Relevant bibliographies by topics / Office of Democracy and Governance

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
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Academic literature on the topic 'Office of Democracy and Governance'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 16 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Office of Democracy and Governance"

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Romero, Leocadia Díaz. "Social Media, Civic Engagement, and Local Governments." International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 3, no. 4 (October 2016): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2016100102.

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Social media, if correctly used, enhance cultural, political, economic and social engagement. They also represent key communications tools for administrators to highlight the principles of openness and transparency. Nowadays Local Governments have as well a social media presence. The following contribution casts light on contemporary forms of democracy, deepening on concepts such as E-Government and E-Democracy. The paper describes as well how the use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) and Social Media can benefit governance, and promote good governance, focusing on some experiences launched at the local and municipal level. Finally, it offers an empirical approach of the use of ICTs by the Office of the Mayor of New York City, Bill de Blasio.
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Uscinski, Joseph. "Smith (and Jones) Go to Washington: Democracy and Vice-Presidential Selection." PS: Political Science & Politics 45, no. 01 (January 2012): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096511001715.

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AbstractThe American vice president's most notable constitutional function is that of succession: if the president unexpectedly leaves office, the vice president becomes president. The process of selecting vice-presidential running mates has fallen into fewer hands over time, moving from the electorate, to party bosses and delegates, to a single person: the presidential candidate. The selection process presents challenges for democratic governance: electoral considerations may provide presidential candidates with incentive to choose vice-presidential running mates who differ from themselves politically. In cases of succession, this can lead to undemocratic outcomes and unstable policy.
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Shafqat, Saeed. "Democracy in Pakistan: Value Change and Challenges of Institution Building." Pakistan Development Review 37, no. 4II (December 1, 1998): 281–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v37i4iipp.281-298.

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Democracy as a system of governance and interest representation demands respect for dissent and opposition. It recognises the principle of majority rule and guarantees protection of minorities. Democracy also builds faith in electoral contestation to gain public office and gives legitimacy to political parties as primary instruments for acquisition and transfer of power from one set of individuals to another. Unfortunately, despite the significance of the above elements, no serious studies have been undertaken on Pakistan’s experimentation with democracy. Given a history of weak party system and prolonged military rule, most of the studies focus on the military, political parties, constitutional history, or in a descriptive way, attribute the failure of democracy to the inadequacies of the politicians [Ahmed (1987); Rizvi (1987); Callard (1957) and Afzal (1976)]. It is only recently that some theoretically meaningful and rigorous empirical writings have appeared on elections, procedures and practices of electoral contestation and on problems of transition from authoritarian regimes towards democracy [Waseem (1989); Wilder (1995); Talyor (1992); Rais (1997) and Shafqat (1997)].
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Ibraimi, Xhemazie. "An institutional approach to governance and corruption in Kosovo." Journal of Governance and Regulation 10, no. 2, special issue (2021): 238–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/jgrv10i2siart5.

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The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the activity of various state bodies which by implementing the law and bylaws protect the rule of law, democracy and human rights, honesty and social justice, and how these bodies are influenced by factors of various aspects of corruption, such as incompatibility between holding public office and carrying out profitable activities for officials, restrictions on the acceptance of gifts related to the performance of official duties, supervision of their assets and persons in close contact with them. Although corruption is widely and publicly discussed, the clearest definition is that corruption constitutes an abuse of office for private gain (The World Bank Group, 1997). To analyze this phenomenon, we will analyze the data published by the Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA), the data published by the Kosovo Special Prosecution Office, the data published by the EU progress report on Kosovo, as well as the published data by the Courts. Data analysis concludes on descriptive statistics, tables, and graphs of criminal reports, processed cases, and court decisions. Given that, corruption is severely damaging the country, we believe that corruption is the main obstacle for Kosovo to move forward in the dialogue on visa liberalization and get a positive response regarding the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) (Transparency International, n.d.). The study concludes that corruption is widespread in the main institutions of the country and its high presence in the judiciary is a very worrying issue. This paper is of great importance for policymakers, officials, scholars as to the processing, publication, and sanctioning will enable this phenomenon that has become a new way of governing to be stopped and the state to be built for society and to belong to society (Bekim, 2017).
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Matsiliza, Noluthando, and Nyaniso Zonke. "Accountability and integrity as unique column of good governance." Public and Municipal Finance 6, no. 1 (April 5, 2017): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/pmf.06(1).2017.08.

