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Journal articles on the topic 'Office of Democracy and Governance'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 16 February 2022

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1

Romero, Leocadia Díaz. "Social Media, Civic Engagement, and Local Governments." International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 3, no. 4 (October 2016): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2016100102.

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Social media, if correctly used, enhance cultural, political, economic and social engagement. They also represent key communications tools for administrators to highlight the principles of openness and transparency. Nowadays Local Governments have as well a social media presence. The following contribution casts light on contemporary forms of democracy, deepening on concepts such as E-Government and E-Democracy. The paper describes as well how the use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) and Social Media can benefit governance, and promote good governance, focusing on some experiences launched at the local and municipal level. Finally, it offers an empirical approach of the use of ICTs by the Office of the Mayor of New York City, Bill de Blasio.

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Uscinski, Joseph. "Smith (and Jones) Go to Washington: Democracy and Vice-Presidential Selection." PS: Political Science & Politics 45, no. 01 (January 2012): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096511001715.

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AbstractThe American vice president's most notable constitutional function is that of succession: if the president unexpectedly leaves office, the vice president becomes president. The process of selecting vice-presidential running mates has fallen into fewer hands over time, moving from the electorate, to party bosses and delegates, to a single person: the presidential candidate. The selection process presents challenges for democratic governance: electoral considerations may provide presidential candidates with incentive to choose vice-presidential running mates who differ from themselves politically. In cases of succession, this can lead to undemocratic outcomes and unstable policy.

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Shafqat, Saeed. "Democracy in Pakistan: Value Change and Challenges of Institution Building." Pakistan Development Review 37, no. 4II (December 1, 1998): 281–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v37i4iipp.281-298.

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Democracy as a system of governance and interest representation demands respect for dissent and opposition. It recognises the principle of majority rule and guarantees protection of minorities. Democracy also builds faith in electoral contestation to gain public office and gives legitimacy to political parties as primary instruments for acquisition and transfer of power from one set of individuals to another. Unfortunately, despite the significance of the above elements, no serious studies have been undertaken on Pakistan’s experimentation with democracy. Given a history of weak party system and prolonged military rule, most of the studies focus on the military, political parties, constitutional history, or in a descriptive way, attribute the failure of democracy to the inadequacies of the politicians [Ahmed (1987); Rizvi (1987); Callard (1957) and Afzal (1976)]. It is only recently that some theoretically meaningful and rigorous empirical writings have appeared on elections, procedures and practices of electoral contestation and on problems of transition from authoritarian regimes towards democracy [Waseem (1989); Wilder (1995); Talyor (1992); Rais (1997) and Shafqat (1997)].

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Ibraimi, Xhemazie. "An institutional approach to governance and corruption in Kosovo." Journal of Governance and Regulation 10, no. 2, special issue (2021): 238–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/jgrv10i2siart5.

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The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the activity of various state bodies which by implementing the law and bylaws protect the rule of law, democracy and human rights, honesty and social justice, and how these bodies are influenced by factors of various aspects of corruption, such as incompatibility between holding public office and carrying out profitable activities for officials, restrictions on the acceptance of gifts related to the performance of official duties, supervision of their assets and persons in close contact with them. Although corruption is widely and publicly discussed, the clearest definition is that corruption constitutes an abuse of office for private gain (The World Bank Group, 1997). To analyze this phenomenon, we will analyze the data published by the Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA), the data published by the Kosovo Special Prosecution Office, the data published by the EU progress report on Kosovo, as well as the published data by the Courts. Data analysis concludes on descriptive statistics, tables, and graphs of criminal reports, processed cases, and court decisions. Given that, corruption is severely damaging the country, we believe that corruption is the main obstacle for Kosovo to move forward in the dialogue on visa liberalization and get a positive response regarding the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) (Transparency International, n.d.). The study concludes that corruption is widespread in the main institutions of the country and its high presence in the judiciary is a very worrying issue. This paper is of great importance for policymakers, officials, scholars as to the processing, publication, and sanctioning will enable this phenomenon that has become a new way of governing to be stopped and the state to be built for society and to belong to society (Bekim, 2017).

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Matsiliza, Noluthando, and Nyaniso Zonke. "Accountability and integrity as unique column of good governance." Public and Municipal Finance 6, no. 1 (April 5, 2017): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/pmf.06(1).2017.08.

