefocus of the study is to discern what in the application of the new officer system will differfrom the old one, namely what its new features will be. The author intends to critically revisehow the two systems differ from each other and what pros and cons they each have.In 1983 the One-level Command System was introduced in Sweden. It did not have anyequivalent in other armed forces around the world. This system has been debated andcriticized immensely and in January 2006 the decision was made to reintroduce a consolidatedofficer system in the shape of an “all rank system”. This thesis intends to show the alterationswhich have been made as well as to examine the pros and cons of the two systems.This study has been carried out with the help and use of a qualitative method and mainly theuse of official documents and inquiries.The study shows that there are several benefits and disadvantages in both systems. Byintroducing the “all rank system” the Swedish National Defence has made an attempt toremedy the shortcomings of the one-level command system as well as to keep a portion of thelegacy from the earlier systems.
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Walldén, Dean, and Martin Woxö. "Militariseringen av EU : Varför valde Sverige att ingå i Pesco?" Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för ekonomi, teknik och naturvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-39842.
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Med anledning av den förändrade säkerhetsmiljön i Europa startade en process som syftade till att öka samarbetet inom säkerhets- och försvarsområdet inom EU. Detta försvarssamarbete kallas det Permanenta strukturerade samarbetet (Pesco) och innebär ett mer upptrappat och konkret militärt samarbete än tidigare inom EU. Genom ett medlemskap i Pesco förbinder sig medlemmarna till att mer intensivt utveckla sin egen försvarskapacitet inom forskning och anskaffning av försvarsmateriel, men även att uppbringa och bibehålla en stark försvarsbudget. Vidare ska även medlemstater bidra med stridsgrupper i beredskap för insatser inom EU:s ram. Hur kan vi förstå logiken i att Sverige ingår med i ett mer bindande försvarssamarbete som Pesco. Syftet med denna studie är att identifiera bakomliggande drivkrafter för att förstå varför Sverige beslutade att ingå i Pesco. Denna fallstudie har nyttjat ett teoretiskt perspektiv som utgått ifrån Graham Allisons konceptuella modeller för att identifiera dessa bakomliggande drivkrafter. Genom en kvalitativ textanalys studeras materialet i denna fallstudie bestående av regeringens proposition gällande deltagande i Pesco, Försvarsutskottets betänkande gällande Pesco och förvarspolitisk inriktning 2016-2020. För att komplettera textmaterialet har även mailintervjuer genomförts med strategiskt utvalda informanter i form av riksdagsledamöter och stabsofficerare i Försvarsmakten. Studiens slutsatser påvisar att de bakomliggande drivkrafterna för beslutet var flera. Den främsta drivkraften var att Sverige sedan tidigare ratificerat EU:s solidaritetsklausul och uttalat en solidaritetsförklaring gentemot övriga medlemstater i EU. Genom att ingå i Pesco förväntas det öka Sveriges trovärdighet som medlemsstat i EU. En ytterligare drivkraft var att ingå i Pesco i ett tidigt skede i syfte att forma samarbetet och ha inflytande i den riktning som Sverige anser var förenliga med militär alliansfrihet, samt att fortsatt driva den mellanstatliga prägel som samarbetet nu innehar. En drivkraft var också att bygga upp det nationella försvaret, öka den operativa förmågan och stärka totalförsvaret genom försvarssamarbetet. En majoritet av Riksdagens partier var överens om Sveriges ingående i Pesco, detta på grund av tidigare beslutad Försvarsinriktningsperiod 2016-2020 som också var en bärande drivkraft till varför Sverige valde att ingå i Pesco.In response to the changing security environment in Europe a process started aimed at increasing cooperation in the security and defence area within the EU. This defence cooperation is called the Permanent structured cooperation (Pesco) and means a more gradual and substantial military cooperation than before in the EU. Through a membership in Pesco, the members commit to more intensively develop of its own defence capabilities in research and acquisition of defence equipment, but also to obtain and maintain a strong defence budget. In addition, the member states should also contribute with battle groups ready for military missions within the framework of the EU. How can we understand the logic of Sweden joining more binding defence cooperation like Pesco. The purpose of this study is to identify the underlying driving forces to understand why Sweden decided to join Pesco. This case study uses a theoretical perspective based on Graham Allison's conceptual models to achieve this purpose. Through a qualitative text analysis, the data that is studied in this case study consisting of Swedish government proposition and Defence committee report regarding Pesco and Defence bill 2016-2020. In order to widen the study, mail interviews were conducted with strategically selected informants. Those were members of the Swedish parliament and staff officers in the Swedish Armed Forces. The study concludes that the underlying driving forces for the decision were several. The main driving force was that Sweden previously ratified the EU solidarity clause and stated a declaration of solidarity in relation to other member states of the EU. By joining Pesco is also expected to boost Sweden's credibility as a member state of the EU. An additional driving force was to join Pesco at an early stage in order to forge cooperation and have influence in the direction in which Sweden considers compatible with own military nonalignment, and also to continue to drive the intergovernmental nature that Pesco now holds. An additional driving force was also building up the national defence, increase the operational capacity and strengthen the armed forces through the defence cooperation. A majority of the parliamentary parties agreed on joining Pesco because of the previously decided defence bill 2016-2020, which also considers as a driving force for why Sweden chose to join Pesco.
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Nilsson, Pierre. "Sveriges sak är Finlands : En jämförande säkerhets- och försvarspolitisk innehållsanalys." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-78320.