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The authors contend that accountability and integrity in public affairs are best preserved through enhancement of an integral system of legal prescripts, law, institutional policies and protocols. In the post-apartheid, South African public officials and political office bearers have been continuously criticized for allegedly transgressing ethical codes. Democracy has been tested due to violations of accountability, integrity and misconducts in the South African public service. However, this study argues that integrity can be enhanced when the society and those that are governing can preserve through specialized institutions legislation where law-makers are working with civil society to instill the culture of integrity.It is imperative to balance what is required for public officials’ conduct and what is done through parliamentary controls and certain caveats of highest honor. The value of accountability and integrity in public affairs can enjoy a resurgence in the last and present decade as the arrangements for public officials to operate in an environment that promotes good governance. This study reveals some concerns over the lack of commitment to preserve existing structures that could serve as mechanisms to promote good governance. A qualitative document analysis is employed to draw data from literature review. This paper’s findings contribute towards ethics and good governance in public administration.
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Sani, Ibrahim Muhammad. "Qualitative Islamic Education as a Panacea for Resolving Leadership and Good Governance Crises in a Democratic Society." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 32 (June 2014): 72–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.32.72.

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It was consequent upon the conformity, implementation, adoption and application in to practice of Islamic education found in operation for the avoidance of moral decadence many people were made morally sound. This paper justifies that the validity, relevance and impact of Islamic Education to the political, economical, social and religious beliefs of the people of the present Nigeria, as an essential ingredient of life that cannot be left unstudied. Nigeria, today is in leadership and good Governance crises. Citizen no longer trust their leaders because of their (leaders), in ability to deliver effective Democracy for good governance. This situation has led not only verbal but also physical attack on the leaders. Neither the political office holders nor the, hitherto scared traditional rulers and ruled are afraid of even their own shadows. It is in view of this that the paper tries to explain how Islamic Education can help resolve leadership and good governance crises in Nigeria.
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Murakami, Michael H. "Divisive Primaries: Party Organizations, Ideological Groups, and the Battle over Party Purity." PS: Political Science & Politics 41, no. 04 (October 2008): 918–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909650838127x.

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Of the many vital functions that political parties serve in American democracy, selecting candidates for public office is near the top of the list. Giovanni Sartori (1976) cites this purpose as their chief defining element—claiming that, at a minimum, a party is a “political group that presents at elections, and is capable of placing through elections, candidates for public office” (64). Moreover, understanding how parties vet, groom, select, and promote candidates is central to empirically evaluating the strength of political party organizations, the quality of elected policymakers, and ultimately the effectiveness of government. For scholars of American politics, this has led to fruitful lines of research on the processes that the Democratic and Republican Parties use to select their candidates—namely the conventions, primaries, and caucuses that nominate individuals for various federal, state, and local offices. For example, many have investigated the effects of reforms to the presidential nomination process in the early 1970s (Aldrich 1993; Hagen and Mayer 2000; Reiter 1985; Wayne 2000), some arguing that it took power of choosing candidates away from the party organizations and towards other institutions like the press, interest groups, and small ideological factions (Polsby 1983) with potentially negative consequences for governance.
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Tripathi, Sudhanshu. "Independent Regulatory Authorities: Analysing Accountability, Responsibility and Transparency." Indian Journal of Public Administration 64, no. 3 (July 17, 2018): 349–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556118783098.

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A regulatory authority is an autonomous body established by a federal, state or provincial government with a view to serve the interests of all stakeholders in a society. As the modern state is passing through neo-liberal phase towards reforming public services for accomplishing its goals for good governance, the role of Independent Regulatory Authorities becomes very important. But the spread of independent regulators means that more and more aspects of our lives are shaped by decisions made by institutions that are neither popularly elected nor are they under direct control of elected officials. Obviously, this has important implications for their accountability, responsibility and transparency in the present age of expanding democracy. A way-out may be to re-theorise public authority as an office for coordinating and harmonising diverse interests in a professional way so as to suit the requirements of governance conjointly performed by the state, civil society and market.
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Copus, Colin. "Elected Mayors in English Local Government: Mayoral Leadership and Creating a new Political Dynamic." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 9, no. 4 (October 19, 2011): 335–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/9.4.335-351(2011).

