Academic literature on the topic 'Oklahoma Civil War'

This paper considers references to Oklahoma in blues recordings from 1924 to 1941, and the paradox that, although the reality of life for African-Americans in that state was little different from life in the Deep South, the recordings usually speak of migration to Oklahoma in optimistic terms. The notion that the Indian Nation (a.k.a. ‘the Territory’) had been a refuge for runaway slaves is rebutted, together with the conclusion that optimistic references in the blues preserve this idea as a collective memory. What is being recalled is rather the period between the Civil War and statehood (1907): the former slaves of Native Americans in Oklahoma became tribal members, gaining the civil and property rights accorded to tribes-people, and the black townships movement offered the prospect of autonomy and self-government on the frontier. Two songs which take a negative view of Oklahoma's Jim Crow reality are also considered.

The late Kelly M. West, also known as the “father of diabetes epidemiology,” asserted in his 1974 essay, “Diabetes in American Indians and Other Native Populations of the New World,” that diabetes was extremely rare among Oklahoma Indians prior to 1940. He used no ethnohistorical data, instead basing his conclusions on the absence of the word “diabetes” in medical records and in interviews he claimed to have conducted with Oklahoma Indians. Yet to the contrary, historical and ethnobotanical data reveals that Indians in Indian Territory (made the state of Oklahoma in 1907) began suffering from food-related illnesses, including diabetes or pre-diabetes, before the Civil War. West's theory of 1940 is important. His assertion has not been challenged; his essay has been cited at least 260 times and as recently as 2016. This paper discusses diabetes among Oklahoma Indians before 1940 and reinforces the importance of utilizing ethnohistorical data in medical studies dealing with indigenous health, as well as understanding the connection between the loss of traditional foodways and the modern health crisis.

This paper identifies an exogenous variation in post–Civil War policy to examine the effect of land reform on racial inequality. The Cherokee Nation, located in what is now Oklahoma, permitted slavery and joined the Confederacy in 1861. During postwar negotiations, the Cherokee Nation agreed to provide free land for its former slaves. Using linked data that follow former slaves in the Cherokee Nation from 1880 to 1900, I find that racial inequality was lower in the Cherokee Nation in both 1880 and 1900. Land and the associated increase in incomes may have facilitated investment in both physical and human capital.

Scholars have long debated the complicity of Southern white women after the Civil War in helping create a racialist and racist regional identity and denying or delaying civil rights for African Americans. These studies have largely focused on the activities of elite white women property owners, club members, and writers. Yet few scholars have examined college women's activities in this regard, particularly those of the eight public colleges for women established in the South between 1884 and 1908: Mississippi State College for Women (MSCW) (1884), Georgia State College for Women (1889), Winthrop College in South Carolina (1891), North Carolina College for Women (NCCW) (1891), Alabama College for Women (ACW) (1893), Texas State College for Women (TSCW) (1901), Florida State College for Women (FSCW) (1905), and Oklahoma College for Women (1908). Little studied today, these schools served as important centers of women's education in their states, collectively educating approximately 100,000 women before World War II and with combined enrollments exceeding that of the Seven Sisters schools for many years.

After founding a weekly newspaper in 1915, Roscoe Dunjee spent the next four decades taking leading stands on civil rights issues. He spoke out editorially, and he also took personal risks to test discriminatory laws. He supported others who fought to integrate public transportation and schools. An activist, he sought to use peaceful methods to encourage change. In World War II he pointed out the incongruity of condemning Nazism for its treatment of Jews when blacks suffered continuing discrimination. Such protest earned the attention of the FBI's J. Edgar Hoover, who was not able to get Dunjee prosecuted during the war. Dunjee is one of twelve black leaders, including W.E.B. Du Bois and Frederick Douglass, recognized as “giants in American journalism” by the National Newspaper Publishers Association.

