Dissertations / Theses: 'Office of Democracy and Governance'

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Doherty, Killian Bryan. "Participatory democracy and urban environmental governance." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/642698649/viewonline.

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Sweeting, David William James. "Democracy in local governance : a case study of the governance of Portsmouth." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.343397.

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Kadlec, Amanda. "Libya's Transition to Democracy| Narrowing Institutional and Governance Gaps." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1535555.

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Libya is a country in transition. By the official start date of the transition process on October 23, 2011, Libya was essentially devoid of the institutional capacities required to operate a functioning state in the traditional Weberian sense. The weak central state Qadhafi left behind has led some observers to anticipate the transition to democracy doomed, but this factor has in some sense facilitated a clearer break away from authoritarianism. Freedom from engrained institutional constraints has in many respects allowed Libya the unique opportunity to state-build from a tabula rasa; there are no preconceptions as to how that democratic state should be or the sequencing and methods it should employ to achieve it. It is precisely the combination of high uncertainty in the democratic experiment with institutional deficiencies at the state level that require flexibility in the manner in which the new Libya is to be created and its transition assessed. Taking into consideration its institutional weakness and the steps that the country's transitional bodies have taken thus far toward establishing a post-Qadhafi state, is Libya on a trajectory towards a successful transition to democracy? Is democracy even possible?

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Normann, Roger. "Democracy in Development. A Critical View on Regional Governance." Doctoral thesis, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Department of Industrial Economics and Technology Management, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-1573.

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In this study, I argue the restraints induced through neoliberal ideology and the potential of democracy in regional development. Neoliberal ideology holds a dominating role in premising the inputs and determining the outcomes of development processes, in the sense that it overpowers facts, unbiased information, and individual intent. Democracy is challenged when neoliberal ideology retains a hegemonic position, but democracy can also be efficient in challenging the hegemonies.

The focal point of the study is to inquire into some of the processes associated with the transformation and changes towards a regional system of governance, and ask: Why is democracy disappearing from regional development? This means that this study is oriented towards how some recent regional change processes have affected democratic values on a system/regional level. Explicitly this thesis examines how meta steering of regional governance networks can influence and change both democratic and development practises in regions.

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Nilsson, Claes. "Good governance in development-aid : making democracy-reforms sustainable." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-3841.

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February through March, 2005, I conducted a Minor Field Study (MFS) in Lao PDR together with a fellow-student. We were interested in a project in Laos called GPAR Luang Prabang, in which Sida, UNDP and the Lao Government are trying to improve the governance system in Laos. Luang Prabang is the province in the northern parts of Laos where the good governance-project were being implemented.

The main interest in this study concerns democracy aid in the shape of good governance and local ownership in development aid. Good governance is a highly debated topic in aid-literature, both because of the explosion of good governance projects the last ten or so years and because of the ambiguity that lies in the concept good governance. Different aid-actors give different meanings to good governance. Two definitions stand out: First there is the “narrow” definition that focuses on the economical steering of a country’s resources. The second, or “broad” definition of good governance, focuses on democratic aspects of the concept. Areas like participation, transparency, accountability and rule of law are high-lighted here. Different actors in the aid-society thus have different definitions of the concept.

Whether democracy aid works and becomes sustainable relies, according to the literature, on how well the partners in an aid-project can foster local ownership. Ownership means that the recipient is in control of the policy process, from highlighting a problem to implementing the solutions. The starting point in this thesis is the question whether the ambiguity in good governance- definitions constrains ownership in the policy process. Also, in democracy aid there is an interesting paradox: How can a project that aims at changing political power-structures be driven by those who have the most to gain from these structures? My study shows that when the partners in an aid-project are unable to settle for one definition of good governance, ownership is hard to reach. If the partners can not reach an agreement at an early stage in the process, ownership will suffer and sustainability will be hard to reach.February through March, 2005, I conducted a Minor Field Study (MFS) in Lao PDR together with a fellow-student. We were interested in a project in Laos called GPAR Luang Prabang, in which Sida, UNDP and the Lao Government are trying to improve the governance system in Laos. Luang Prabang is the province in the northern parts of Laos where the good governance-project were being implemented.The main interest in this study concerns democracy aid in the shape of good governance and local ownership in development aid. Good governance is a highly debated topic in aid-literature, both because of the explosion of good governance projects the last ten or so years and because of the ambiguity that lies in the concept good governance. Different aid-actors give different meanings to good governance. Two definitions stand out: First there is the “narrow” definition that focuses on the economical steering of a country’s resources. The second, or “broad” definition of good governance, focuses on democratic aspects of the concept. Areas like participation, transparency, accountability and rule of law are high-lighted here. Different actors in the aid-society thus have different definitions of the concept. Whether democracy aid works and becomes sustainable relies, according to the literature, on how well the partners in an aid-project can foster local ownership. Ownership means that the recipient is in control of the policy process, from highlighting a problem to implementing the solutions. The starting point in this thesis is the question whether the ambiguity in good governance- definitions constrains ownership in the policy process. Also, in democracy aid there is an interesting paradox: How can a project that aims at changing political power-structures be driven by those who have the most to gain from these structures? My study shows that when the partners in an aid-project are unable to settle for one definition of good governance, ownership is hard to reach. If the partners can not reach an agreement at an early stage in the process, ownership will suffer and sustainability will be hard to reach.

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Geingob, Hage Gottfried. "State formation in Namibia : promoting democracy and good governance." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2004. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/21090/.

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This dissertation examines significant events in the process of state formation in Namibia and provides an insight into the role played by various actors involved in shaping the evolution of Namibia as a state, such as the Namibians, their liberation movement SWAPO, successive colonizing powers (Germany and South Africa), OAU, the Frontline States, the international community, and particularly the United Nations. It is argued that the international actors' role in the process of state formation in Namibia was driven by their desire to ensure their continued influence in Namibia for their own benefit. Self-interest of the West in Namibia was driven by the geopolitical imperatives of the cold war, and preserving western economic interests. In Namibia, which was a settler colony, self-interest also gained a racial dimension as the West sought to protect the interests of white settlers. The case is made that impetus to resolve the Namibian question had to await a number of streams coming together - the disintegration of the Soviet Union changed the complexion of geopolitics; deeper involvement of the Cubans in Angola threatened South Africa; Constitutional Principles put forward by the Western Five (U.S.A., the United Kingdom, Germany, Canada, and France) ensured continued protection of the economic interests of the West and the protection of the interests of the settlers; and success of Namibians' struggle at the international fora and on the battlefield catalyzed the coming together of various streams. This constellation of events ensured Namibia's independence in 1990. The study also examines how Namibians sought to build a reconciled society out of ethnically and racially stratified, diverse and often antagonistic groups. This process was begun with the drafting of the constitution by the Constituent Assembly. The first government's initiatives to promote democracy and a policy of reconciliation, to improve the life condition of the previously disadvantaged groups through affirmative action, to encourage good governance, to promote a culture of human rights, and to build state institutions to support these policies have also been examined with a view to determining the nature of the state that evolved in Namibia. Finally, the study carries out a democratic audit of Namibia using Swedish normative tools.