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The introduction of directly elected mayors into English local government was intended to bring about a new form of local political leadership, revitalise local politics and re-engage citizens with local democracy. Yet, English elected mayors were not given any new powers to distinguish them, or their councils, from the rest of local government or powers that would enable them to change the dynamic of local politics. The paper reports the findings of research which explored how elected mayors are developing their leadership role and asked if they are able to provide the sort of leadership envisaged for the new office. Keywords: • Directly elected mayors • political parties • governance • political leadership
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Wiebusch, Micha, and Christina Murray. "Presidential Term Limits and the African Union." Journal of African Law 63, S1 (May 2019): 131–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855319000056.

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AbstractA growing number of states have modified constitutionally determined presidential term limits or adopted a flexible interpretation of relevant constitutional provisions to allow incumbent leaders additional terms in the highest office. This article investigates African Union (AU) responses to attempts to overturn or weaken term limits on executive power, one of the most tenacious constitutional trends in Africa. Inspired by the AU's well-established discourse on “unconstitutional changes of government” under the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, the article frames the manipulation of presidential term limits as “undemocratic changes of the constitution”. From this perspective it argues for a more active role for the AU in monitoring and enforcing constitutionalism and respect for democratic standards by member states when they amend their constitution. It concludes with a tentative set of principles to guide processes of constitutional change in Africa.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Office of Democracy and Governance"

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Doherty, Killian Bryan. "Participatory democracy and urban environmental governance." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/642698649/viewonline.

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Sweeting, David William James. "Democracy in local governance : a case study of the governance of Portsmouth." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.343397.

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Kadlec, Amanda. "Libya's Transition to Democracy| Narrowing Institutional and Governance Gaps." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1535555.

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Libya is a country in transition. By the official start date of the transition process on October 23, 2011, Libya was essentially devoid of the institutional capacities required to operate a functioning state in the traditional Weberian sense. The weak central state Qadhafi left behind has led some observers to anticipate the transition to democracy doomed, but this factor has in some sense facilitated a clearer break away from authoritarianism. Freedom from engrained institutional constraints has in many respects allowed Libya the unique opportunity to state-build from a tabula rasa; there are no preconceptions as to how that democratic state should be or the sequencing and methods it should employ to achieve it. It is precisely the combination of high uncertainty in the democratic experiment with institutional deficiencies at the state level that require flexibility in the manner in which the new Libya is to be created and its transition assessed. Taking into consideration its institutional weakness and the steps that the country's transitional bodies have taken thus far toward establishing a post-Qadhafi state, is Libya on a trajectory towards a successful transition to democracy? Is democracy even possible?

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Normann, Roger. "Democracy in Development. A Critical View on Regional Governance." Doctoral thesis, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Department of Industrial Economics and Technology Management, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-1573.

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In this study, I argue the restraints induced through neoliberal ideology and the potential of democracy in regional development. Neoliberal ideology holds a dominating role in premising the inputs and determining the outcomes of development processes, in the sense that it overpowers facts, unbiased information, and individual intent. Democracy is challenged when neoliberal ideology retains a hegemonic position, but democracy can also be efficient in challenging the hegemonies.

The focal point of the study is to inquire into some of the processes associated with the transformation and changes towards a regional system of governance, and ask: Why is democracy disappearing from regional development? This means that this study is oriented towards how some recent regional change processes have affected democratic values on a system/regional level. Explicitly this thesis examines how meta steering of regional governance networks can influence and change both democratic and development practises in regions.

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Nilsson, Claes. "Good governance in development-aid : making democracy-reforms sustainable." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-3841.

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February through March, 2005, I conducted a Minor Field Study (MFS) in Lao PDR together with a fellow-student. We were interested in a project in Laos called GPAR Luang Prabang, in which Sida, UNDP and the Lao Government are trying to improve the governance system in Laos. Luang Prabang is the province in the northern parts of Laos where the good governance-project were being implemented.

The main interest in this study concerns democracy aid in the shape of good governance and local ownership in development aid. Good governance is a highly debated topic in aid-literature, both because of the explosion of good governance projects the last ten or so years and because of the ambiguity that lies in the concept good governance. Different aid-actors give different meanings to good governance. Two definitions stand out: First there is the “narrow” definition that focuses on the economical steering of a country’s resources. The second, or “broad” definition of good governance, focuses on democratic aspects of the concept. Areas like participation, transparency, accountability and rule of law are high-lighted here. Different actors in the aid-society thus have different definitions of the concept.