. إسلامية المعرفة عند السيد محمد باقر الصدر. حسن أحمد سالم العمري. بيروت: دار الهادي للنشر، 2003م، 176 ص. علم الكلام الجديد: نشأته وتطوره. إبراهيم بدوي، بيروت: دار العلم، 2002، سلسلة عالم الفلسفة والعرفان، 190 ص. الرؤية الكونية من المادية إلى العرفان. تأليف شادي فقيه، سلسلة عالم الفلسفة والعرفان رقم 9، بيروت: دار العلم، 2003، 232 ص. السلطة والمعارضة في الاسلام: بحث في إشكالية الفكرية والاجتماعية (11-132ﻫ)، زهير هواري، بيروت: المؤسسة العربية للدراسات والنشر، الطبعة الأولى، 2003، الحجم 612 صفحة. المدخل العلمي والمعرفي لفهم القرآن الكريم: نظرات في التجديد المنهجي. تأليف عمران سميح نزال، دمشق: دار قتيبة، وعمان: دار القراء، 2003، 270ص. عولمة الإسلام، أوليفيه روا، ترجمة لارا معلوف، بيروت: دار الساقي، 2003، 222ص. العرب والغرب. تحرير عبد الواحد لؤلؤة وآخرين، جرش، الأردن: جامعة فيلادفيا. 2003، 600 صفحة. عودة الاستعمار والحملة الأميركية على العرب. الفضل شلق. بيروت: دار النفائس، 2003، 303 ص. الدين في القرار الأمريكي. محمد السمّاك، بيروت: دار النفائس، 2003، 110 ص. التربية المتكاملة للطفل المسلم في البيت والمدرسة. عبد السلام عبد الله الجقندي، دمشق: دار قتيبة، 2003، 431 ص. المثقف والتغيير: قراءات في المشهد الثقافي المعاصر. تأليف د. صلاح جرار، بيروت: المؤسسة العربية للدراسات والنشر، وعمان: دار الفارس للنشر والتوزيع، 2003م. سادة العالم الجدد: العولمة - النهابون - المرتزقة – الغجر. جان بلغر. ترجمة محمد زكريا إسماعيل، بيروت: مركز دراسات الوحدة العربية، 2003، 304 ص. ما بعد الجهاد: أمريكا والبحث عن ديمقراطية إسلامية. تأليف نوح فلدمان وترجمة الناشر، عمّان: مركز جنين للدراسات الاستراتيجية، 2003. محنة أمة. د. مصطفي الفقي. القاهرة: دار الشروق، ط1، 2003م، عدد الصفحات: 450 ص. دفاع عن الإنسان دراسات نظرية وتطبيقية في النماذج المركبة. د. عبد الوهاب المسيري، القاهرة:دار الشروق، القاهرة، ط1، 2003م، 367 ص. في الخطاب والمصطلح الصهيوني دراسة نظرية وتطبيقية. د. عبد الوهاب المسيري، القاهرة:دار الشروق، ط1، 2003م، عدد الصفحات: 283 ص. العرب في أمريكا: صراع الغربة والاندماج. إعداد عدد من الباحثين، وتحرير ميخائيل وديع سليمان. بيروت: مركز دراسات الوحدة العربية، 2003م، 506 ص. Le Choc de l'Islam : XVIIIe-XXIe siècle. Marc Ferro. Paris: Odile Jacob, 2003, 247 pp. Antisémitisme: L’intolérable Chantage. Israél-palestine, une affaire française? Etienne Balibar et al. Paris : La Découverte, 2003, 144 p. Les penseurs libres dans l'Islam classique. L'interrogation sur la religion chez les penseurs arabes indépendants. Dominique Urvoy. Flammarion, 2003, 261 pp. Tensions and Transitions in the Muslim World. Loay Safi, New York: University Press of America, 2004, 230 pp. Globalization of the Other Underdevelopment: Third World Cultural Identities. By Mahmoud Thawadi. Kuala Lumpur: A.S. Noordeen, 2002, 161 pp. The Future of Political Islam. Graham E. Fuller. New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2003, 227 pp. Arab Human Development Report: Building the Knowledge Society in the Arab Countries. New York: United Nations, 2003, 202 pp. Martyrs: Innocence, Vengeance, and Despair in the Middle East. Joyce M. Davis. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003, 224 pp. Onward Muslim Soldiers: How Jihad Still Threatens America and the West. Robert Spencer, Washington, D.C.: Regnery Pub., Inc., 2003, 352 pp. Preachers of Hate: Islam and the War on America. Kenneth R. Timmerman, New York: Crown Forum, 2003, 370 pp. Diminished Democracy: From Membership to Management in American Civic Life. Theda Skocpol. Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 2003, 384 pp. The Cheating Culture: Why More Americans are doing Wrong to Get Ahead, Orlando, FL: David Callahan, 2004, 353 pp. Hegemony or Survival: America’s Quest for Global Dominance. Noam Chomsky, New York: Metropolitan Books, 2003, 278 pp. Perfectly Legal: The Covert Campaign to Rig our Tax System to Benefit the Super Rich and Cheat Everybody Else. David Cay Johnston, New York: Portfolio, 2003, 338pp. The Serenity Prayer: Faith and Politics in Times of Peace and War. Elisabeth Sifton. New York: W. W. Norton, 203, 288 pp. A People Adrift: The Crisis of the Roman Catholic Church in America. Peter Steinfels. New York: Simon & Shuster, 2003, 416 pp. A Poverty of Reason: Sustainable Development and Economic Growth. Wilfred Beckerman. Oakland: Independent Institute, 2002, 130 pp. The Crisis of Muslim History: Religion and Politics in Early Islam. Mohmoud Ayoub. Oxford, UK: OneWorld, 2003, 179 pp. Western Muslims and the Future of Islam. Tariq Ramadan, New York: Oxford University Press, 2004, 272 pp. Lies of George W. Bush: Mastering the Politics of Deception. David Corn. Crown Publishing Group. Sept. 2003. 352 pp. Fraud: The Strategy Behind the Bush Lies and Why the Media Didn’t Tell You. Paul Waldman. Sourcebooks Inc., Jan. 2004, 336 pp. The Looting of Social Security: How the Government is Draining America’s Retirement Account. Allen W. Smith. Carroll & Graf Publishers, Inc., November 2003, 233pp. Junk Politics. Benjamin De Mott. Thunder’s Mouth Press, December 2003, 304 pp. Had Enough? A Handbook for Fighting Back. James Carville. Simon & Schuster Adult Publishing Group, December 2003, 306 pp. The Bubble of American Supremacy: Correcting the Misuse of American Power. George Soros. Public Affairs, December 2003, 224pp. Taking Back Islam: American Muslims Reclaim Their Faith. Michael Wolfe (ed.), Rodale Inc., 2002, 240 pp. The Crisis of Islam: Holy War and Unholy Terro. Bernard Lewis, London: Weidenfeld & Nicloson, 2003, 144 pp. What Went Wrong? The Clash between Islam and Modernity in the Middle East. Bernard Lewis. Harper Collins Publisher, Jan. 2003, 186 pp. The Islamic Roots of Democratic Pluralism. AbdulAziz Sachedina. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001, 175 pp. للحصول على كامل المقالة مجانا يرجى النّقر على ملف ال PDF في اعلى يمين الصفحة.

