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Journal articles on the topic 'Old Chinese Phonology'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 3 June 2025

Last updated: 1 August 2025

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1

Zhao, Xin. "500 years of Old Chinese phonology." Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics 14, no. 1 (2021): 104–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405478x-01401006.

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Abstract This article introduces research on Old Chinese phonology before the Qing dynasty by reviewing the important relevant literature of recent intellectual historians. The article has six parts. The first section is an introduction. The second through fourth parts review the views and arguments over how to understand the works of several important linguists, treating respectively the Southern Song (§ 2, containing Wú Yù 吳棫, Zhū Xī 朱熹 etc.), the Yuan (§ 3, containing Dài Tóng 戴侗, Liú Yùrǔ 劉玉汝, Xióng Pénglái 熊朋來 etc.), and the Ming (§ 4, containing Yáng Shèn 楊慎, Jiāo Hóng 焦竑, Chén Dì 陳第 etc

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2

Sagart, Laurent. "New Views on Old Chinese Phonology." Diachronica 10, no. 2 (1993): 237–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.10.2.06sag.

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3

MEI, Tsu-Lin. "Three Notes on Ancient Chinese Scripts and Old Chinese Phonology." Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics 1, no. 2 (2007): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405478x-90000017.

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4

Coblin, W. South. "William H. Baxter:A Handbook of Old Chinese Phonology." Monumenta Serica 43, no. 1 (1995): 509–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02549948.1995.11731284.

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Hill, Nathan W., and Johann-Mattis List. "Using Chinese Character Formation Graphs to Test Proposals in Chinese Historical Phonology." Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics 12, no. 2 (2020): 186–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405478x-01202008.

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This paper proposes the use of network techniques in the exploration of Old Chinese phonology as reflected in the phonophoric determinatives of xiéshēng 諧聲 characters. We use the approach to examine five specific proposals in Chinese historical phonology, and whether the distinctions suggested by these proposals can be said to be recoverable on the basis of phonophoric choice. The major finding is that the type A versus type B distinction is in some cases encoded in the choice of phonophoric determinative, while other distinctions are only spuriously if at all reflected in the phonophoric subs

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Xun, Gong. "Chinese loans in Old Vietnamese with a sesquisyllabic phonology." Journal of Language Relationship 17, no. 1-2 (2019): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/jlr-2019-171-209.

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7

Fowler, Vernon K. "Generative Phonology Sheds Light on Old Chinese “Allegro” Forms." Monumenta Serica 39, no. 1 (1990): 159–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02549948.1990.11731217.

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8

Sims, Nathaniel. "Workshop on recent advancements in Old Chinese historical phonology." Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 39, no. 1 (2016): 177–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ltba.39.1.08sim.

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9

Zheng, Wei. "Natural Sound Change and Its Patterns: The Case of the Lateral Approximant l." Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics 6, no. 2 (2012): 121–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405478x-90000103.

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In light of Chinese historical phonology, modern dialects, languages of Chinese minorities and field phonetics, this paper discusses (1) the development of the Yi-initial words from Old Chinese to Middle Chinese, (2) the development of the Lai-initial words from Middle Chinese to modern dialects, (3) the phonological behavior of segment l in different syllabic positions from the perspective of evolutionary phonology. Such evolutionary developments as palatalization, velarization, nasalization, labiodentalization, fricativization, strengthening and so on can be identified for approximant l. Thi

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Sun, Jingtao. "Progressive Reduplication in Old Chinese." Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics 3, no. 1 (2008): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405478x-90000046.

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On the basis of an extensive investigation into ancient texts, this paper analyzes the semantic motivation and the corresponding phonological alternation in the process of changing from a monosyllabic form to a disyllabic form, discovering that there is a progressive pattern of reduplication in Old Chinese, which mainly conveys either diminutive meaning or vivid description. This research has been carried out based on the following principles: 1) pay close attention to the interaction between phonology and morphology; 2) try to recover the particular semantic relationship between the base and

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11

Nohara, Masaki. "Old Chinese “west”: *snˤər". Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學 19, № 4 (2018): 577–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lali.00021.noh.