Whether democracy aid works and becomes sustainable relies, according to the literature, on how well the partners in an aid-project can foster local ownership. Ownership means that the recipient is in control of the policy process, from highlighting a problem to implementing the solutions. The starting point in this thesis is the question whether the ambiguity in good governance- definitions constrains ownership in the policy process. Also, in democracy aid there is an interesting paradox: How can a project that aims at changing political power-structures be driven by those who have the most to gain from these structures? My study shows that when the partners in an aid-project are unable to settle for one definition of good governance, ownership is hard to reach. If the partners can not reach an agreement at an early stage in the process, ownership will suffer and sustainability will be hard to reach.February through March, 2005, I conducted a Minor Field Study (MFS) in Lao PDR together with a fellow-student. We were interested in a project in Laos called GPAR Luang Prabang, in which Sida, UNDP and the Lao Government are trying to improve the governance system in Laos. Luang Prabang is the province in the northern parts of Laos where the good governance-project were being implemented.The main interest in this study concerns democracy aid in the shape of good governance and local ownership in development aid. Good governance is a highly debated topic in aid-literature, both because of the explosion of good governance projects the last ten or so years and because of the ambiguity that lies in the concept good governance. Different aid-actors give different meanings to good governance. Two definitions stand out: First there is the “narrow” definition that focuses on the economical steering of a country’s resources. The second, or “broad” definition of good governance, focuses on democratic aspects of the concept. Areas like participation, transparency, accountability and rule of law are high-lighted here. Different actors in the aid-society thus have different definitions of the concept. Whether democracy aid works and becomes sustainable relies, according to the literature, on how well the partners in an aid-project can foster local ownership. Ownership means that the recipient is in control of the policy process, from highlighting a problem to implementing the solutions. The starting point in this thesis is the question whether the ambiguity in good governance- definitions constrains ownership in the policy process. Also, in democracy aid there is an interesting paradox: How can a project that aims at changing political power-structures be driven by those who have the most to gain from these structures? My study shows that when the partners in an aid-project are unable to settle for one definition of good governance, ownership is hard to reach. If the partners can not reach an agreement at an early stage in the process, ownership will suffer and sustainability will be hard to reach.

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Geingob, Hage Gottfried. "State formation in Namibia : promoting democracy and good governance." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2004. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/21090/.

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This dissertation examines significant events in the process of state formation in Namibia and provides an insight into the role played by various actors involved in shaping the evolution of Namibia as a state, such as the Namibians, their liberation movement SWAPO, successive colonizing powers (Germany and South Africa), OAU, the Frontline States, the international community, and particularly the United Nations. It is argued that the international actors' role in the process of state formation in Namibia was driven by their desire to ensure their continued influence in Namibia for their own benefit. Self-interest of the West in Namibia was driven by the geopolitical imperatives of the cold war, and preserving western economic interests. In Namibia, which was a settler colony, self-interest also gained a racial dimension as the West sought to protect the interests of white settlers. The case is made that impetus to resolve the Namibian question had to await a number of streams coming together - the disintegration of the Soviet Union changed the complexion of geopolitics; deeper involvement of the Cubans in Angola threatened South Africa; Constitutional Principles put forward by the Western Five (U.S.A., the United Kingdom, Germany, Canada, and France) ensured continued protection of the economic interests of the West and the protection of the interests of the settlers; and success of Namibians' struggle at the international fora and on the battlefield catalyzed the coming together of various streams. This constellation of events ensured Namibia's independence in 1990. The study also examines how Namibians sought to build a reconciled society out of ethnically and racially stratified, diverse and often antagonistic groups. This process was begun with the drafting of the constitution by the Constituent Assembly. The first government's initiatives to promote democracy and a policy of reconciliation, to improve the life condition of the previously disadvantaged groups through affirmative action, to encourage good governance, to promote a culture of human rights, and to build state institutions to support these policies have also been examined with a view to determining the nature of the state that evolved in Namibia. Finally, the study carries out a democratic audit of Namibia using Swedish normative tools.
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Hobson, Jonathan. "Democratic governance beyond the state : an exploration of democracy and governance in the European Parliament." Thesis, University of Gloucestershire, 2011. http://eprints.glos.ac.uk/3263/.