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Hobson, Jonathan. "Democratic governance beyond the state : an exploration of democracy and governance in the European Parliament." Thesis, University of Gloucestershire, 2011. http://eprints.glos.ac.uk/3263/.

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The growing internationalisation of governance in the modern era means that states are increasingly interconnected. In this process, democratic governance has often taken second place to the demands of a neoliberal system that emphasises market-based solutions to social organisation and deregulation of structures based in the democratic realm of states. This dissertation is an exploration of the role democracy plays in regional governance bodies, focusing specifically on the European Parliament and its role in the European Union as an example of this. The dissertation argues that there is a role for democracy in global governance, and that the European Parliament represents a positive step towards introducing the wishes of citizens into political structures above the level of the state. It uses a three-stage immanent criticism developed from the early work of Max Horkheimer to explore the parliament in its historical, present, and potential functions. Built on a critical philosophy that understands the social world as a product of historically materialist action, this dissertation seeks not just to describe the functions of the Parliament, but also to suggest ways in which they might develop past their current limitations. Following a methodological discussion on the application of immanent criticism, the dissertation engages in a theoretical analysis of the complex concepts of democracy and governance as a prelude to the exploration of the Parliament. The dissertation then utilises a range of interviews and documentary evidence to present a thesis that has two main claims. Firstly, it argues that the European Parliament represents a new form of democratic regional structure that represents both states and citizens, and introduces an element of democratic accountability to governance above the level of nation states. Secondly, the thesis contends that the Parliament, as part of the wider Union, possesses the potential for greater democratic function. In making this argument, the dissertation suggests a range of practical ways to improve democracy and governance in the Parliament, and by extension in other similar regional political bodies. These include the introduction of greater democratic influence on decision making, increased transparency, dedicated European political parties, and a stronger role for civil society bodies. The dissertation concludes that democratic governance has the potential to present an alternative to the dominant neoliberal structures that currently shape much of the international political, economic, and social environment.

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Mjahed, Mourad. "Neighborly Governance: Neighborhood Associations and Participative Democracy in Tucson, Arizona." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194094.

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This dissertation examines contemporary changes in relations and forms of urban governance by focusing on neighborhood associations in Tucson and analyzing their practices and experiences in the midst of an emerging trend that values collective action and direct democracy. This urban ethnography focuses on practices, strategies, and ideologies of neighborhood associations to discuss issues of representation, participation, and social integration. This dissertation is based on fieldwork conducted for a total of 24 months between 2005 and 2007. It combines participant observation and in-depth interviews with Tucson residents, members of neighborhood associations, and City and non-governmental organizations' officials.This work is presented in three main parts divided into several chapters. In the first part, I provide a general review of the development of concepts of governance and representative democracy in contemporary as well as earlier times. I aim to contextualize the work of neighborhood associations within a general movement towards more direct participatory democracy and argue that a new understanding of the transformations impacting the functioning of representative democracy is crucial to its preservation as a central institution of social integration.The second part of this dissertation presents an analysis of fieldwork data and argues that neighborhood associations are positioning themselves, at the local and global levels, as an important part of the emerging discourses and practices of civil society. Within this broad context, neighborhood associations engage in a variety of activities, pursue multiple strategies, and adopt very different ideologies. A central idea that results from this analysis is that neighborhood associations greatly value practices of direct democracy and strive to exercise greater control over processes of representative democracy in order to prevent its perceived deficiencies from thwarting their projects and corrupting their ideals.The third part extends the data analysis and provides a political and historical reconstruction of neighborhood associations and their cultural evolution as a continuation of the counterculture movement of the 1960s. I also argue that there is a powerful drive towards the global implementation and exercise of direct democratic processes. I draw on the example of Morocco's urban governance reforms and discuss its growing neighborhood associations to show the delicate and conflicted paths they tread between their engagement with the existing system of representative democracy and their attempts to step beyond the limitations of that system to carry out some of the ideals of building a direct and participatory urban democracy.

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Cole, Michael Stephen. "Accountability and democracy in the new local governance : an evaluation." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/409.

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This thesis addresses the themes of the democracy and accountability of British local governance, in the context of the modernising agenda, through an evaluation of research in five areas: the role(s) of local councillors; external scrutiny inquiries; consultations; community appraisals; and changes to local boundaries. Key issues in relation to democracy and accountability include the role of external scrutiny in holding the unelected local state accountable to elected representatives; updating the literature on the activities of county councillors; and assessingth e limited impact of local authority consultations and community appraisals. In particular, the assessmenot f consultations suggestsa processt hat is often driven by a public relations focus and that few of those exercises both generate unexpected outcomes and have a substantial impact. In relation to the appraisals, the study suggests greater effectiveness in resolving small-scale problems capable of solution through town or parish local governance or community groups. The research on local boundary changes identifies the role of democratic local representatives in the reviews and the weak lines of downward accountability in respect of the process. This analysis also shows how these boundary changes impact on the way councillors perform certain core activities, including electoral campaigning. In relation to the local government modernisation agenda, the analysis suggests that little progress has been made towards the aim of strengthening the responsiveness of service providers to the wider community and or service users. Similarly, the establishment of scrutiny structures has had a relatively marginal impact on external agencies. While the community representation focus of many councillors is in sympathy with local government modernisation, the Devon study suggests that such attitudes predated this agenda.

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Torreguitar, Elena. "National liberation movement in office forging democracy with African adjectives in Namibia." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2009. http://d-nb.info/996363262/04.

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Alemu, Tikikel. "The African Charter on democracy, elections and governance: A normative framework for analysing electoral democracy in Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2007. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5994_1210842486.

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This paper gave an insight into the novelties as well as the deficiencies of the provisions related to democratic elections and their implementation framework. It examined the potential effectiveness or otherwise of a binding treaty which is not yet enforced on the basis of past experience. In effect, it shed light on the possible measures that could be taken to guarantee its realisation and to circumvent the shortcomings in ensuring its effective implementation.

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Mousa, Waleed. "Islam, democracy, and governance Sudan and Morocco in a comparative perspective /." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0010942.

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McGarvey, Neil. "Tradition, management, democracy and governance in Scottish local government 1996-2008." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2009. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20473.

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This thesis analyses the changing nature of Scottish local government between 1996 and 2008. It does so by employing four analytical perspectives (traditional municipal, managerial, democratic and governance). It utilises longitudinal data gained in three case study sites: Fife, Stirling and Highland Councils. The empirical data on which the study is based was gathered between 1996 and 2008 in the three councils. The broad argument of the thesis is that each of these analytical perspectives contributes to an understanding of Scottish local government. However, the managerial, democratic and governance perspectives tend to over-state the degree of change which has occurred. The language of analysis underpinning them would suggest that local government in Scotland, like England, has been transformed by the catalogue of policy interventions and initiatives that have taken place since 1979. Indeed some have gone as far as suggesting 'the demise of traditional local government' in England (Wilson and Stoker 2004: 248). This thesis suggests that Scotland is different and that an understanding of how Scottish local government operates still requires knowledge of the institutional structures associated which traditional municipal local government. Despite three decades of reform, the traditional municipal interpretation of local government retains resonance in Scotland. The new insights gleaned from managerial, democratic and governance perspectives have not fundamentally undermined the traditional local government framework of analysis.