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Abstract This article aims to reconstruct the word “west” in Old Chinese phonology. In previous studies, since there was no sufficient evidence besides Chinese dialects, phonetic compounds, and phonetic loans, most scholars reconstructed its onset as *s-. One of the oldest dictionaries, Shuōwén jiězì 說文解字, includes two other written forms of 西 xī “west,” 卥 (Gǔwén 古文) and 卤 (Zhòuwén 籀文). This paper re-examines the reconstruction of the word 西 xī “west” and investigates the word 訊 xùn “to interrogate” seen in excavated documents. According to the Shuōwén, 訊 xùn also had another wri

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Behr, Wolfgang. "Xià: Etymologisches zur Herkunft des ältesten chinesischen Staatsnamens." Asiatische Studien 61, no. 3 (2007): 727–54. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1404586.

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Against the background of recent developments in the reconstruction of Old Chinese phonology and morphology, this paper reviews etymologies for the the alleged first Chinese dynastic name xià proposed in the literature so far, and looks into the history of its representation in writing. Six possible ethnonymic derivations are discussed and compared to typological parallels in genealogically unrelated language families. Proposals for an identification of xià in the oracle bone inscriptions are rejected. Finally, it is argued that – despite being fraught with uncertainties an

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13

Behr, Wolfgang. "Morphological notes on the Old Chinese counterfactual." Bochumer Jahrbuch zur Ostasienforschung 30 (Special issue, W. Behr & H. Roetz eds., Sprache und Denken in China und Japan [Language and thought in China and Japan]) (January 1, 2006): 55–88. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1404769.

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The claim that Chinese had neither unambiguous, nor obligatory syntactic or morphological markers of counterfactuality, which has loomed large with philosophers of language, sinologists, and cognitive psychologists during the better part of the 20th century, is reviewed here from a diachronic and typological perspective, focussing on Old Chinese (OC). In contradistinction from the cross-linguistically widespread use of past-tense morphology or, less commonly, of dissociative spatial markers, the predominant strategy to mark counterfactuals in OC was ‘direct’ assertion in the protas

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14

변지원. "The periodical principle of Old Chinese phonology research and its meaning." CHINESE LITERATURE 87, no. ll (2016): 115–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21192/scll.87..201605.005.

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15

Lin, Yen-Hwei. "San Duanmu (2000). The phonology of Standard Chinese. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pp. xv+300." Phonology 18, no. 3 (2001): 458–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675701004195.

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This new addition to the series on the phonology of the world's languages edited by Jacques Durand is the most comprehensive study of the synchronic phonology of Standard Chinese (or Standard Mandarin) since the publication of Cheng's (1973) monograph. Duanmu provides a detailed description of the phonological facts in Standard Chinese (henceforth SC), some of which are new or little studied before, offers new perspectives on old problems and proposes a theoretical analysis of these facts in current frameworks such as feature geometry, metrical phonology and Optimality Theory. The main innovat

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16

Kim, Younghwa. "A Study on the notation of Gishiwajinden and Ancient Japanese: From the Perspective of Notation Centered on 蘇 and 奴". Global Knowledge and Convergence Association 6, № 1 (2023): 139–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.47636/gkca.2023.6.1.139.

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The purpose of this paper is to more clearly understand the phonology of Wajinden through comparison with ancient Korean and Japanese materials. The subjects of the study were 蘇 and 奴, which have different phonetic values from ancient Japanese materials among the phonetic transcriptions shown in the Wajinden. As for the research method, the phonetic values of 蘇 and 奴 shown in the Wajinden were examined through the estimated Old Chinese phonology, the Fanqie(反切) in a Rhyme Dictionary(韻書), the phonetic values by scholars, and the examples of ancient Korean and Japanese materials. As a conc

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17

ALVES, Mark J. "Does Vietnamese have evidence for OC *-r?" Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 46, no. 2 (2017): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028-04602003.

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Specialists in Chinese historical phonology have claimed that some Vietnamese words with final /-j/ come from Old Chinese words with final *-r. This is reasonable to speculate as Proto-Austroasiatic finals *-r and *-l became final /-j/ in Vietnamese, parallel to the case in Sinitic. However, these Vietnamese words offer little evidence for OC *-r. Vietnamese did borrow a number of Late Old Chinese or Early Middle Chinese words reconstructed with final *-r after *-r merged with *-n in Eastern Han or later, and thus these words also have /-n/ in Vietnamese. Several other Vietnamese words with fi

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18

Boussaid, Youness. "A contrastive study of English and Chinese phonology: Special difficulties for young Chinese learners of English." International Journal of English Language and Linguistics Research 13, no. 1 (2025): 1–11. https://doi.org/10.37745/ijellr.13/vol13n1111.