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The growing internationalisation of governance in the modern era means that states are increasingly interconnected. In this process, democratic governance has often taken second place to the demands of a neoliberal system that emphasises market-based solutions to social organisation and deregulation of structures based in the democratic realm of states. This dissertation is an exploration of the role democracy plays in regional governance bodies, focusing specifically on the European Parliament and its role in the European Union as an example of this. The dissertation argues that there is a role for democracy in global governance, and that the European Parliament represents a positive step towards introducing the wishes of citizens into political structures above the level of the state. It uses a three-stage immanent criticism developed from the early work of Max Horkheimer to explore the parliament in its historical, present, and potential functions. Built on a critical philosophy that understands the social world as a product of historically materialist action, this dissertation seeks not just to describe the functions of the Parliament, but also to suggest ways in which they might develop past their current limitations. Following a methodological discussion on the application of immanent criticism, the dissertation engages in a theoretical analysis of the complex concepts of democracy and governance as a prelude to the exploration of the Parliament. The dissertation then utilises a range of interviews and documentary evidence to present a thesis that has two main claims. Firstly, it argues that the European Parliament represents a new form of democratic regional structure that represents both states and citizens, and introduces an element of democratic accountability to governance above the level of nation states. Secondly, the thesis contends that the Parliament, as part of the wider Union, possesses the potential for greater democratic function. In making this argument, the dissertation suggests a range of practical ways to improve democracy and governance in the Parliament, and by extension in other similar regional political bodies. These include the introduction of greater democratic influence on decision making, increased transparency, dedicated European political parties, and a stronger role for civil society bodies. The dissertation concludes that democratic governance has the potential to present an alternative to the dominant neoliberal structures that currently shape much of the international political, economic, and social environment.
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Mjahed, Mourad. "Neighborly Governance: Neighborhood Associations and Participative Democracy in Tucson, Arizona." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194094.

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This dissertation examines contemporary changes in relations and forms of urban governance by focusing on neighborhood associations in Tucson and analyzing their practices and experiences in the midst of an emerging trend that values collective action and direct democracy. This urban ethnography focuses on practices, strategies, and ideologies of neighborhood associations to discuss issues of representation, participation, and social integration. This dissertation is based on fieldwork conducted for a total of 24 months between 2005 and 2007. It combines participant observation and in-depth interviews with Tucson residents, members of neighborhood associations, and City and non-governmental organizations' officials.This work is presented in three main parts divided into several chapters. In the first part, I provide a general review of the development of concepts of governance and representative democracy in contemporary as well as earlier times. I aim to contextualize the work of neighborhood associations within a general movement towards more direct participatory democracy and argue that a new understanding of the transformations impacting the functioning of representative democracy is crucial to its preservation as a central institution of social integration.The second part of this dissertation presents an analysis of fieldwork data and argues that neighborhood associations are positioning themselves, at the local and global levels, as an important part of the emerging discourses and practices of civil society. Within this broad context, neighborhood associations engage in a variety of activities, pursue multiple strategies, and adopt very different ideologies. A central idea that results from this analysis is that neighborhood associations greatly value practices of direct democracy and strive to exercise greater control over processes of representative democracy in order to prevent its perceived deficiencies from thwarting their projects and corrupting their ideals.The third part extends the data analysis and provides a political and historical reconstruction of neighborhood associations and their cultural evolution as a continuation of the counterculture movement of the 1960s. I also argue that there is a powerful drive towards the global implementation and exercise of direct democratic processes. I draw on the example of Morocco's urban governance reforms and discuss its growing neighborhood associations to show the delicate and conflicted paths they tread between their engagement with the existing system of representative democracy and their attempts to step beyond the limitations of that system to carry out some of the ideals of building a direct and participatory urban democracy.
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Cole, Michael Stephen. "Accountability and democracy in the new local governance : an evaluation." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/409.

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This thesis addresses the themes of the democracy and accountability of British local governance, in the context of the modernising agenda, through an evaluation of research in five areas: the role(s) of local councillors; external scrutiny inquiries; consultations; community appraisals; and changes to local boundaries. Key issues in relation to democracy and accountability include the role of external scrutiny in holding the unelected local state accountable to elected representatives; updating the literature on the activities of county councillors; and assessingth e limited impact of local authority consultations and community appraisals. In particular, the assessmenot f consultations suggestsa processt hat is often driven by a public relations focus and that few of those exercises both generate unexpected outcomes and have a substantial impact. In relation to the appraisals, the study suggests greater effectiveness in resolving small-scale problems capable of solution through town or parish local governance or community groups. The research on local boundary changes identifies the role of democratic local representatives in the reviews and the weak lines of downward accountability in respect of the process. This analysis also shows how these boundary changes impact on the way councillors perform certain core activities, including electoral campaigning. In relation to the local government modernisation agenda, the analysis suggests that little progress has been made towards the aim of strengthening the responsiveness of service providers to the wider community and or service users. Similarly, the establishment of scrutiny structures has had a relatively marginal impact on external agencies. While the community representation focus of many councillors is in sympathy with local government modernisation, the Devon study suggests that such attitudes predated this agenda.
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Torreguitar, Elena. "National liberation movement in office forging democracy with African adjectives in Namibia." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2009. http://d-nb.info/996363262/04.