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Ganapathiraju, Srinivas, and Robert Miske. "Decentralizing democracy: a governance proposal for post-conflict ethnically divided countries." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/27834.

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The recent experience of nation building in Iraq, and more so in Afghanistan, calls for a deeper analysis of the pre-conditions for establishing an appropriate form of governance in post-conflict ethnically divided societies. While Afghanistans democracy has become increasingly associated with the unwanted imposition of western liberal values, the need to build stable governance there raises critical questions about which form of governance is the best social fit for a given society. This thesis seeks to explore the relationship between the decentralization of governance and stability in deeply fragmented societies. Our research also seeks to validate the tenets of consociational democracy. Drawing on lessons from six contemporary post-conflict cases, we conclude that a decentralized framework offers a more viable option than any other currently being proposed for deeply divided societies. Our findings suggest that the steadfast adherence to consociational democracy tenets and tailored decentralization of governance functions were consistent with the achievement of social fit in post-conflict ethnically divided countries. Although the involvement of external actors, economic growth or decline, and other geopolitical considerations can delay stability or serve as a catalyst for instability, it is the governance characteristic of social fit that endures.

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Geever-Ostrowsky, Jodi Ann. "Considering a Human Right to Democracy." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/philosophy_theses/87.

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Human rights are commonly taken to include both behavioral freedoms, such as a right to express opinions, and safeguards against the behaviors of others, such as a right not to be tortured. I examine the claim by Allen Buchanan and others that democracy should be considered a human right. I discuss what human rights are, what they do, and what they obligate moral agents to do, comparing this framework to attributes of democracy. I conclude that while democracy itself is both too nebulous and too specific to be the subject of a human right, it may be proper to speak of a human right to state self-determination.

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Kelsall, Timothy Stephen Lloyd. "Subjectivity, collective action, and the governance agenda in Tanzania." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.325630.

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von, Hatzfeldt Gaia. "'Crusaders' for democracy : aspirations and tensions in transparency activism in India." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/33131.

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Through an ethnographic study of the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS) - an organisation renowned for its persistent fight against corruption in India - this thesis explores the aspirations and tensions of anti-corruption activists. In their commitment to improving governance structures by means of campaigning for transparency and accountability laws and policies, these activists ultimately aspire to strengthen democratic practice and to improve statecraft. By studying in detail the forms of actions, dynamics, politics and relationships among anti-corruption activists, the thesis explores how ideas of the state and democracy come to be internalised and addressed by civil society actors. The context is the nation-wide anti-corruption agitation that swept the country through most of 2011. This agitation gave rise to friction between civil society actors otherwise working for similar ends, leading to tension and competition on what constitutes democratic process and procedure. Based on extensive fieldwork, the thesis examines the ways in which MKSS responded to the shifting political landscape of anti-corruption activism. Drawing on the notion of relationality, I argue that political positions and identities are shaped and consolidated circumstantially through an oppositional stance and through processes of 'othering'. In considering the diverging understandings of democracy among civil society actors, this thesis seeks to expand ethnographically the theoretical concept of 'agonistic pluralism' (Mouffe 1999), that postulates that political conflict and disagreement is not only integral, but, moreover, crucial to democratic debate. Based on this conceptualisation, the conflict over the meaning of democracy among the anti-corruption activists is considered here as creating space for the expansion and enrichment of democratic debate. The very essence of democracy in India, as will be concluded, is constituted by such a productive tension.

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Johnson, Jacob. "How does democracy reduce poverty? : a study of dispersed power within ten African countries." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/4437.

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Makarava, Yuliya. "Friends without Benefits : Critical Assessment of the Relationship between E-governance and Democracy." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för informationsteknologi och medier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-15903.

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New information and communication technologies are often viewed as a panacea to thecurrent crisis of representative democracy. The growing number of publications on thedemocratization effects of the use of new information and communication technologies (ICT)in governance focuses on social media and emerging online public spheres. This thesisexamines the democratic potential of ICT from the supply side represented by the concepts ofe-governance and e-government. In the context of destabilization of political communicationsystem, e-governance as a top-down initiative has a better chance to serve as a congregativeforce formalizing institutional procedures between the multi-public spheres and the decisionmakers and, thus, democratizing political communication. The first part of the thesis pullstogether the key concepts of electronic transformation – e-governance, e-government and edemocracy–andanalyzesthemwithinabroadercontextofnewgovernance.Thedemocratictest,based on evaluation against Robert Dahl’s five democratic criteria and democraticdeficits of new governance, indicates numerous negative consequences of e-governance forrepresentative democracy. Moreover, implemented in different institutional settings ofdemocratic and non-democratic regimes, e-governance varies in the level of development andimpact on political communication and political systems in general. To verify theoreticalconclusions empirically, a global study was conducted for two points in time – 2003 and2008; it examined the relationship between e-governance and democracy controlling for theimpact of telecommunication infrastructure development. Hypothesis testing revealed that thelevel of e-governance development and its correlation with democracy strongly varied inrelation to the type of political system. The findings suggest that it is premature to ascribedemocratization effects to e-governance disregarding existing institutional settings.

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Wang, Guohui. "Tamed village 'democracy' : elections, governance and clientelism in a contemporary Chinese village." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/251/.

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The thesis is an exploration of the elections and governance in a contemporary Chinese village. It is a qualitative case study of one village in Shandong Province, China, using in-depth interviews with villagers, village candidates, township officials as well as national, provincial, township and village documents. It reveals how the clientelist system functions in and shapes the process of the village elections and governance. Drawing upon the qualitative data and empirical evidence collected in the field site, the thesis challenges the liberal-democratic view that the implementation of direct village elections and self-governance, which is generally considered to be “village democracy”, has empowered villagers to resist the state and may mark the beginning of a bottom-up democratization in China. In contrast, it argues that even procedurally “free and fair” village elections largely fail to deliver meaningful results, and that village governance, although in the name of self-governance, actually continues to be dominated by the Chinese local state. This is because clientelist structures, embodied in vertical patron-client alliances between political elites and villagers, have strongly influenced the actors and functioned to facilitate and supplement the authoritarian control of the state. The thesis also contests interpretations of village elections and self-governance that stress the state’s formal administrative capacity over controlling and manipulating village politics. While it shows some of the formal mechanisms by which township government control village affairs, it demonstrates also that after the implementation of the “village democracy” the state is still able to maintain its authoritarian capacity by taking advantage of the informal clientelist interaction between local state officials and the village elites.

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Chahar, Vijit Singh <1983&gt. "The Influence of Direct Democracy on Agency Costs: Lessons from Corporate Governance." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6726/.

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This dissertation seeks to improve the usage of direct democracy in order to minimize agency cost. It first explains why insights from corporate governance can help to improve constitutional law and then identifies relevant insights from corporate governance that can make direct democracy more efficient. To accomplish this, the dissertation examines a number of questions. What are the key similarities in corporate and constitutional law? Do these similarities create agency problems that are similar enough for a comparative analysis to yield valuable insights? Once the utility of corporate governance insights is established, the dissertation answers two questions. Are initiatives necessary to minimize agency cost if referendums are already provided for? And, must the results of direct democracy be binding in order for agency cost to be minimized?