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De nordiska staterna delar förutom det geografiska läget också en sammanflätad historia och värdegemenskap. Trots många likheter så skiljer sig och också länderna sig åt gällande de valda försvars- och säkerhetspolitiska inriktningarna. Av de fem nordiska staterna är tre av dem Nato-medlemmar: Norge, Danmark och Island. De återstående länderna: Sverige och Finland är försvarspolitisk obundna utanför EU samarbetet. Denna studie syftar till att undersöka Sveriges och Finlands försvars- och säkerhetspolitiska inriktning som alliansfria och att jämföra dess likheter och skillnader utifrån kontexten av ländernas gemensamma historia och geopolitiska läge. Studien ämnar uppfylla syftet genom att undersöka ländernas försvarspropositioner som för Sveriges del utgavs år 2015 och för Finlands del år 2016 för säkerhetspolitiken och 2017 för försvarspolitiken. Genom en kvalitativ innehållsanalys bryts dokumenten ned och relevanta delar plockas ut efter ett kodschema. Undersökningen visar att Sverige och Finland till stor del gör en gemensam säkerhetspolitisk inriktning. De säkerhetspolitiska målen grundar sig på upprätthållande av territoriell, folkdemokratisk och samhällsfunktionell suveränitet. Länderna är överens om att EU bör stärkas säkerhetspolitiskt, att Nato är den viktigaste säkerhetspolitiska aktören i Europa, att ytterligare nordiskt och Svenskt-finskt samarbete är positivt och att Ryssland är den bakomliggande orsaken till ett försämrat säkerhetspolitiskt läge. Skillnader finns också mellan hur Sverige och Finland beskriver Nato och Ryssland. Finland ser positivt på Nato-medlemskap samtidigt som Sverige inte nämner medlemskap alls. Gällande Ryssland så fördömer Sverige tydligt den ryska aggressionen i Krim samtidigt som Finland ger en mer försiktig beskrivning av Ryssland. Försvarspolitiskt visar studien att Sverige och Finland ser förmågan att både bidra och ta emot internationellt stöd ses som en central aspekt. Sveriges försvarspolitiska inriktning tycks också bli allt mer lik den finska. Detta innebär att Sverige ställer om från ett smalt insatsförsvar till ett åter bredare nationellt fokuserat försvar, likt det finska. Ett tydligt exempel på detta är att det svenska totalförsvaret och värnplikten återuppväcks.
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Rush, Michael. "The defence of disimpoverishment." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416854.
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Rodin, David. "Self-defence and war." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285411.
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Bourne, C. "A defence of presentism." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.596805.
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In Chapter 1, I argue that there are only two tenable theories of time: the tenseless theory, and presentism. The tenseless theory currently dominants the philosophy of time, whereas presentism has been neglected. The aim of the Ph.D, is therefore to develop and defend presentism, given that it is what I take to be the only serious rival to the tenseless theory. Chapter 2 specifies some conditions that any satisfactory theory of time should meet. I argue that previous attempts at formulating presentism have violated at least one of these conditions. I then develop a suitable metaphysics and semantics for presentism that meets the conditions. Chapter 3 meets further philosophical problems that presentism faces, such as McTaggart's argument, how to treat transtemporal relations, how names for past objects can have any meaning without a referent, and how it is possible to hold that future contingent statements have indeterminate truth-values without having to reject the laws of non-contradiction and excluded middle. Presentism has also come under attack from arguments from the special and general theories of relativity (STR and GTR, respectively). Chapter 4 deals with the implications of STR, and argues that, contra majority opinion, STR and presentism are perfectly compatible. Chapter 5 deals with the implications of the pathological space-time models is GTR, such as Gödel's, which includes the existence of closed timelike curves. Gödel argues: The flow of time is an essential feature of time; there is a world where time cannot flow; therefore, time cannot flow in any world, and hence is unreal in all worlds (even the actual world, in which time is linear). I analyse the most interesting ways one can attack this argument, which results in wide-ranging and unexpected conclusions: Gödel's model does constrain theses about time in the actual world, Gödel's own conclusion - that time is unreal - is, however, too strong: both the tenseless theory and presentism survive. Chapter 6 discusses whether, as has been thought by some, expanding models of the universe can help to define the notion of temporal becoming. I use some arguments from the previous chapter to argue that it cannot. Chapter 7 discusses the analogies between space, time and modality, and argues that although it is plausible to hold that only the actual world and only one temporal location exists, we need not hold the analogous but implausible position with regard to space.
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Tait, D. I. "A defence of analyticity." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2011. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1306878/.
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There is prima facie reason to suppose that there are analytic truths, our knowledge of which is explained simply by our understanding them. One recent line of argument challenges this view on the grounds that, for any given proposition, it is always possible to understand it without knowing it. If understanding is to explain our knowledge of certain truths, then, how is it possible for someone to understand them and yet fail to know them? We can accommodate these cases of disagreement by construing the epistemic state in which a subject is placed by understanding an analytic truth as one of being in a position to know. In understanding an analytic truth, a subject may have the epistemic resources required for knowledge and yet be unable to exploit this position; this allows for the possibility that in those cases where a subject does know such a truth, the knowledge is explained by the subject’s understanding. This sense of being in a position to know receives support from the need for such a notion in describing certain features of our perceptual knowledge. Understanding an analytic truth enables a subject to recognise that its truth-conditions must be fulfilled. This is ultimately made possible by there being certain propositions that have the status of structuring the linguistic practice in which the subject participates. These propositions are held fixed as we evaluate the possible ways that the world could be and so come out as true in all possible worlds. A subject who is sufficiently integrated within the practice and who understands an analytic truth is thereby in a position to recognise its status within the practice. Using this model we can identify two kinds of disagreement consistent with the claim that understanding an analytic truth puts one in a position to know it.
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Boren, David K. "Britain's 1981 defence review." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1992. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/britains-1981-defence-review(3124c973-9707-4d58-9de9-df7731d807f3).html.
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