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Books on the topic "Office of Democracy and Governance"

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United States. Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance. Office of Democracy and Governance. Guide to technical services. Washington D.C: U.S. Agency for International Development, Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitatian Assistance, Office of Democracy and Governance, 2005.

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United, States Bureau for Democracy Conflict and Humanitarian Assistance Office of Democracy and Governance. Guide to technical services. Washington D.C: U.S. Agency for International Development, Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitatian Assistance, Office of Democracy and Governance, 2005.

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United States. Agency for International Development. Guide to rule of law country analysis: The rule of law strategic framework : a guide for USAID Democracy and Governance officers. Washington, DC: U.S. Agency for International Development, 2008.

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M, Maesschalck, ed. Democracy, law and governance. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2010.

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Gleckman, Harris. Multistakeholder Governance and Democracy. New York, NY : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315144740.

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Constitution, governance, and democracy. Ndola, Zambia: B. Mulenga, 2011.

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Besa, Mulenga. Constitution, governance, and democracy. Ndola, Zambia: B. Mulenga, 2011.

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name, No. Democracy, governance, and growth. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2002.

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Safty, Adel. Democracy and governance: The global advance of democracy. Istanbul, Turkey: School of Government and Leadership, University of Bahçeşehir, 2003.

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Hansen, Gary. Democracy and governance in Kenya. Washington, D.C.]: USAID/Kenya, 1995.

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Book chapters on the topic "Office of Democracy and Governance"

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Croitoru, Haniel. "Governance." In Agile Office 365, 75–87. Berkeley, CA: Apress, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4842-4081-6_5.

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Ronchi, Alfredo M. "Governance and e-Governance." In e-Democracy, 5–25. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-01596-1_2.

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Emerson, Peter. "Governance." In Defining Democracy, 121–35. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-20904-8_6.

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Meyer, Max. "Good Governance." In Liberal Democracy, 63–67. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47408-9_11.

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Manwaring, Rob. "Dilemmas in office." In The Politics of Social Democracy, 180–95. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429027109-9.

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Canessa, Boris, Jens Escher, Alexander Koeberle-Schmid, Peter Preller, and Christoph Weber. "Organisation der Familie: Family Governance." In Das Family Office, 99–114. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-13468-6_6.

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Koeberle-Schmid, Alexander. "Organizing the Family: Family Governance." In The Family Office, 133–60. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-99085-9_7.

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Hagan, Chad. "Governance, Succession, and Fraud." In Global Family Office Investing, 95–100. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18224-3_7.

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Pelizzo, Riccardo. "Democracy and Governance." In Governance and Democracy in the Asia-Pacific, 26–47. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Politics in Asia: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315866765-2.

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Rahaman, Md Aklasur. "Governance and Democracy." In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance, 1–6. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_1819-1.

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Conference papers on the topic "Office of Democracy and Governance"

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Bula, German, and Raul Espejo. "Governance and inclusive democracy." In 2011 International Conference on Grey Systems and Intelligent Services (GSIS 2011). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/gsis.2011.6044090.

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"Introduction: Democracy versus Authoritarianism." In Symposium on Authoritarianism and Governance. International Institute of Islamic Thought, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/02.001.26.

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Setyadiharja, Rendra, Dewi Kurniasih, Poppy Setiawati Nursnaeny, and Neng Suryanti Nengsih. "Good Governance vs Sound Governance: A Comparative Theoretical Analysis." In International Conference on Democracy, Accountability and Governance (ICODAG 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icodag-17.2017.19.

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Pitt, Jeremy, and Josiah Ober. "Democracy by Design: Basic Democracy and the Self-Organisation of Collective Governance." In 2018 IEEE 12th International Conference on Self-Adaptive and Self-Organizing Systems (SASO). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/saso.2018.00013.