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Breindel, Marley H. "How Has Democracy Taken Shape in Hong Kong's Patrimonial System of Governance?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1238.

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This thesis seeks to uncover the ways in which China has seized political control of the HKSAR with the use of patron-client politics, before ultimately examining the growth of democracy within this patron-client system of governance. This goal was pursued with the intention of shedding light on the legitimacy of Chinese rule in HK and in order to consider the extent to which the HKSAR can really be called a democracy. In answering these questions, we consider both Chinese and HK history, as to understand how each region's political history has influenced governance in modern HK. We then move on to an in-depth analysis of what pro-Beijing and pro-democracy forces have each done to further their own agendas –what political and institutional successes and failures have each had, and to what degree of significance? We ultimately conclude that although Beijing governance, and consequently patrimonialism, is here to stay, democracy certainly has room for growth –In an attempt to balance electoral competitiveness and the patrimonialism, the HKSAR will continue to grow in unique ways that perhaps the world has not yet seen before. HK's political growth should matter not only to Hong Kongers, as it represents China’s first genuine attempt at experimenting with democracy, albeit in perhaps reserved ways. Furthermore, China's operations within Hong Kong’s more democratic arena have brought to light parts of its own character that otherwise may have remained shrouded in shadows. If China is ever to follow global trends towards democracy and perhaps pave the road for more to follow, we will certainly be able to trace the roots of change back to HK.

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van, Veelen Bregje. "Devolution, democracy, and the challenge of diversity : community energy governance in Scotland." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/28919.

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This research investigates the emergence of new participatory spaces in the transition towards a low-carbon society. Specifically, it focuses on the emerging spaces and roles for community groups in renewable energy governance. The role of community groups in facilitating a low-carbon transition has received much attention in recent years, but has been insufficiently studied within the wider context of evolving state-civil society relations. This research puts forward an understanding of community energy initiatives that is neither inherently celebratory nor dismissive of community action, but argues that such initiatives should be understood based on the interactions – between practices, organisations and relations – within and external to these communities. In doing so, this research adopts an interdisciplinary approach, building on insights from both geography and political science to understand how opportunities for community participation are articulated in particular geographical and political contexts. Grounding this research in Scotland shows the unique ways in which devolution – from the UK Government to the Scottish Government, but primarily through the emerging powers for community groups in Scotland – has created a set of spatially and temporally-specific spaces and practices of intervention. The devolution of energy governance, and the diversity of practices emerging through this process, also raises questions, however, about the democratic qualities of these new spaces and practices. This research specifically explores this issue through building on the emerging concept of energy democracy. ‘Energy democracy’ is a concept that has been adopted by a growing number of international civil society actors who regard the transition to law-carbon energy sources as an opportunity not only for technological innovation but also for wider socio-economic transformation. Invoking an image of associative democracy, those advocating for greater energy democracy consider self-governing community groups as best placed to ensure that the transition towards a low-carbon society is one that is more inclusive, democratic and just. While energy democracy, like related concepts of energy citizenship and energy justice, aims to combine technological and social transformation, its activist roots also means it is noticeably different. This is evident in two ways. First, the current body of literature is largely uncritical and rather vague in nature. The second consequence of the activist roots of energy democracy is that it is diverse in its framing of the issue and its formulation of desired transition pathways. As its main contribution to existing academic debate, my thesis explores and expands the conceptual foundations of ‘energy democracy’ by evaluating its connections to different political theories, and the consequences of different interpretations for energy democracy research and practice. Secondly, I seek to develop the empirical evidence base for energy democracy. The current, primarily activist, literature on energy democracy often assumes rather than demonstrates that the forms of governance it promotes are more democratic than the status quo. This PhD therefore sets out to analyse the complex and varied ways in which local communities practice energy governance in Scotland. First, I introduce a quantitatively-developed typology of community energy projects in Scotland to highlight the diverse nature of the sector. Subsequently I demonstrate through qualitative interviews with community groups how the diversity of the sector (both within and between groups) both contributes to, and challenges, the democratic claims made for and by community energy. In the final part I show that the hybridity of spaces created by, and for, community energy intermediaries reflect the interactions between policy and community-action. Through a focus on the interaction between actors at different governance levels, my research helps to improve an understanding of the creation and contestation of new spaces of intervention in the Scottish energy transition as a process that not only reflects a broader (re)structuring of state-civil society relations, but also provides an early and somewhat experimental expression of such restructuring.

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Selee, Andrew Dan. "The paradox of local empowerment decentralization and democratic governance in Mexico /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/3373.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.
Thesis research directed by: Public Affairs. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

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Subramaniam, Surainder. "Situating global ideas in local discourses a comparative study of the transferability of values, norms, and cultures of liberal democratic governance in contemporary Malaysia and Singapore /." access full-text online access from Digital dissertation consortium, 2001. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3020987.

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Antonie, Lyson CHIGEDA. "Nurturing Deliberative Democracy in Public Secondary Schools in Malawi: School Governance and Pedagogies." 京都大学 (Kyoto University), 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/199429.

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Kyoto University (京都大学)
0048
新制・課程博士
博士(地域研究)
甲第19105号
地博第179号
新制||地||61(附属図書館)
32056
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科アフリカ地域研究専攻
(主査)教授梶茂樹, 教授重田眞義, 准教授高田明, 准教授山名淳
学位規則第4条第1項該当

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Kim, Dongwoo. "A tool for delegative governance? : South Korea's National Security Law and delegative democracy." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/58709.

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The paper seeks to clarify the relationship between South Korea’s National Security Law (NSL) and democracy. The NSL is a special law that seeks to address the security threats from North Korea, criticized for limiting fundamental civil and political rights. However, these criticisms have shown limited effectiveness in light of the argument that South Korea has unique security needs that require some compromise. In order to demonstrate more effectively that the NSL is problematic for South Korea’s democracy, I argue that the continued use of the law makes more sense if South Korea is considered to be a “delegative democracy,” a defective subtype characterized by weaknesses in horizontal accountability and violation of civil rights, as opposed to a representative democracy that it purports to be. As such, I demonstrate that the opportunity cost of the continued use of the NSL is much greater than occasional violation of civil rights, and that it facilitates problematic behaviours by the executive that is not compatible within a representative democracy that South Korea is supposed to be. Ultimately, this paper raises the urgency to demand more information and transparency in the use of the NSL in South Korea today.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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Teferi, Desset A. "Role of civil society organisations in the realisation of human rights in Africa and the effect of regulatory mechanisms on their functions : Ethiopia and Ghana perspective." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/16793.