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The authors contend that accountability and integrity in public affairs are best preserved through enhancement of an integral system of legal prescripts, law, institutional policies and protocols. In the post-apartheid, South African public officials and political office bearers have been continuously criticized for allegedly transgressing ethical codes. Democracy has been tested due to violations of accountability, integrity and misconducts in the South African public service. However, this study argues that integrity can be enhanced when the society and those that are governing can preserve through specialized institutions legislation where law-makers are working with civil society to instill the culture of integrity.It is imperative to balance what is required for public officials’ conduct and what is done through parliamentary controls and certain caveats of highest honor. The value of accountability and integrity in public affairs can enjoy a resurgence in the last and present decade as the arrangements for public officials to operate in an environment that promotes good governance. This study reveals some concerns over the lack of commitment to preserve existing structures that could serve as mechanisms to promote good governance. A qualitative document analysis is employed to draw data from literature review. This paper’s findings contribute towards ethics and good governance in public administration.

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Sani, Ibrahim Muhammad. "Qualitative Islamic Education as a Panacea for Resolving Leadership and Good Governance Crises in a Democratic Society." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 32 (June 2014): 72–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.32.72.

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It was consequent upon the conformity, implementation, adoption and application in to practice of Islamic education found in operation for the avoidance of moral decadence many people were made morally sound. This paper justifies that the validity, relevance and impact of Islamic Education to the political, economical, social and religious beliefs of the people of the present Nigeria, as an essential ingredient of life that cannot be left unstudied. Nigeria, today is in leadership and good Governance crises. Citizen no longer trust their leaders because of their (leaders), in ability to deliver effective Democracy for good governance. This situation has led not only verbal but also physical attack on the leaders. Neither the political office holders nor the, hitherto scared traditional rulers and ruled are afraid of even their own shadows. It is in view of this that the paper tries to explain how Islamic Education can help resolve leadership and good governance crises in Nigeria.

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Murakami, Michael H. "Divisive Primaries: Party Organizations, Ideological Groups, and the Battle over Party Purity." PS: Political Science & Politics 41, no. 04 (October 2008): 918–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909650838127x.

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Of the many vital functions that political parties serve in American democracy, selecting candidates for public office is near the top of the list. Giovanni Sartori (1976) cites this purpose as their chief defining element—claiming that, at a minimum, a party is a “political group that presents at elections, and is capable of placing through elections, candidates for public office” (64). Moreover, understanding how parties vet, groom, select, and promote candidates is central to empirically evaluating the strength of political party organizations, the quality of elected policymakers, and ultimately the effectiveness of government. For scholars of American politics, this has led to fruitful lines of research on the processes that the Democratic and Republican Parties use to select their candidates—namely the conventions, primaries, and caucuses that nominate individuals for various federal, state, and local offices. For example, many have investigated the effects of reforms to the presidential nomination process in the early 1970s (Aldrich 1993; Hagen and Mayer 2000; Reiter 1985; Wayne 2000), some arguing that it took power of choosing candidates away from the party organizations and towards other institutions like the press, interest groups, and small ideological factions (Polsby 1983) with potentially negative consequences for governance.

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Tripathi, Sudhanshu. "Independent Regulatory Authorities: Analysing Accountability, Responsibility and Transparency." Indian Journal of Public Administration 64, no. 3 (July 17, 2018): 349–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556118783098.

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A regulatory authority is an autonomous body established by a federal, state or provincial government with a view to serve the interests of all stakeholders in a society. As the modern state is passing through neo-liberal phase towards reforming public services for accomplishing its goals for good governance, the role of Independent Regulatory Authorities becomes very important. But the spread of independent regulators means that more and more aspects of our lives are shaped by decisions made by institutions that are neither popularly elected nor are they under direct control of elected officials. Obviously, this has important implications for their accountability, responsibility and transparency in the present age of expanding democracy. A way-out may be to re-theorise public authority as an office for coordinating and harmonising diverse interests in a professional way so as to suit the requirements of governance conjointly performed by the state, civil society and market.

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Copus, Colin. "Elected Mayors in English Local Government: Mayoral Leadership and Creating a new Political Dynamic." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 9, no. 4 (October 19, 2011): 335–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/9.4.335-351(2011).