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This article contrasts the phonology of English language and Standard Mandarin Chinese language, highlighting some of the phonological differences that may slow down the learning of English by young Chinese students (about 3-12 years old). This article also provides linguistically plausible accounts for some of the difficulties that Chinese students encounter in their English learning process. These difficulties are mainly rooted in English speakers being voicing-distinguishers and Chinese speakers being aspiration-distinguishers. The article concludes with countermeasures to deal with the spe

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19

Rongsong, Yao. "A Review of Scholarship on Old Chinese Phonology Published in Taiwan, 1983–1988." Early China 15 (1990): 237–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362502800005125.

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20

Gao, J. "The intensive controversy on Chinese historical phonology: refutation OF the liquid medial for division-2 in Old Chinese." Trames. Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences 25, no. 1 (2021): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3176/tr.2021.1.07.

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21

Shen, Zhongwei. "Phonological Features of Yuan Colloquial Chinese as Seen in Rashid al-Din's History of China." Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics 7, no. 1 (2013): 15–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405478x-90000108.

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Rashid al-Din (1247-1318)'s History of China, written in Persian, contains the names of the dynasties, and of kings and emperors, from prehistoric legends up to the Yuan dynasty. The phonetic transcription of these proper names is an important piece of information for us to understand the Chinese phonology of the Yuan dynasty. in order to correctly understand the phonological features of old Mandarin the possible phonological contrasts that can be represented in the Persian script are examined. it is shown that the Persian transcriptions did not create new letters for Chinese sounds. Thus all

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22

Sampson, Geoffrey. "An unaddressed phonological contradiction." International Journal of Chinese Linguistics 6, no. 2 (2019): 221–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.19007.sam.

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Abstract There is general agreement on the main features of the process through which the phonology of modern standard Chinese has evolved over three millennia from that of Old Chinese. However, according to general linguistic theory, that phonological history is impossible: the theory claims that no human language can evolve in the manner in which Chinese is believed to have evolved. Furthermore, this particular strand of general linguistic theory has recently been corroborated through stringent statistical testing. Thus there is a glaring contradiction between two areas of scholarship, and t

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23

Zhang, Lili. "A study of achievements and prospects of the Old Chinese phonology since the 20th century." Korea Journal of Chinese Linguistics 95 (August 30, 2021): 25–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.38068/kjcl.95.2.

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24

Jin, Jun-mei. "C-l-/C-r- Binomes as Reflected in the Guangyashuzheng: About the Relationship Between Binomes and Initial Clusters." Society for Chinese Humanities in Korea 84 (August 31, 2023): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35955/jch.2023.08.84.37.

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Binomes(聯綿詞) have been extensively discussed in various studies as evidence of the existence of initial clusters(複輔音) in Old Chinese. Notably, binomes with the second syllable being consonant “r-” or “l-” have been particularly emphasized and utilized as evidence for the study of initial clusters. As a consequence, the prevailing consensus among scholars posits that binomes emerged through the division of initial clusters. However, the specific phonetic processes that led to the evolution of binomes from initial clusters remain a relatively understudied aspect. This paper aims to meticulously

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Behr, Wolfgang. "Hinc sunt leones – two ancient Eurasian migratory terms in Chinese revisited (I-II)." International Journal of Central Asian Studies 9; 10 (January 1, 2004): 1–25. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1404744.

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Hinc sunt leones – two ancient Eurasian migratory terms in Chinese revisited (I-II) <strong> </strong>International Journal of Central Asian Studies 9, 2004, pp. 1-25, 10, 2005, pp. 1-22.

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野原, 将揮. "The reconstruction of the word <i>shao</i> (少) in Old Chinese Phonology". Bulletin of the Chinese Linguistic Society of Japan 2015, № 262 (2015): 57–75. https://doi.org/10.7131/chuugokugogaku.2015.262_57.