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It is generally acknowledged that development is impossible in the absence of true democracy, respect for human rights, peace and good governance1 Good governance and human rights are mutually reinforcing. In turn, ‘good governance and good public administration are essential aspects of democracy and for achieving democracy a freely functioning, well organised, vibrant and responsible civil society is indispensable.’Democracy presupposes free elections, functioning political parties, independent media and active civil society organisations (CSOs) that can operate freely.4 Human rights are better promoted and protected in a democratic system.5 Accordingly it is submitted that a measure taken by a government which undermines key elements and role players of such a system tends to undermine the protection and promotion of human rights.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010.
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Mrs. Christina Dowuona-Hammond at the Faculty of Law, University of Leyon, Ghana. 2010.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

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Henry, Drew A. "Democracy in a Post-Castro Cuba /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FHenry.pdf.

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30

Linzer, Drew Alan. "The structure of mass ideology and its consequences for democratic governance." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1779835441&sid=8&Fmt=2&clientId=48051&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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31

Nkomana, Nqaba. "Good governance and democracy as political conditionalities for foreign aid: the case of Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&amp.

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This study was an investigation of the relationship between political conditionality and self-determination using Zimbabwe as a case study. The Zimbabwean land issue illustrates the challenges posed by external influences on supposedly autonomous domestic policy decision-making processes.

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Baird, Ryan G. "The Primacy of Governance Infrastructure versus Democracy in Development and FDI in Developing Countries." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193698.

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Most scholars believe that democracies guarantee the rule of law and provide superior institutions, which influence developing states' development trajectories, as well as firms' decisions on where to do business. However, I argue that these superior institutions are prior to the institutions of democracy and constitute the concept of governance infrastructure, and are therefore the key institutional determinants of state's economic outcomes. I find that the institutions that comprise a state's governance infrastructure (GI) are separate conceptually from the institutions that comprise democracy, and that the quality of developing states' GI 1) must reach a certain threshold before democracy positively affects economic development; 2) sends a signal to investors concerning potential transaction costs that investors may incur, ultimately determining the amount of FDI developing states' receive, while being the only domestic institutions that affect investors decision making; 3) determines the quality and provision of a state's intermediary public goods, which are an additional causal mechanism to signaling in determining a state's FDI inflows.

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33

Goddard, J. S. "Between technocracy and democracy : decentralisation and the challenge of urban governance in Santiago, Chile." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599451.

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This thesis addresses the role of state policies of political and administrative decentralisation and the empowerment of urban local government. Decentralisation has been put forward in recent theory and policy in various regions of the world as a means of confronting the challenges of urban governance - that is of promoting economic growth and quality of life, while enhancing democracy, political freedom and social cohesion. The Chilean government is one of several in Latin American which have recently espoused the rhetoric of decentralisation, and which have implemented policies deemed to decentralise the power of the state. This thesis has three broad objectives. Firstly, to unravel the practical meanings of decentralisation, in terms of the essential elements of such a process, the conditions required for its implementation, and the potential benefits afforded. Secondly, to understand why this theme has emerged recently, and with such prominence, in the political and social sciences and in governmental discourse around the world. And thirdly, to ascertain in the light of our evaluations of the two previous points, whether recent policy reforms in the Republic of Chile correspond to a meaningful process of decentralisation, or whether the political rhetoric in this case is different from the reality. This thesis tackles these objectives by exploring new theoretical angles and empirical data. Firstly, it embraces a novel theoretical approach, outlining the modern relevance of the counterpoints which emerge between the writings of Alexis de Tocqueville and Max Weber, and setting the evaluation of recent developments in Chile within this theoretical framework.

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Mwollo-Ntallima, Angolwisye Malaisyo. "Higher education and democracy : a study of students' and student leaders' attitudes towards democracy in Tanzania." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/1722.

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Magister Educationis - MEd
Students in African universities have a long history of political involvement at the institutional level and in national politics. The present study investigates the political opinions of students in Tanzania with respect to (1) their attitudes towards democracy and how these attitudes could be explained, (2) student satisfaction with the way their university and their country, Tanzania, are governed, and (3) whether student leaders (SL) have more democratic attitudes than students who are not in formal student leadership positions (SNL) and if there are other relevant groups that can be identified whose political attitudes differ significantly from those of other groups. The study draws on the work of Bratton, Mattes and Gyimah-Boadi (2005) and employs a survey questionnaire adapted from the Afrobarometer. Using survey data collected at the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania, a number of questions are investigated, and related hypotheses are tested in order to determine the extent to which students understand and demand democracy, how they perceive the supply of democracy, and what their attitudes are towards university governance and national politics in general.
South Africa

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35

Sears, Jonathan Michael. "Deepening democracy and cultural context in the Republic of Mali, 1992-2002." Thesis, Kingston, Ont. : [s.n.], 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/862.

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Laidlaw, Zoe. "Networks, patronage and information in colonial governance : Britain, New South Wales and the Cape Colony, 1826-1843." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365506.

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37

Lane, Larry M. "The Office of Personnel Management: a study in the politics and administration of American governance." Diss., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/54229.

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This study examines the origins, development, and political significance of the U. S. Office of Personnel Management (OPM) during the ten-year period from its founding in the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978. The premise of the dissertation is that OPM has been significantly involved in the transformation of the guiding beliefs about the public service in America and that OPM's administrative actions have had important impacts on the institutions and capacity of American governance. OPM has been infused with values of political responsiveness to the detriment of competing values of merit, competence, and technical effectiveness. The study creates an analytical framework which reveals a fundamental realignment of the relationships of political institutions, values, and administrative organizations. The developmental events in OPH's history are traced in detail through the Carter and Reagan administrations. The contribution of OPM's policies and actions to the shift of values and institutional relationships is documented. The ultimate result has been the weakening of the institutions of the presidency as well as the public service. GPM’s policies have furthered the politicization of the federal personnel system and have contributed to the decline of public agency competence and performance. The study develops an evaluational framework for examination of OPM's performance in regard to legislative intent, the policy objectives of successive administrations, and the criteria of the public interest. The dissertation evaluates OPM's problematic performance both in what it has produced and in what it is as an organization of democratic governance. The current crisis of the public service, as documented by recent studies, is analyzed. The study concludes by identifying the essential aspects of the future role of the central personnel office in devising solutions to the challenges of effective human resource management in the public sector.
Ph. D.

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Tomlinson, Luke Lindsay. "Justice, governance and climate change : designing fair and effective climate institutions." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2d9f47d1-77da-4406-8514-5c40da041879.

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Multilateral efforts are yet to produce meaningful action on climate change. Part of the problem with these approaches is a perceived lack of fairness among state actors. Whilst academic discussion has traditionally focused on the issue of distributive fairness, very little has been said about procedural fairness in this respect. To this end, this thesis analyses principles of procedural justice in order to develop practical policy measures for institutional design. It does so in four steps. First, it argues that procedural justice is important for reaching a mutually acceptable agreement when there is reasonable disagreement about the substantive ends that collective action should achieve. Second, it develops several principles of procedural justice that should govern the decision-making processes of climate institutions. This includes principles that govern who should participate in decisions, how these decisions should take place, and how transparent they should be. Third, it considers the relative value that procedural justice should be given against other important ends. In doing so, it proposes that procedural justice is a fundamental feature of fair and effective climate institutions. Finally, it considers what this means for climate institutions in practice by determining a set of pragmatic policy prescriptions that can guide the design of climate governance institutions.