Since 1900, United States troops have fought in more foreign conflicts than any other nation on Earth. Most Americans supported those actions, believing that they would keep the scourge of war far from our homes. But the strategy seems to have failed—it certainly did not prevent terror attacks against the U.S. mainland. The savage Oklahoma City bombing in 1995 and the 11 September 2001 (9/11) attacks on New York and Washington, D.C. were not the first to inflict war damage in America’s 48 contiguous states, however—nor were they the first warlike actions to harm innocent citizens since the Civil War. Paradoxically, making war abroad has always required practicing warfare in our own back yards. Today’s large, mechanized military training exercises have degraded U.S. soils, water supplies, and wildlife habitats in the same ways that the real wars affected war-torn lands far away. The saddest fact of all is that the deadly components of some weapons in the U.S. arsenal never found use in foreign wars but have attacked U.S. citizens in their own homes and communities. The relatively egalitarian universal service of World War II left a whole generation of Americans with nostalgia and reverence for military service. Many of us, perhaps the majority, might argue that human and environmental sacrifices are the price we must be willing to pay to protect our interests and future security. A current political philosophy proposes that the United States must even start foreign wars to protect Americans and their homes. But Americans are not fully aware of all the past sacrifices—and what we don’t know can hurt us. Even decades-old impacts from military training still degrade land and contaminate air and water, particularly in the arid western states, and will continue to do so far into the future. Exploded and unexploded bombs, mines, and shells (“ordnance,” in military terms) and haphazard disposal sites still litter former training lands in western states. And large portions of the western United States remain playgrounds for war games, subject to large-scale, highly mechanized military operations for maintaining combat readiness and projecting American power abroad.