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The introduction of directly elected mayors into English local government was intended to bring about a new form of local political leadership, revitalise local politics and re-engage citizens with local democracy. Yet, English elected mayors were not given any new powers to distinguish them, or their councils, from the rest of local government or powers that would enable them to change the dynamic of local politics. The paper reports the findings of research which explored how elected mayors are developing their leadership role and asked if they are able to provide the sort of leadership envisaged for the new office. Keywords: • Directly elected mayors • political parties • governance • political leadership

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Wiebusch, Micha, and Christina Murray. "Presidential Term Limits and the African Union." Journal of African Law 63, S1 (May 2019): 131–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855319000056.

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AbstractA growing number of states have modified constitutionally determined presidential term limits or adopted a flexible interpretation of relevant constitutional provisions to allow incumbent leaders additional terms in the highest office. This article investigates African Union (AU) responses to attempts to overturn or weaken term limits on executive power, one of the most tenacious constitutional trends in Africa. Inspired by the AU's well-established discourse on “unconstitutional changes of government” under the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, the article frames the manipulation of presidential term limits as “undemocratic changes of the constitution”. From this perspective it argues for a more active role for the AU in monitoring and enforcing constitutionalism and respect for democratic standards by member states when they amend their constitution. It concludes with a tentative set of principles to guide processes of constitutional change in Africa.

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Enemuo, Francis C. "Elite Solidarity, Communal Support, and the 1999 Presidential Election in Nigeria." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503023.

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Modeled after the U.S. presidency, the office of the president of Nigeria is easily the most powerful position in the land. The president is both the chief of state and the head of government. The authority of the nation’s chief executive expanded greatly during the patrimonial regimes of General Ibrahim Babangida and General Sani Abacha. Indeed, not only was power concentrated in the hands of these despots, its exercise was also marked by massive corruption, brazen nepotism, and sustained brutality. Against this background, it was perhaps natural that the presidential election of February 27, 1999, would excite keen interest among the Nigerian populace, elite groups, ethnoregional blocs, and the international community. This article highlights some of the ethnoregional forces and elite interests that influenced the election and examines their possible implications for the sustenance of democracy and good governance in Nigeria.

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Oxtoby, Chris. "The Appointment of Judges: Reflections on the Performance of the South African Judicial Service Commission." Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 1 (February 2021): 34–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620946849.

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South Africa’s Constitution provides multitudinous examples of clear breaks from past governance structures and practices. Regarding the judiciary, one of many significant changes has been in how judges are appointed. Prior to the onset of constitutional democracy, judges were appointed by the executive, with consultation with the senior judiciary but little or no scope for broader input from any other stakeholders. The Constitution established the Judicial Service Commission (JSC), one of the major functions of which is to recommend the appointment of judges. The JSC was intended to mark a decisive break with the previous appointment system, by creating a broad-based structure that includes politicians, lawyers and judges. The JSC interviews prospective candidates for judicial office in public and provides the opportunity for other stakeholders to engage in the process. This article assesses the performance of the JSC over the first 25 years of South Africa’s constitutional democracy. Several shortcomings will be discussed, including the failure of the commission to develop and apply clear and consistent criteria, challenges with implementing demographic transformation of the judiciary, managing the role of politicians and politics in the judicial appointment process, and an apparent aversion to appointing independently-minded judges, informed at least in part by a restrictive understanding of the principle of the separation of powers.

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Ozoliņa, Liene. "Raspberries, Tablecloths, and Critical Thinking." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 4 (March 26, 2010): 572–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409358607.

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This article looks at three different sites in post-Soviet Latvia that have all been subject to liberal democratic reforms: the State Audit Office, a local municipality, and civic education classes in primary schools. These sites exemplify an introduction to the kind of accountability relations that are expected to exist in a liberal democracy. Through the lens of accountability, this article exposes how the democratic reform initiatives are taken up by Latvian citizens, in what has been called a “secondary production of knowledge,” to become part of their own tactics of survival and adjustment. The article reveals a sharp, morally charged juxtaposition of the “old” and the “new,” prevailing in the Latvian everyday reality. Governance reforms carry symbolic and moral urgency that stems from annihilation of the Soviet past. The reforms in this context serve as gestures to be made about one’s “modernness.” However, reorganization of governance practices on the ground reveals profound tensions when the new practices are endowed with locally relevant meanings. In this article, I attempt to demonstrate how the secondary production of knowledge coalesces into a sense of “cultural intimacy,” since often the individual’s deep commitment to the symbolic “new” has to coexist with awareness of one’s own incongruence with the new order.