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39

Evans, Karen Gilliland. "Governance, Citizenship, and the New Sciences: Lessons From Dewey and Follett on Realizing Democratic Administration." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/30683.

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Administrative reform as we have known it has been constrained by the ontological and epistemological premises and assumptions of Newtonian physics and the positivism of the early behavioral sciences, leaving constructs vital to a democratic polity impoverished and problematized by power inequities and distorted communication. If public administration could be liberated from those ontological limits through adoption of concepts from the new sciences - quantum theory, chaos theory, complexity theory, and today's ecological sciences - it might be possible to restore to the practices of citizenship and governance appropriate institutional structures which will preserve and nurture them. This dissertation develops lessons and activities pertinent to the practices of citizenship and governance drawn from the life work of John Dewey and Mary Parker Follett - lessons clarified by the premises and assumptions of the new sciences and activities congruent with those lessons. This dissertation is comprised of four broad components: a history of administrative reform as told through the literatures of the fields of public administration and public space philosophy; a history of science in two parts - the development of classical science and the development of the new sciences - from which defining ontological and epistemological characteristics of each are abstracted; case studies from American history that demonstrate the influence of classical science on political and social thought and action; and lessons and activities for public administration and its practitioners, framed in the context of the new sciences, drawn from the life work of John Dewey and Mary Parker Follett. The argument this dissertation makes is twofold. First, it is argued that, given the pervasiveness of the influence of modern thought in American society, it is unlikely that early reformers could have conceptualized administrative structure differently than they did. The modern worldview still dominates our thinking, despite the new understandings of how the world works that are available to us now. The second argument is that it is possible, if we choose to do so, to overcome the modern worldview and the structure it imposes on how we think and act, and that this could lead to alternative practices for public administration. The lessons that are our heritage from Dewey and Follett, and from the traditionalists of our own field, if viewed through the lens of the new sciences, resonate with the ontological perspectives of those sciences and provide a starting point for a reconceptualization of democratic administrative practice.
Ph. D.

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Mapuva, Jephias. "An examination of the role played by selected civil society organizations in promoting democracy in Zimbabwe, 1980-2007." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2007. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7099_1257320792.

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Phendu, Sipho. "ASSESSING THE STATE OF PUBLIC PARTICIPATION IN THE WESTERN CAPE: THE CASE OF BEAUFORT WEST MUNICIPALITY (2016 – 2019)." University of the Western Cape, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7814.

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Masters in Public Administration - MPA
It is often argued that public participation is the cornerstone of constitutional democracy especially in countries such as South Africa with the history of segregation which was characterised by the exclusion of the majority of citizens from the decision-making processes of the state based on race, class and gender. As such, following the introduction of the various pieces of legislation in 1994, the dominant narrative was that the progressive laws that were passed would serve as a ‘panacea’ to the challenges of participatory governance in South Africa. It was inconceivable that 25 years into democracy, South Africa would still be grappling with the concept of public participation and the extent to which citizens could influence, direct and own decisions made by and with government especially at a local level. This study assessed the state of public participation in the Western Cape focusing on Beaufort Municipality in the Central Karoo District. It argued that public participation is a prerequisite for democratic governance and that the state could be deemed illegitimate if it does not prioritize the involvement of communities in its affairs. In this context, a particular focus was placed on the effectiveness of the ward committee system (as state sponsored mechanisms of public participation) in enhancing participatory democracy in Beaufort West Municipality. It refuted assumptions on the institutional arrangements made in the legislative framework governing public participation and ward committees – identifying and outlining some of the unanticipated consequences of these pieces of legislation. The study used qualitative research methods to collect data. Primary and secondary data was gathered to assess the state of public participation in the Western Cape with specific reference on the effectiveness of the ward committee system and the role of legislative and regulatory framework governing public participation, the institutional architecture and the roles of various stakeholders involved in public participation. The primary data was gathered through structured interviews and questionnaires while the secondary data was collected the analysis of the literature on public participation and ward committees including municipal reports, guidelines on public participation, legislation and policy frameworks. The research found that it is precisely the state sanctioned ward committee system that has contributed to the collapse of public participation in South Africa. The ward committee system was identified as a ‘poisoned chalice’ - so compromised that it has become an instrument to legitimise predetermined decisions of the politically connected elite, a rubber stamp platform to comply with the policy and legislative framework. To address this problem, the study recommended a number of measures and interventions that could be introduced which entails the reconfiguration and overhaul of the legislative framework governing public participation and ward committees including the review of the role of politicians in public participation, training and capacity building, allocation of dedicated budget for public participation etc.

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Gadsden-Carrasco, Carlos. "Decentralization from the local : action research on municipal governance in the Mexican transition to democracy." Thesis, University of Essex, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.558834.

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While using the Action Research Methodology, this dissertation considers a double perspective for its author as a researcher and public official involved in Mexico's Decentralization Policy Implementation, and also as a policy designer and policy consultant. It narrates two settings where the author had a major involvement from a Federal and sub- national (State) governmental employee position. The said experiences were a top-down policy implementation experience in the State of Guanajuato (1995) and a bottom-up policy implementation process in the State of Nuevo Le6n (2002 onwards). Evidence from the experiences shows that the bottom-up model of decentralization policy implementation performs better in the process of strengthening local government capabilities, 'pulling' the necessary functions, regulations, and resources to make decentralization work, rather than it being imposed or 'pushed' by the central government. To the extent that the main assumption behind an Action-Research experience is that social research and knowledge production that doesn't lead to social change is somewhat useless because any researcher involved within Action Research should serve a two-fold purpose of knowing reality but having as its aim the drive to change it, the main contribution of this thesis is to help local governments in an exercise of self-diagnosis (the Desde Lo Local instrument) of their strengths and weakness in order to set a new local government agenda that stresses governance and sustainability.

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Malik, Ali. "Democracy and epistocracy reconciled? : the Scottish Police Authority and police governance in Scotland after 2012." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25843.