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27

Wang, Qing. "On the Progress of Phonemic Analysis of Chinese Word Syllables." Journal on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 5, no. 1 (2023): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/jala.v5-i1-a2.

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The process of the sound notation of sinographs arose in China to address problems in pronunciations. Attention to this process is almost as old as the use of the sinographs, and thus has marked historical relevance. Throughout this extended period of time, there was no strong appropriate method to convey the pronunciation of sinographs to the learners of the language, despite several attempts. With the design of different methods of sinograph sound notation, that is, direct notation, the fan-qie method, the national sound notation alphabet, and the scheme of the Chinese phonemic alphabet, the

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Dede, Keith. "Standard Chinese and the Xining dialect." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 16, no. 2 (2006): 319–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.16.2.10ded.

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Xining, the capital of Qinghai province, is an especially valuable location for observing the spread and influence of Standard Chinese, or Putonghua, for at least two reasons. First, the dialect’s history of contact with non-Sinitic languages, mostly Tibetan and Mongolic languages, created an older linguistic stratum that differs markedly from other Mandarin dialects, indeed with most all Chinese dialects, in clearly identifiable ways, so that comparisons between Standard Chinese and variations within the Xining dialect reflect unambiguous cases of standard cum dialect language contact. Second

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Zakharov, Anton. "Recent Researches of Insular Southeast Asia and the Problem of Srivijaya." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 4 (2023): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080025865-8.

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Historical geography of early Southeast Asia remains a point at issue since the late nineteenth century. Since George Cœdès discovered ‘The Kingdom of Srivijaya’ in his 1918 paper, its history, chronology, and localization is still a subject of long debates despite a few data available. While the center of Srivijaya may be located in the area of modern Palembang in South Sumatra because of Old Malay and Sanskrit inscriptions and other archaeological findings, there is still a problem of its long-term polity which presumably survived for several centuries, changed its name from Shilifoshi 室利佛逝t

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Thamrin, Lily. "Phonological Description of Teochew Dialect in Pontianak West Kalimantan." Lingua Cultura 14, no. 2 (2020): 195–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/lc.v14i2.6600.

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The research aimed to describe the phonological system of the Pontianak Teochew dialect spoken by the Chinese community in West Kalimantan, including vocals, consonants, and tones, using descriptive method. The phonological escription in question included both phonetic and phonemic descriptions with the subject of language that objectively and accurately describes the current aspects of Teochew’s phonology. The phonetic system of the Pontianak Teochew language would be articulately identified based on the way sounds are formed by human speech tools, namely through consonants, vocals and diphth

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Behr, Wolfgang. "Tracing variation in Old Chinese: What, if anything, was "yǎyán 雅言"?" Journal of Chinese Linguistics 51, № 2 (2023): 287–346. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2023.a902792.

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ABSTRACT: Based on the single pre-Qin attestation of the compound yǎyán 雅言 in the Confucian Analects ( Lúnyǔ 論語 7.18) the idea of a normative spoken standard language is often projected back by early modern and modern authors into remote pre-imperial antiquity. An overview of the conceptual history of the term and of the competing etymologies of yǎ in early Chinese texts is offered in order to problematize this "invented tradition" and its ideological baggage. Four types of evidence (uniformity of phonology and syntax in excavated texts, ode citation practices, phonophoric repair by double pho

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32

Qinghe, XIAO. "New Research on Confucian Christian Liu Ning during early Qing Dynasty." International Journal of Sino-Western Studies 20 (July 14, 2021): 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.37819/ijsws.20.111.

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Researches on common Christians in the early Qing dynasty is relatively scarce. ’I'his essay tried to uncover and investigate the family? lives? writings?communications and thought of Liu Ning> who was a Christian and also a Confucian adept in studying ancient Confucian classics and Chinese philology and phonology in the early Qing. Some new historical materials prove that Liu was born in 1 620, not as some scholars said in 1625; and he died nearly in 1715 when he was 96 years old. He was probably baptized by Prosper Intorcctta (1625——1696.) in Nanfeng County or by other missionaries before

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33

Peyraube, Alain. "WILLIAM H. BAXTER, A Handbook of Old Chinese Phonology, Trends in Linguistics, Studies and Monographs 64. Berlin & New York : Mouton de Gruyter, 1992. 922 pp." T'oung Pao 82, no. 1 (1996): 153–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568532962631094.