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Tarasenko, T. M. "Delimitation of the political and criminal responsibility in terms of valuable basics of the public administration." Public administration aspects 6, no. 6-7 (August 14, 2018): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/151836.

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The Article discloses the essence of the problem concerning the delimitation of the political and criminal responsibility for the further development of the public administration. It has been revealed that differences in the development processes of relations in the matter of the political responsibility are disclosed in terms of the quality of democracy, as well as redistribution of the responsibility between the central, regional and local levels of the administration. In different countries, it finds various manifestations: failure to comply with standards of democracy and abusing the criminal responsibility; attempts to avoid the criminal prosecution for the abuse of power being limited to the political responsibility; raising the level of the responsibility, in particular, criminal one, at the subnational level of the power organization. In the broad sense, all the manifestations confirm the conclusion on the «responsibility crisis» aggravation in the conditions of the democratic system of values. The growing importance of the political responsibility in the representative democracy and development of the regional and local democracy are substantiated. It is noted that the principles of the political and legal system of the state should create the basis for the separation of the political and criminal responsibility. First of all, this refers to the Constitution, which is a form of the contract between the state and society; such capacity of the Constitution demonstrates the functioning and maturity of democracy, and respect for the law in the state. The issue of punishment for political mistakes or divergences should be regulated, to a large extent, by procedures of the political accountability. The important task in this regard is to ensure the clear regulation of the accountability procedures of power entities for their activities. There is a need in clarification of the criminal legislation categories, such as «abuse of power», «abuse of office», and «abuse of authorities». Filling them with a clearer content can be done on the basis of clarifying certain criteria (for example, intention, negligence, personal benefit, etc.). The emphasis is made to the importance of realizing the fact that the practice of transition to the judicial examination of cases to be heard within the limits of the political responsibility leads, in particular, to decreasing the role of citizens in the expression of no-confidence against authorities when assessing their activities. Moving away from the idea of considering the political responsibility based on the assessment of voters and population leads to its «lock-in» on the responsibility of public power authorities with respect to each other, which threatens to deepen the irresponsibility and to enhance the leveling of people’s sovereignty.It is noted that the crisis of the responsibility has various risks for democracy at different levels of the public administration. For the Ukrainian practice, they are, in particular, linked with the containment of the process of introducing the representative and direct democracy standards. For countries with long-standing traditions of the democracy governance, it finds expression in the certain limitation of the democratic system as for finding adequate responses to meet the current challenges faced by society in the process of implementing the public authority.

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Tolo, David, and Oluwakemi Ibidapo Abolarin. "Money Politics: The Problem of Good Governance in Ese-Odo Local Government Area, Ondo State, Nigeria." International Journal of Shari'ah and Corporate Governance Research 2, no. 2 (August 10, 2019): 54–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/ijscgr.v2i2.371.

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This study examined critically how money and gifts have been used to influence the electorates during elections in Ese-Odo Local Government Area of Ondo State. Politicians in Nigerian society, especially in Ese-Odo LGA seem to have their ways in forcing themselves into seat of power by manipulating the thought of the electorates thereby engaging them into vote-buying and vote-selling. The population for study consisted of 213600 citizens. The sample consisted of four hundred (400) respondents. Three research questions were raised for the purpose of the study. The data that were retrieved from the respondents were three hundred and ninety-eight. Descriptive statistics was used to analyse the data and one hypothesis was also tested. The study found out that using money and other gifts by the politicians to influence the electorates is one of the major reasons for bad governance in Ese-Odo LGA. The study concluded that money politics has brought a great setback to democracy and has hampered the development of the masses and that of the society at large. The study, there for, recommended that for there to be free and fair elections in the society, the electorates must be enlightened on the civic rights of the electorates so as not to get involved in money politics. This will enable the electorates to vote for any political aspirant of their choice. Electoral laws should be strictly adhered to, and any electoral officer who is involved in using the period of elections as a means of extorting money from the political contestants should be dealt with. However, any political member who is caught in the act of vote-buying should be severely punished according to electoral laws. By doing this, the masses will be able to secure their well-being and that of the generations yet to come for sustainable development.