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This thesis examines the emergent role of the Scottish Police Authority (SPA) in delivering organisational accountability of the Police Service of Scotland, following reform in 2012. The Police and Fire Reform (Scotland) Act 2012 amalgamated the eight local police forces into a single force, ‘Police Scotland’, and replaced the concomitant local police authorities, responsible for maintaining and governing those forces, into a national governing body: the SPA. The study draws on a broad range of qualitative data that includes official policy documents, selected minutes of public meetings held by the Justice Committee, and the SPA, inspection reports by HMICS and Audit Scotland, and interviews with a cross-section of stakeholders including a former Minister, senior police officers, members of the SPA, and MSPs. This study chronicles the inception and early development of the SPA, and critically assesses the SPA’s emergent accountability processes in relation to the perennial problems of police governance. Firstly, the doctrine of operational independence of chief constables, rooted in the traditional, and to-date “sacrosanct”, notion of constabulary independence (Reiner, 2013: 169), makes organisational accountability of the police a complicated and contested matter (Lustgarten, 1986; Walker, 2000; Donnelly and Scott, 2002a; Jones, 2008; Reiner, 2010). Secondly, there is a perpetual debate about whether the governance of police should be situated within local government structures, or delivered through central government. There is consensus among policing scholars that the persistent trend towards greater centralisation, coupled with the operational independence doctrine, curtailed the performance of the local police boards and their ability to hold chief constables to account (Walker, 2000; Donnelly and Scott, 2002a; Scott, 2011; Reiner, 2013). Amidst the tussle between central and local political actors for democratic control of the police, the recent policy discourse in Scotland, that led to the reforms and the creation of the SPA, has highlighted that the governance of the police requires expertise, skills and capacities, which the previous local police authorities lacked (Tomkins, 2009; Laing and Fossey, 2011). In light of the persistent difficulties of democratic governance, and the creation of the SPA as an expert body, the study presents an original conceptual framework outlining an ‘epistocratic and deliberative’ approach to police governance. The framework seeks to reconcile democracy and expertise and offers a prescriptive solution to resolve the underlying problems of police governance. The study applies the notion of epistocracy or knowledge-based rule (Estlund, 2003, 2008) to the role of experts in institutional settings (Holst, 2012; Holst and Mollander, 2014). Conceiving the SPA as an institutional epistocracy, it is argued that such an arrangement needs to be underpinned by the right Composition, and that it needs Power, and Autonomy in order to function effectively and independently. It is further argued that principles of Deliberation, including reasoning and justification, can further strengthen epistocratic governance arrangements, as well as providing a crucial democratic dimension. The analysis of the SPA provides a strong empirical basis for the framework. The study shows that while the SPA was created as a professional body of experts, it was unable to resolve the underlying problems of police governance in its first three years. This was due to inadequacies in its composition resulting from insufficient expertise and a lack of training for new board members, differing interpretations of its role and statutory powers, and external pressures and impositions resulting in a lack of autonomy. Looking to recent developments, the study suggests that deliberative principles are now implicit in the SPA’s approach to more proactive scrutiny, which has started to serve to alleviate some shortcomings and problems it encountered in its formative years. However, the study concludes that further strengthening of the SPA’s composition, clarity around its role and powers, greater autonomy, and explicit focus on deliberative principles is needed.

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Nkhata, Mwiza Jo. "Rethinking governance and constitutionalism in Africa : the relevance and viability of social trust-based governance and constitutionalism in Malawi." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/25693.

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The failures of constitutionalism and good governance in Africa are well documented. Importantly, these failures have also highlighted the importance of constitutionalism and good governance in Africa. This study centrally explores the relevance and viability of social trust-based governance and constitutionalism in Malawi, specifically, and Africa, generally. Social trust-based governance and constitutionalism is an approach to governance and constitutionalism that is informed by the trust concept and is also fully mindful of local conditionalities in its operationalisation. By referring to the Constitution of Malawi and other pieces of legislation in Malawi, this study demonstrates that there is a legal basis for articulating and practising social trust-based governance and constitutionalism in Malawi. This legal basis stems primarily from sections 12 and 13 of the Constitution but is also supported by legislation like the Corrupt Practices Act, Public Finance Management Act, Public Procurement Act and the Public Audit Act. In spite of the fact that there is a basis for social trust-based governance and constitutionalism in Malawi it is evident that governance and constitutionalism in Malawi have not, so far, been practised in line with the stipulations of the social trust-based approach. The current approach to governance and constitutionalism in Malawi is heavily steeped in the liberal democratic tradition. In this connection, this study demonstrates the limitations of the liberal democratic approach to governance and constitutionalism in Malawi principal among which is the lack of autochthony. Since the apparatus of liberal democracy has subsequently become quite entrenched in Malawi and most African countries, it is argued that the way forward involves creating a synthesis out of liberal democracy and the norms, traditions and values indigenous to Africa. This study identifies the philosophy of ubuntu as being an important source of values and principles that can be utilised to confer some autochthony to governance and constitutionalism in Malawi, specifically and Africa, generally. The approach adopted in this study concedes that neither a rigid insistence on liberal democratic constitutionalism nor a strict adherence to ubuntu-based governance and constitutionalism can succeed in Malawi. The solution is to utilise values from both traditions in order to generate a viable approach to governance and constitutionalism. In this study, the viability and relevance of social trust-based governance and constitutionalism is demonstrated by reference to the relationship between the branches of government, public resource management and the accountability of public functionaries and citizenry empowerment in Malawi. This study argues that a social trust-based approach to governance and constitutionalism can improve the relations between the branches of government, reinvigorate public resource management and also enhance accountability of public functionaries and empower the populace in line with the Constitution’s vision. The Constitution, as the supreme law of the land, thus remains integral to governance and constitutionalism in Malawi.
Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Centre for Human Rights
unrestricted

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Chartier, Constanza. "Energy Democracy: A case study of energy generation in Växjö." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för geovetenskaper, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-260761.

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The energy transition towards a renewable energy based society and a sustainable development, is an urgent shifting process in the light of climate change and environmental pollution. However, few fossil fuel based corporations are controlling energy systems, generating most of the energy society consumes. In response to this, the idea of democratizing energy has been gaining importance. Publicly owned energy, democratic participation and decentralization of energy generation are ideas that “energy democracy” stands for. The main aim of this study was to determine if and how the combined heat and power (CHP) plant in Växjö, Sweden, is related to energy democracy. The energy plant is owned by the municipality of Växjö and runs on biomass provided by the forestry industry. Eight interviews were conducted with stakeholders from the municipality of Växjö, the energy company and civil society.This research revealed that energy democracy is taking place in the case study, which provides several benefits. Nevertheless, some impacts were found that would require further research. Regarding ecological concerns, it was revealed that the forestry activity in the Kronoberg Region providing the biomass to the CHP plant is not as sustainable as it might seem. This might have an important effect on the sustainability of the energy generation.The study concludes that one of the main drivers for the democratization of energy in Växjö is the strong local governance.

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Lindén, Glad Ema, and Joakim Nersing. "Democratic global environmental governance: An oxymoron or a matter of ideals? : A study of the United Nation’s 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för tema, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-157030.