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Imam Soeparno, Wahyu Sugeng, and Wahyu Ario Pratomo. "Democracy and Financial Governance of Regional Economic Growth." In Economics and Business International Conference 2019. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0009327606080613.

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Syahendry, Mr, and Setyo Utomo. "Reinforcement of Civil Socities in Democracy." In International Conference on Democracy, Accountability and Governance (ICODAG 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icodag-17.2017.12.

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Ali, Zaini. "Village Democracy: The Deliberations of Voting." In International Conference on Democracy, Accountability and Governance (ICODAG 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icodag-17.2017.67.

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Jamaluddin, Yanhar, Asep Sumaryana, Budiman Rusli, and Rd Achmad Buchari. "Innovation Towards The Effectiveness of Governance." In International Conference on Democracy, Accountability and Governance (ICODAG 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icodag-17.2017.26.

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Diamond, Larry. "Regime Type and Effective Government: Is There (Still) a ‘Democracy Advantage’?" In Symposium on Authoritarianism and Governance. International Institute of Islamic Thought, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/02.001.21.

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Wang, Xifang, and Zhenzhou Wang. "The establishment of community governance structure of Deliberative Democracy." In International Conference on Logistics Engineering, Management and Computer Science (LEMCS 2014). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/lemcs-14.2014.113.

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Reports on the topic "Office of Democracy and Governance"

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Lamoreaux, Naomi. Revisiting American Exceptionalism: Democracy and the Regulation of Corporate Governance in Nineteenth-Century Pennsylvania. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, June 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w20231.

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Cortright, David, D. Conor Seyle, and Kristen Wall. Governance, Democracy and Peace: How State Capacity and Regime Type Influence the Prospects for War and Peace. One Earth Future Foundation, April 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18289/oef.2013.006.

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Herbert, Sian. Covid-19, Conflict, and Governance Evidence Summary No.30. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.028.

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This fortnightly Covid-19 (C19), Conflict, and Governance Evidence Summary aims to signpost the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) and other UK government departments to the latest evidence and opinions on C19, to inform and support their responses. Based on the feedback given in a recent survey, and analysis by the Xcept project, this summary is now focussing more on C19 policy responses. This summary features resources on: how youth empowerment programmes have reduced violence against girls during C19 (in Bolivia); why we need to embrace incertitude in disease preparedness responses; and how Latin American countries have been addressing widening gender inequality during C19. It also includes papers on other important themes: the role of female leadership during C19; and understanding policy responses in Africa to C19 The summary uses two main sections – (1) literature: – this includes policy papers, academic articles, and long-form articles that go deeper than the typical blog; and (2) blogs & news articles. It is the result of one day of work, and is thus indicative but not comprehensive of all issues or publications.
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Herbert, Siân. Covid-19, Conflict, and Governance Evidence Summary No.28. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.008.

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The fortnightly Covid-19, Conflict, and Governance Evidence Summary aim to signpost the UK Foreign, Commonwealth, and Development Office (FCDO) and other UK government departments to the latest evidence and opinions on Covid-19 (C19), to inform and support their responses. This summary features resources on C19’s unequal impacts and policy responses; responses to build long-term resilience to both conflict and pandemics; responses to support forcibly displaced people in Africa and the Middle East; and the implications of C19 for international development cooperation in 2021. Many of the core C19 themes continue to be covered this week, including C19 increasing gender-based violence; whether regime type shapes effective C19 responses; and whether and how C19 is shaping conflict contexts. The summary uses two main sections – (1) literature: – this includes policy papers, academic articles, and long-form articles that go deeper than the typical blog; and (2) blogs & news articles. It is the result of one day of work and is thus indicative but not comprehensive of all issues or publications.
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Herbert, Sian. Covid-19, Conflict, and Governance Evidence Summary No.29. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.020.