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Panara, Carlo, and Michael Robert Varney. "Multi-level governance in the EU and EU democracy: Democratic legitimacy, democratic accountability and transparency of the European offices of the English local authorities in Brussels." Regional & Federal Studies 27, no. 2 (March 15, 2017): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2017.1308926.

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Kolos, B., and N. Lobaz. "What should be the judicial system of Ukraine?" Scientific Messenger of LNU of Veterinary Medicine and Biotechnologies 20, no. 86 (March 1, 2018): 121–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/nvlvet8623.

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The article outlines the proposed model for Ukraine of a new highly effective judicial system in which corruption and bribery will be impossible. It will be transparent, understandable, fair, transparent and accountable to Ukrainian citizens. After all, Ukraine has been shocking for the third decade by a mess in the state-government system. These are chaotic actions by government officials, the police, the SBU, the prosecutor's office and the courts. Therefore, this problem is complex. Because the occurrence of a problem in any process means that managing it is wrong. That is why Ukraine needs such a system of state governance based on the foundations of fundamental social sciences. Among the processes of public administration is a special place in the judicial system, designed to maintain justice in society. The system of democracy means that there should not be any official, enterprise or organization, uncontrolled and non-accountable community on the territory of the settlement! That is, the entire community, as the supreme authority in its territory, should be appointed, controlled, dismissed and punished for the offense by all the government positions, including the police, the prosecutor's office, the SBU, the courts. In this situation, double-no subordination must act. For example, a policeman should be administratively subordinated to the community, and methodically – the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine. After all, without exception, the governing bodies are obliged to ensure the freedom, rights, security and supreme power of the members of the community and the implementation of the National Idea. Therefore, the communities of the settlement are not in the right to impose any rulers from the outside. Because this is a dictatorship, not democracy. Therefore, the hierarchy of the judicial system in Ukraine should be built from below to the top. That is, from communities of settlements. For judges at these levels, they must vote in person. In the settlements, the entire community should be elected by the World Judges who are required to resolve the conflicts at the inception stage on the initiative of one, all conflating parties or third parties whose rights have been violated. The next instance should be the Local Court of the settlement, elected by the community. He should consider cases that were not resolved by the World judges, with their compulsory written conclusions. In the case of a judge of the Local Court, an Appellate Commission of the community of the village, in compliance with the freedoms, rights, security and supreme power of the person and the current legislation, shall consider the case of an unlawful decision. For making an illegal decision, the Commission has the right to impose on a judge and at the same time on the head of the court: a disciplinary sanction; dismiss from positions, deprive of all statuses and privileges; to prosecute them without the right to occupy any position related to legal activity for life. The highest judicial body should be the relevant Chamber of the Supreme Court of Ukraine. Judges of all levels must be selected on a competitive basis on the level of morality, on-national patriotic level, legal education and practical experience in legal work. The rest of the autonomous judicial structures must be eliminated as such, which rests on the body of the working people. Indeed, each judicial authority can, without any obstacles, have in its subordination the necessary sectoral Chambers.

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CHERNIAVSKY, EVA, and TOM FOSTER. "Permanent Crisis and Technosociality in Bruce Sterling's Distraction." Journal of American Studies 49, no. 4 (October 6, 2015): 711–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875815001681.