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34

Behr, Wolfgang. "Gerhard Schmitt (1933–2017)." Early China 41 (January 1, 2018): 1–15. https://doi.org/10.1017/eac.2018.2.

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35

List (游函), Johann-Mattis. "Using Network Models to Analyze Old Chinese Rhyme Data (用網絡模型來分析古代漢語的韻母數據)". Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics 9, № 2 (2016): 218–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405478x-00902004.

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The evidence one can draw from the rhyming behavior of Old Chinese words plays a crucial role for the reconstruction of Old Chinese, and is particularly relevant to recent proposals. Some of these proposals are no longer solely based on the intuition of scholars but also substantiated by statistical arguments that help to assess the probability by which a given set of rhyming instances can be assigned to an established rhyme group. So far, however, quantitative methods were only used to confirm given hypotheses regarding rhyme groups in Old Chinese, and no exploratory analyses that would creat

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36

Norman, Jerry. "A Handbook of Old Chinese Phonology. By William H. Baxter. Trends in Linguistics: Studies and Monographs, No. 64. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 1992. 922 pp. DM 338.00." Journal of Asian Studies 52, no. 3 (1993): 704–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058873.

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37

Behr, Wolfgang. ""Jiăgŭwén suŏjiàn ruògān shànggŭ Hànyŭ fùshēngmŭ wèntí lícè" 甲骨文所見若干上古漢語複聲母問題蠡測 [Desultory jottings on some problems of initial consonant clusters as reflected in oracle bone inscriptions]". Shēngyùn lùncóng 聲韻論叢 VI (1 січня 1998): 471–530. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1401780.

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“Jiăgŭwén suŏjiàn ruògān shànggŭ Hànyŭ fùshēngmŭ wèntí lícè” 甲骨文所見若干上古漢語複聲母問題蠡測 [Desultory jottings on some problems of initial consonant clusters as reflected in oracle bone inscriptions]

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38

Escher, Julia, and Yves Trachsel. "Shimunek, Andrew: Languages of Ancient Southern Mongolia and North China – A Historical-Comparative Study of the Serbi or Xianbei Branch of the Serbi-Mongolic Language Family, with an Analysis of Northeastern Frontier Chinese and Old Tibetan Phonology." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 72, no. 4 (2018): 1231–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2018-0039.

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Wilkens, Jens. "Shimunek, Andrew : Languages of Ancient Southern Mongolia. A Historical-Comparative Study of the Serbi or Xianbei Branch of the Serbi-Mongolic Language Family, with an Analysis of Northeastern Frontier Chinese and Old Tibetan Phonology. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz 2017. L, 519 S. 8° = Tunguso Sibirica 40. Hartbd. € 98,00. ISBN 978-3-447-10855-3." Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 116, no. 4-5 (2021): 413–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/olzg-2021-0132.

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40

Lee, Man Hei. "Phonological features of Caijia that are notable from a diachronic perspective." Journal of Historical Linguistics, September 26, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhl.21025.lee.

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Abstract This study sets out several phonological features in Caijia that are notable from a diachronic point of view. The Caijia language is an endangered language spoken in northwestern Guìzhōu, China. It was first formally documented in the early 1980s and is generally viewed as a Sinitic language. Some aspects of Caijia phonology are noteworthy from the perspective of historical phonology. There exist features which cannot be accounted for in terms of Middle Chinese (MC), such as the retention of the contrast between Old Chinese (OC) T-type and L-type onsets in words with d- or dr- in Midd

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Pulini, Michele. "Some Attempts at Enhancing Old Chinese Reconstructions Through the Lens of Paleography." 60 | 2024, no. 1 (July 25, 2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/annor/2385-3042/2024/01/010.

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The available reconstruction systems of Old Chinese have proven to be indispensable tools for research in different fields, nevertheless, they remain flawed in many aspects and thus call for continuous refinement. Focusing on Baxter and Sagart’s reconstruction (2014), in this paper I will argue that a more systematic way of incorporating palaeographic data as an integral part of the methodology could enhance the reconstruction outcomes. In particular, the graphic forms preceding the kaishu 楷書 script of many characters and the frequent cases of phonetic borrowing in unearthed texts can provide

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42

Behr, Wolfgang. "The Extent of Tonal Irregularity in Pre-Qin Inscriptional Rhyming." Hànyŭshĭ yánjiū — jìniàn Lĭ Fāngguī xiānshēng băisuì míngdàn lùnwénjí 漢語史研究—紀念李方桂先生百歲冥单誕論文集, January 1, 2004, 111–45. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1404740.