This chapter addresses Article XXX of the Oklahoma constitution, which concerns the official actions of the state of Oklahoma. This article was adopted at an election held on November 2, 2010, making English the state’s official language. Supporters of such measures commonly argued it would ultimately increase the incentive for immigrants to learn English and assimilate and succeed in the United States, and would reduce budgetary pressures on the state. This provision does not prohibit private individuals and businesses from using whatever language they choose. It only affects official government business of the state of Oklahoma. In 2014, Oklahoma’s Court of Civil appeals upheld the article, concluding there is “no federal law requiring that Oklahoma’s Implied Consent Advisory [in the context of driving under the influence] be given in any language other than English.”

In the 1942 case of Skinner v. Oklahoma, the U.S. Supreme Court called “procreation” one of “the basic civil rights of man.” But this lofty rhetoric carries no binding authority as legal precedent, and it came when there was just one way to make a baby. More recent developments in medicine and technology separate sex from conception; biology from brute luck; and genetics from gestation or childrearing. Birth control, surrogacy, sperm banking, egg freezing, and embryo selection don’t just enhance control over whether, when, and how to reproduce—they reveal distinct interests in choosing pregnancy (gestating a fetus), parenthood (raising a child), and particulars (selecting offspring traits). The American legal system doesn’t recognize any general right to make decisions about having children, not aside from narrow limits against severe government restrictions on access to abortion and birth control. Procreation deserves greater protection because it goes to the heart of autonomy, well-being, and equality—these vital human goods give distinct reasons to care that individuals be able to choose whether, when, and how to reproduce. The greatest value of family planning has less to do with choices than consequences—consequences that lay identities, experiences, and opportunities on the line. Few other decisions or undertakings over the course of a lifetime so shape who a person is, how he spends his days, and how he wants to be remembered. Reproductive negligence can also erode social equality as surely as limiting access to those services and procedures in the first place.

Memorial response in the wake of violence is an expression of resilience—whether marking “everyday” acts of murder, or more dramatic outbreaks of terrorism or war. Particularly in an age of mass death, when individuals become statistics signifying the anonymous death of millions, such response is about more than providing a tranquil sacred space for rituals of mourning. It is a protest, a way of saying, “We will not let these dead become faceless and forgotten. This memorial exists to keep their names, faces, stories in our memories.” Increasingly, memorial expression has become an immediate language of engagement, not just a language of commemoration. This is clearly evident in the rise of a new generation of activist memorial environments, in particular the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum and the Oklahoma City National Memorial, consciously modeled after the Holocaust Museum. Both include memorial space, museum exhibition space, archival space, educational space, and outreach programs, promoting activist agendas designed to spark civic energies to combat anti- Semitism, terrorism, and other ills of modernity. Ideally, these institutions are sites of conscience on the civic landscape. Their role is to immerse visitors in a compelling and often horrific story, and transform them into actively engaged citizens. The terrorist attacks in Oklahoma City on April 19, 1995, and in New York on September 11, 2001, brought communities together and at the same time tore them apart. Whether represented in thousands of letters suggesting appropriate memorial forms, in the creation of so called spontaneous memorials—so popular now that they represent “planned spontaneity” and perhaps even memorial cliché—or in the formation of formal memorial processes, memorial expression helps people to transform bereavement, anger, fear, and resolve into an active communal grief that mournfully celebrates ongoing life, albeit transformed. There is instability in memorial expression, however. The fragility of memory is never more apparent than when memorials are envisioned. Memorial expression tasks creators to ensure remembrance through significant memorial forms, since the danger of forgetfulness, even oblivion, is enduring. There is instability as well in the rhetoric of civic resilience, which bravely proclaims that just as those murdered will be intensely remembered through memorials, the cityscape will be intensely remembered through acts of civic renewal.