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Bruce Sterling's science fiction novel Distraction (1999) envisions a near-future (mid-twenty-first-century) US in which the economy has collapsed, entire categories of skilled and professional labor have ceased to exist, rampant and endemic joblessness leaves masses of the unemployed to survive on the margins as squatters and scavengers, the infrastructure of entire regions is in ruins (Louisiana is described as “underwater” and the West as “on fire”), and the ongoing crisis has enabled the proliferation of ad hoc governance structures (“State-of-Emergency cliques”), even as democratic institutions survive (just barely) in the eviscerated form of pure spectacle. In this world, where, as one character puts it, “money just doesn't need human beings anymore,” a significant portion of the population have opted out of the money economy altogether. Appropriating biotech that can fabricate nutrition from scrub grass and weeds, the novel's nomad proles live off roadside detritus, which they also use to fabricate the phones and laptops central to their wired, moneyless reputation economy. This paper addresses the relation in the novel between economic crisis, the demise of representational politics (what Slavoj Žižek calls the “divorce” of “capitalism and democracy”), and alternative forms of sociality, particularly in the figure of the nomad proles, and of the urban squatters described as practicing a kind of “digital socialism” in what were once the public spaces of government (Senate office buildings, for example). If the reversion to nomadism most emphatically signposts the dissolution of the social body in Distraction, Sterling's representation of the nomad communities also insists that disaggregation is not the same thing as disorganization. Quite the contrary, as one character notes of the nomads, “organization is the only thing they've got.” We are interested in the ways in which this networked form of belonging both does and does not decode as ethnicity, as well as the ways in which it orients the proles both to structures of authoritarian governance and to the (equally wired) edifice of corporate capital. Along related lines, we ask what kind of resistance to capitalism is imagined in a “digital socialism” where private property and the private sphere are “turned inside out” through rfid (radio frequency identification) tagging and ubiquitous mutual “sousveillance”? To what extent do the disruptive effects of new technologies, as embodied by both the nomad proles and the socialist squatters, represent a genuine political opportunity, and to what extent do they represent a technologically determinist fantasy of capitalist collapse without class struggle, in the spaces of newly mediated social possibility created by permanent crisis?

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Werlin, Herbert. "Governance or Democracy." Challenge 55, no. 1 (January 2012): 86–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/0577-5132550105.

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Correa, Amelia, and Romar Correa. "Democracy over governance." Revista de Economia Política 33, no. 4 (December 2013): 638–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0101-31572013000400005.

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Tiwari, R. S. "Good Governance: Populist Democracy to Quality Democracy." Indian Journal of Public Administration 48, no. 4 (October 2002): 582–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556120020402.

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Zamora, David, Juan Carlos Barahona, and Ileana Palaco. "Case: Digital Governance Office." Journal of Business Research 69, no. 10 (October 2016): 4484–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jbusres.2016.03.013.

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Sharma, Rajvir. "Democracy Governance and Globalisation." Indian Journal of Public Administration 51, no. 2 (April 2005): 304–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556120050214.

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Bang, Henrik P. "Between democracy and governance." British Politics 10, no. 3 (June 8, 2015): 286–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/bp.2015.28.

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Bula, German, and Raul Espejo. "Governance and inclusive democracy." Kybernetes 41, no. 3/4 (April 27, 2012): 339–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03684921211229442.

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Somerville, Peter. "Community governance and democracy." Policy & Politics 33, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/0305573052708438.

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Pierre, Jon. "Reinventing governance, reinventing democracy?" Policy & Politics 37, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 591–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557309x477208.

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Stame, Nicoletta. "Governance, Democracy and Evaluation." Evaluation 12, no. 1 (January 2006): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1356389006064173.

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Tarverdi, Yashar, Shrabani Saha, and Neil Campbell. "Governance, democracy and development." Economic Analysis and Policy 63 (September 2019): 220–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eap.2019.06.005.

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Baird, Ryan G. "Unpacking democracy and governance: Conceptualizing governance infrastructure." Social Science Information 51, no. 2 (May 24, 2012): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018412437112.

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This article argues that it is necessary to unpack and appropriately separate the concepts of democracy and governance. The impetus for this research comes from the ongoing and expanding convolution of the concepts of democracy and governance by academics, international institutions and policymakers. One of the more important areas of research that is affected by this convolution argues that democracies guarantee the rule of law and provide superior institutions which considerably influence not only developing states’ overall development trajectories, but also multinational firms’ decisions on where to do business. I argue that these superior institutions, such as the rule of law and quality bureaucracy, are separate from the institutions of democracy and constitute the concept of governance infrastructure. Moreover, it is the institutions that comprise governance infrastructure and not the institutions of democracy that are key institutional determinants of developing states’ economic outcomes. Therefore, only by appropriately conceptualizing governance infrastructure, as is done in this article, and separating it theoretically and empirically from democracy will scholars and policymakers move forward in understanding the determinants of economic development.