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The Extent of Tonal Irregularity in Pre-Qin Inscriptional Rhyming in: Anne O. Yue, Ting Pang-hsin & Hoh Dah-an eds., Hànyŭshĭ yánjiū — jìniàn Lĭ Fāngguī xiānshēng băisuì míngdàn lùnwénjí 漢語史研究—紀念李方桂先生百歲冥单誕論文集, Taipei: Academia Sinica, pp. 111-146.

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43

楊, 濬豪. "重新驗證新構上古音系統的一部多元音説———以安大簡《詩經》爲主要探討對象". 人文中國學報, 1 грудня 2022, 37–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.352625.

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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English. 對於上古漢語元音系統的構擬，目前學界有“一部一元音説”與“一部多元音説”兩種看法。爲了探討“一部一元音説”與“一部多元音説”的分歧，本文擬由《安徽大學藏戰國竹簡（一）》———目前出土文獻所見最早傳抄版本的《詩經》進行韻腳系聯，以音位及押韻條件重新驗證新構上古音學者的“一部多元音説”。 There are two theories on the Old Chinese vowel system: one is “one rhyme group with one vowel” and the other is “one rhyme group with multiple vowels.” The rhymes of the Book of Odes are one of the most important materials for the reconstruction of ancient Chinese phonology, especially in examining the differences between these two theories. This paper aims to re-examine th

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郭, 必之. "段玉裁《説文解字注》「嚴分之、脂、支」現象析論". 人文中國學報, 1 липня 2000, 131–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/sinohumanitas.72359.

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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English. 段玉裁把古韻分為十七部，比江永多出四部。這是因為他把之、脂、支分為三部，真、文分為兩部，幽、侯分為兩部。關於「真、文分立」和「幽、侯分立」，容另文討論，本文只著重探討「之、脂、支分立」及一些相關的問題。段玉裁似乎特別重視這個由自己發明的理論，他不單用了較長的篇幅來解釋「之、脂、支分立」的原因，還用它來修改《説文》的音韻現象，使《説文解字注》（以下或簡稱「段《注》」）充滿了「之、脂、支分立」的氣味。具體一點説，段氏通過改反切、改聲符、改讀若等手段來表達三部分用的理念。據我們的統計，這種「嚴分之、脂、支」的現象在段《注》裏共出現了一百多次，數量不容小覷。可惜的是，前人大都只著眼於「之、脂、支分立」的理據，忽略了段《注》裏有關的材料。雖然學者很少留意，但這個課題絕對值得研究。Duan Yucai (1735-1815) was one of the greatest Qing philologists whose works include Shuowen Jiezi Zhu --- a commentary on Shuowen Jiezi, the earliest extant study of Chinese paleography by the

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Ying, Jinqi. "Fuhai Zhang 張富海: Essays on Chinese Palaeography and Old Chinese Phonology古文字與上古音論稿 (Excavated Documents and Studies on Ancient Chinese Scripts Series.) 320 pp. Shanghai: Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House, 2021. ISBN 978 7 5732 0072 3." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 19 лютого 2024, 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x24000041.

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"Abstracts: Language learning." Language Teaching 40, no. 4 (2007): 337–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261444807004594.

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07–533Anh Tuan, Truong & Storch Neomy (U Melbourne, Australia; neomys@unimelb.edu.au), Investigating group planning in preparation for oral presentations in an EFL class in Vietnam. RELC Journal (Sage) 38.1 (2007), 104–124.07–534Bada, Erdogan & Bilal Genc (U Çukurova, Turkey; erdoganbada@gmail.com), An investigation into the tense/aspect preferences of Turkish speakers of English and native English speakers in their oral narration. The Reading Matrix (Readingmatrix.com) 7.1 (2007), 141–150.07–535Beasley, Robert (Franklin College, USA; rbeasley@franklincollege.edu), Yuangshan Chuang &am

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