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Today, one of the most compelling issues facing students of environmental politics is global environmental governance’s democratic legitimacy. Critics of multilateral and transnational sustainable development negotiations and implementations perceive these as democratically deficient, due to non-state actors deciding over nation-state politics. Multilateralism is then seen as a governance structure which sacrifices state sovereignty, which is the pillar of modern democratic theory together with the concept of national demos. Yet, other theorists consider global environmental governance and multilateralism to foster democratization beyond the concept of the nation-state – something which by them is understood as necessary in a world with ever-increasing supranational environmental and developmental issues. Since 1992, the United Nations has implemented stakeholder models, meaning multi-stakeholder partnership and civil society involvement in sustainable development negotiations, as a way of raising democratic legitimacy and accountability. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its 17 Sustainable Development Goals is the culmination of these efforts and the globally guiding document on the subject. The Agenda is a result of the broadest deliberation strategy ever employed by the UN. Via typological content analysis and viewing the Agenda through our theoretical framework, we understand that the UN applying stakeholder models does not necessarily mean evoking stakeholder democracy. Furthermore, democracy is largely construed as a tool for sustainable development and less as an end per se, even if the two are sometimes communicated as equal objectives. All in all, whether one interprets sustainable development negotiations as democratically legitimate or deficient depends on one’s view of democracy beyond the nation- state, as either a possible and necessary notion or a directly undemocratic one.
Idag är global miljöstyrnings demokratiska legitimitet ett av de mest åtråvärda forskningsproblemen inom miljöpolitiska studier. Kritiker av multilaterala och transnationella förhandlingar rörande hållbar utveckling och implementering uppfattar dessa som demokratiskt bristfälliga, då icke-statliga aktörer bestämmer över nationalstaters politik. Multilateralism ses då som en styrelseskicksstruktur som offrar nationalstaters suveränitet, vilket tillsammans med konceptet nationellt demos är kärnan i modern demokratisk teori. Dock anser andra teoretiker att global miljöstyrning och multilateralism kan befrämja demokratisering bortom nationalstater - något som av dessa anses som nödvändigt i en värld med ständig ökning av överstatliga miljö- och utvecklingsproblem. Sedan 1992 har Förenta Nationerna verkställt intressentmodeller, alltså multi- intressentpartnerskap och civilsamhällsinvolvering i hållbar utvecklings-förhandlingar, som ett sätt att höja demokratisk legitimitet och ansvarsskyldighet. Agenda 2030 och dess 17 globala mål för hållbar utveckling är kulmineringen av dessa satsningar, och det globalt ledande dokumentet gällande ämnet. Agendan och dess grundarbete är resultatet av den till dagsdatum största och mest omfattande överläggningsstrategi som FN någonsin använt sig av. Via typologisk innehållsanalys, och granskning av Agendan genom vårt teoretiska ramverk, så tolkar vi att FN:s genomförande av intressentmodeller inte nödvändigtvis innebär en frammaning av ett uteslutande intressentdemokratiskt ideal. I tillägg så kommuniceras demokrati mestadels som ett verktyg för hållbar utveckling, även om dessa två koncept delvis beskrivs som likvärdi ga mål. Huruvida förhandlingar kring hållbar utveckling uppfattas som demokratiskt legitima eller bristfälliga beror på tolkarens syn på demokrati utanför nationalstaten, som antingen en möjlig och nödvändig uppfattning, eller som en direkt odemokratisk sådan.

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Mark, Heather Randall Crystal Jill. "The role of United States foreign policy in global adoption of democratic governance." Auburn, Ala., 2005. http://repo.lib.auburn.edu/EtdRoot/2005/SPRING/Political_Science/Dissertation/MARK_HEATHER_25.pdf.

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Saeed, Nawshirwan Hussen. "Governance in post-2003 Kirkuk : power-sharing in a divided society and prospects for consociational democracy." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/3347.

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This thesis explores how the problem of governance should be solved in the divided city of Kirkuk. As a microcosm of Iraq, Kirkuk has invariably refracted the overall climate of the country. Accordingly, one of the main problems of Kirkuk is its unresolved governance model that, if solved, could positively affect the political stability in the city. To solve this problem, this research suggests the adoption of a specific form of a consociational power-sharing arrangement. In the literature, a contrast is often drawn between ‘corporate’ and ‘liberal’ forms of consociations. However, this study argues that the adoption of a combination of both the corporate and the liberal forms of consociational power-sharing is crucial to addressing the demands of each ethnic group in the city and for maintaining political stability and diversity. But it also argues that building a lasting peace in Kirkuk cannot be achieved only by focusing on a top-down elite-level solution, rather bottom-up initiatives through creating bridging social capital at the grassroots level are necessary. In other words, it argues that the problem of governance can be solved in Kirkuk by taking advantage of the elements of two main theories of conflict management, accommodation (consociationalism) and integration (bridging social capital). This conclusion is based on two sources of evidence. First, the Iraqi legal documents such as the constitution and the laws issued by the Iraqi Council of Representatives, and secondly, empirical evidence collected from the political elites of Kirkuk, the Kurdistan Region and Baghdad.

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Hepburn, Paul Anthony. "Local governance and the local online networked public sphere : enhancing local democracy or politics as usual?" Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/local-governance-and-the-local-online-networked-public-sphereenhancing-local-democracy-or-politics-as-usual(83706217-54a7-4314-ab58-8a583e380371).html.

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This study examines the potential for the Internet, or more specifically the World Wide Web, to enhance local democracy and local governance by providing a networked public sphere. It is located in post-industrial theories of social and political transformation, which see a new, uncertain and complex society emerging which may transform the political significance of the 'local'. Whilst a number of causes are identified as culpable in this process, it is the ICT revolution and the development of the Web in particular, that is seen as possessing a democratising potential that, if realised, may bring greater resilience to geographic localities. The potential of the Web to provide a new networked public sphere is based upon contested views that its topography, its hyperlinked structure, can enable the ordinary citizen's voice to be heard above those that traditionally dominate political discourse. However, there has been no attention paid to this potential being realised at a local governance level within which, this study argues, a favourable environment should exist for a local online networked public sphere to prosper. Accordingly, this prospect is empirically explored here through a case study of the use made of the Web by a variety of local civic, political and institutional actors during a 2008 local (Manchester, UK) referendum on introducing the largest traffic congestion charging scheme in the country. This research applies a distinctive mixed method approach within a conceptually defined internet mediated domain of local governance. Relational Hyperlink Analysis is used to analyse the structural significance of the captured congestion charge. This analysis uses Social Network Analysis (SNA) and an associated statistical technique, Exponential Random Graph Modelling (ERGM) to render the network visible and understandable. To further illuminate how the network was used by local civic and institutional actors involved in the referendum the research draws upon a network ethnography approach which uses SNA to identify subjects for qualitative investigation. The study offers some evidence of the Web providing 'just enough' links in this local context to suggest the structural existence of a networked public sphere. However, further evidence from the narratives and the statistical model paint an alternative picture. This suggests that, in the main, hyperlinking behaviour and use made of the network corresponds to a 'politics as usual' scenario where cliques are more likely to proliferate and powerful economic and media interests dominate online as they do offline. If the ordinary citizen's voice is to be heard in this context then there is a requirement for policy intervention to establish a trusted local networked public sphere or online civic space, independent of vested interests but linked to the local governance decision making process. In addition to this there is a requirement for greater education, particularly aimed at senior local governance policy makers, in the culture of online engagement.

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Fayayo, Rodrick. "Local government duality and its discontents: Rural governance and contestations for power and influence between elected officials and traditional leaders in Matabeleland, Zimbabwe." University of the Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/8153.

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Philosophiae Doctor - PhD
This thesis deploys deliberative democracy in order to explore interactions in polity dualism in Matebeleland South and Matebeleland North, in Zimbabwe. The thesis was premised on two major problems in the way the issue of traditional leadership is generally talked about and studied. First, there is a theoretical problem in terms of how we study and talk about traditional leaders and their contribution in a democracy. Secondly, the institution of traditional leadership is assessed based on assumptions as opposed to hard facts. Methodologically, the study is based on a qualitative case study research design using focus group discussions, key informant interviews and document analysis that enabled an analysis of perceptions, opinions, experiences, and attitudes of residents regarding Zimbabwe’s dual local government system.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Office of Democracy and Governance'

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