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Eadson, Will, and Bregje Van Veelen. "Assemblage-democracy: Reconceptualising democracy through material resource governance." Political Geography 88 (June 2021): 102403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2021.102403.

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Alfredsson, Gudmundur. "Arctic Governance: Human Rights, Good Governance and Democracy." Yearbook of Polar Law Online 4, no. 1 (2012): 141–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116427-91000088.

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Kim, B. Joon. "Democratic Governance and Discursive Democracy." Global Studies Journal 3, no. 2 (2010): 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1835-4432/cgp/v03i02/40682.

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Kendall, Nancy. "Localizing democracy and good governance." Peace Review 15, no. 3 (September 2003): 259–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1040265032000130832.

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Booher, David E. "Collaborative governance practices and democracy." National Civic Review 93, no. 4 (2004): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ncr.69.

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Kigongo‐Bukenya, Isaac M. N., and Sarah Kaddu. "Enhancing democracy and good governance." Library Review 60, no. 5 (May 24, 2011): 362–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/00242531111135281.

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Kalaycioğlu, Ersin. "Turkish Democracy: Patronage versus Governance." Turkish Studies 2, no. 1 (January 2001): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2001.11009173.

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Dryzek, John S., and Simon Niemeyer. "Deliberative democracy and climate governance." Nature Human Behaviour 3, no. 5 (April 8, 2019): 411–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/s41562-019-0591-9.

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GARDELS, NATHAN. "Consumer Democracy vs. Good Governance." New Perspectives Quarterly 27, no. 1 (January 2010): 2–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5842.2010.01123.x.

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Sørensen, Eva. "Institutionalizing interactive governance for democracy." Critical Policy Studies 7, no. 1 (April 2013): 72–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19460171.2013.766024.

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Burns, Danny. "Can Local Democracy Survive Governance?" Urban Studies 37, no. 5-6 (May 2000): 963–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00420980050011181.

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Youngs, Richard. "Democracy promotion as external governance?" Journal of European Public Policy 16, no. 6 (September 2009): 895–915. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760903088272.

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Wachhaus, Aaron. "Platform Governance: Developing Collaborative Democracy." Administrative Theory & Praxis 39, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 206–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10841806.2017.1345509.

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Srinivasan, T. N. "Democracy, markets, governance and development." Review of Development and Change 3, no. 2 (December 1998): 177–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0972266119980201.

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Kaufman, Bruce E. "Union governance and democracy: Introduction." Journal of Labor Research 21, no. 1 (March 2000): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12122-000-1000-9.

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Elvik, Rune. "Democracy, governance, and road safety." Accident Analysis & Prevention 154 (May 2021): 106067. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.aap.2021.106067.

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Bekkers, Victor. "The governance of back-office integration." Public Management Review 9, no. 3 (September 2007): 377–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14719030701425761.

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Pellizzoni, Luigi. "Democracy and the governance of uncertainty." Journal of Hazardous Materials 86, no. 1-3 (September 2001): 205–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0304-3894(01)00259-x.

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GERMAIN, RANDALL. "Financial governance and transnational deliberative democracy." Review of International Studies 36, no. 2 (April 2010): 493–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000124.

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Abstract:

AbstractRecent concern with the institutional underpinning of the international financial architecture has intersected with broader debates concerning the possibility of achieving an adequate deliberative context for decisions involving transnational economic governance. Scholars working within traditions associated with international political economy, deliberative democracy, cosmopolitanism and critical theory have informed this broader debate. This article uses this debate to ask whether the structure of financial governance at the global level exhibits the necessary conditions to support deliberative democracy. In particular, it considers the extent to which publicness and a public sphere have become part of the broader structure of financial governance. Although in some ways financial governance is a hard case for this debate, an argument can be made that a public sphere has emerged as an important element of the international financial architecture. At the same time, the analysis of the role of the public sphere in financial governance reveals important lessons which public sphere theorists and deliberative democracy advocates need to consider in order to extend their analysis into the realm of global political economy.

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Reed, Matthew. "Community Colleges, Shared Governance, and Democracy." PS: Political Science & Politics 50, no. 02 (March 31, 2017): 428–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096516002961.

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