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This fortnightly Covid-19, Conflict, and Governance Evidence Summary aims to signpost the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) and other UK government departments to the latest evidence and opinions on Covid-19 (C19), to inform and support their responses. Based on feedback from the recent survey, and analysis by the Xcept project, this edition, as a trial, focusses less on the challenges that C19 poses, and more on more on the policy responses to these challenges. The below summary features resources on legislative leadership during the C19 crisis; and the heightening of risks emanating from C19’s indirect impacts – including non-C19 healthcare, economy and food security, and women and girls and unrest and instability. Many of the core C19 themes continue to be covered this week, including anti-corruption approaches; and whether and how C19 is shaping conflict dynamics (this time with articles focussing on Northwestern Nigeria, Myanmar’s Rakhine State, and the Middle East). The summary uses two main sections – (1) literature: – this includes policy papers, academic articles, and long-form articles that go deeper than the typical blog; and (2) blogs & news articles. It is the result of one day of work and is thus indicative but not comprehensive of all issues or publications.
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Rose, Jonathan, Josette Arévalo, Thaís Soares, and Andreia Barcellos. Approach Paper: Evaluation of the Inter-American Development Bank's Governance. Inter-American Development Bank, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003043.

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This approach paper defines the objectives, scope, and methodology for the Office of Evaluation and Oversight's (OVE) evaluation of the governance of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). The evaluation is included in OVE's 2020-2021 work program (document RE-543) in response to a request by the Board of Executive Directors to evaluate the IDB's governance arrangements. Drawing from similar evaluations, these aspects will be evaluated in four dimensions: effectiveness, efficiency, accountability and transparency, and voice.
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HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.

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Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).
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Ismail, Zenobia, and Topua Lesinko. Interventions to Address Discrimination against LGBTQi Persons. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.104.

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This annotated bibliography synthesises evidence on interventions to limit discrimination and abuse against people who are LGBTQi. In general, development agencies have strong commitments to LGBTQi rights in their strategy and policy documents. However, they avoid addressing LGBTQi rights directly through programming. Historically, international donor support for LGBTQi rights has been channelled through health programmes (especially those related to sexual health or HIV/AIDS) and democracy and governance support programmes. Recently, there is a trend towards integrating LGBTQi rights across a broader set of development programmes under the auspices of “leave no one behind”. The literature notes some barriers that undermine the extent to which international development interventions or programmes can address discrimination against LGBTQi persons. One of the barriers includes LGBTQi rights are still not viewed as a development priority but as a controversy in some settings, leading embassies to be hesitant to engage with them. Limited data and understanding of the various issues that are categorised as LGBTQi curtail the extent to which these issues can be integrated with other development programmes. The literature also observes that prejudice among staff at all levels in development agencies undermines their willingness to engage with LGBTQi rights and issues.
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Herbert, Siân. Donor Support to Electoral Cycles. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.043.

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This rapid literature review explains the stages of an election cycle, and how donors provide support to electoral cycles. It draws mainly on policy guidance websites and papers due to the questions of this review and the level of analysis taken (global-level, donor-level). It focuses on publications from the last five years, and/or current/forthcoming donor strategies. The electoral cycle and its stages are well-established policy concepts for which there is widespread acceptance and use. Donor support to electoral cycles (through electoral assistance and electoral observation) is extremely widespread, and the dominant donors in this area are the multilateral organisations like the United Nations (UN) and the European Union (EU), and also the United States (US). While almost all bilateral donors also carry out some work in this area, “almost all major electoral support programmes are provided jointly with international partners” (DFID, 2014, p.5). Bilateral donors may provide broader support to democratic governance initiatives, which may not be framed as electoral assistance, but may contribute to the wider enabling environment. All of the donors reviewed in this query emphasise that their programmes are designed according to the local context and needs, and thus, beyond the big actors - EU, UN and US, there is little overarching information on what the donors do in this area. While there is a significant literature base in the broad area of electoral support, it tends to be focussed at the country, programme, or thematic, level, rather than at the global, or donor, level taken by this paper. There was a peak in global-level publications on this subject around 2006, the year the electoral cycle model was published by the European Commission, International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). This review concludes by providing examples of the electoral assistance work carried out by five donors (UN, EU, US, UK and Germany).
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Robles, Edgar A. Haiti Pension System: Recommendations to Improve the Regulation. Inter-American Development Bank, March 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003598.

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This tenth document of the PLAC Network Technical Assistance Document Series, entitled “Haiti pension system - Recommendations to improve the regulation”, provides general recommendations for the regulatory framework of the pension system in Haiti and tries to identify broad key policy options to improve the performance of the pension system. The policies are directed to strengthen and harmonize the rules of governance for the Office Nationale d'Assurance-Vieillesse (ONA), which covers private salaried workers, and the Plan de Retraite de l'Administration Publique (PRAP), to increase their capacity to manage risks, facilitate supervision of pension funds, improve sustainability, adequacy and equity, and establish guidelines for investments policies.
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