Relevant bibliographies by topics / Old English manuscripts; Latin manuscripts

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Old English manuscripts; Latin manuscripts'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 8 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Old English manuscripts; Latin manuscripts"

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Roberts, Brynley F. "The discovery of Old Welsh." Historiographia Linguistica 26, no. 1-2 (September 10, 1999): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.26.1-2.02rob.

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Summary Edward Lhuyd’s (1660–1709) Archaeologia Britannica (Oxford 1707), was intended to be a study of early British history together with copies of some of the original source material The only volume to appear, entitled Glossography, printed glossaries and grammars of the Celtic languages and lists of Irish and Welsh manuscripts, and it set out the principles of phonetic changes and correspondences so that linguistic and written evidence for the relationships of the first (Celtic) inhabitants of the British Isles could be evaluated. The antiquity of the evidence was of prime importance. Lhuyd sought the ‘very ancient’ written sources which would bridge the gap between the post-Roman inscriptions and the medieval Welsh manuscripts which he had seen. Humphrey Wanley (1672–1726), the Old English scholar, drew his attention to the Lichfield gospel book and two Latin manuscripts at the Bodleian Library which contained Welsh glosses and Lhuyd himself discovered the Cambridge Juvencus manuscript. These were the oldest forms of Welsh which he had seen. He analysed the palaeography, the orthography and vocabulary of these witnesses, and although he was not able fully to comprehend these records, he was able to begin to describe the characteristics of the British insular hand and to define some of the features which distinguished Old Welsh from Middle Welsh.
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Sauer, Hans. "The Latin and the Old English Versions of St Augustine’s Prayer in his Soliloquia: A Study and a Rhetorical Synopsis." Anglia 137, no. 4 (November 11, 2019): 561–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ang-2019-0053.

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Abstract A special kind of a short text that is embedded in a larger text is the prayer near the beginning of St Augustine’s Soliloquia, which serves as a kind of introduction to the ensuing dialogue. The relatively independent nature of this prayer was recognized early on, and in addition to its transmission in the manuscripts of the Soliloquia it has also been transmitted as an independent prayer. Something similar happened to the Old English translation. There is a full translation of the entire text, traditionally ascribed to King Alfred (and his learned helpers), but preserved only in a much later manuscript (London, British Library, Cotton Vitellius A.xv); however, a shortened version of the prayer was included in a collection of brief penitential texts in an earlier manuscript (London, British Library, Cotton Tiberius A.iii). In the present article I look at the structure of the Latin prayer and at its Old English translation, especially the relation of the two manuscript versions and their value for textual criticism and the reconstruction of the original version, their relation to the Latin source, and the rhetoric of the Latin prayer and its Old English translation, including a brief discussion of the binomials used. The Appendix provides a synoptic version of the Latin text and the two manuscript versions of the Old English translation, highlighting their rhetorical structure, something that to my knowledge has never been done for the Old English translation.
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Liuzza, Roy Michael. "The Yale fragments of the West Saxon gospels." Anglo-Saxon England 17 (December 1988): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100004026.

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The manuscripts which contain the Old English translation of the gospels have been little studied since Skeat's compendious editions of the last century, yet the interest and importance of these codices, no less than that of the texts they preserve, should not be underestimated. The vernacular translation of a biblical text stands as a monument to the confidence and competence of Anglo-Saxon monastic culture; the evidence of the surviving manuscripts can offer insights into the development and dissemination of this text. The following study examines two fragments from an otherwise lost manuscript of the West Saxon gospels, which are preserved as an endleaf and parchment reinforcements in the binding of a fourteenth-century Latin psalter now in the Beinecke Library at Yale University, Beinecke 578. I shall first discuss the psalter and its accompanying texts in the attempt to localize the manuscript and its binding. I shall then turn to the West Saxon gospel fragments; after presenting a description and, for the first time, a complete transcription, I shall attempt to locate this text in the context of other Anglo-Saxon gospel manuscripts.
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Langefeld, Brigitte. "A third Old English translation of part of Gregory's Dialogues, this time embedded in the Rule of Chrodegang." Anglo-Saxon England 15 (December 1986): 197–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100003768.

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Gregory's Dialogues are a hitherto unnoticed source of the final chapter of the enlarged version of the Rule of Chrodegang of Metz. The chapter in question, no. 84 or 86 depending on the recension of the Latin text, is preserved in the following manuscripts (the letters in brackets are the sigla used for these manuscripts throughout this article):Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, lat. 1535 (P), 113V–149V. Second quarter of the ninth century, possibly written at Fécamp. Latin text only, 86 chapters.
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Rudolf, Winfried. "The Homiliary of Angers in tenth-century England." Anglo-Saxon England 39 (December 2010): 163–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675110000098.

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AbstractLatin manuscripts used for preaching the Anglo-Saxon laity in the tenth century survive in relatively rare numbers. This paper contributes a new text to the known preaching resources from that century in identifying the Homiliary of Angers as the text preserved on the flyleaves of London, British Library, MS Sloane 280. While these fragments, made in Kent and edited here for the first time, cast new light on the importance of this plain and unadorned Latin collection for the composition of Old English temporale homilies before Ælfric, they also represent the oldest surviving manuscript evidence of the text.
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Gretsch, Mechthild. "The Junius Psalter gloss: its historical and cultural context." Anglo-Saxon England 29 (January 2000): 85–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100002428.

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Oxford, Bodleian Library, Junius 27 (S.C. 5139), the Junius Psalter, was written, Latin text and Old English gloss, probably at Winchester and presumably during the reign of King Edward the Elder. Junius 27 is one of the twenty-nine complete or almost complete psalters written or owned in Anglo-Saxon England which have survived. (In addition to these twenty-nine complete psalters, eight minor fragments of further psalters are still extant.) This substantial number of surviving manuscripts and fragments is explained by the paramount importance of the psalms in the liturgy of the Christian church, both in mass and especially in Office. Junius 27 is also one of the ten psalters from Anglo-Saxon England bearing an interlinear Old English gloss to the entire psalter. (In addition there are two psalters with a substantial amount of glossing in Old English, though not full interlinear versions.) Since our concern in the first part of this article will be with the nature of the Old English glossing in the Junius Psalter, and its relationship to other glossed psalters, it is appropriate at the outset to provide a list of the psalters in question. At the beginning of each of the following items I give the siglum and the name by which the individual psalters are traditionally referred to by psalter scholars. An asterisk indicates that the Latin text is a Psalterium Romanum (the version in almost universal use in England before the Benedictine reform); unmarked manuscripts contain the Psalterium Gallicanum. For full descriptions of the manuscripts, see N. R. Ker, Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon.
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O'Connor, Patricia. "Marginalised Texts: The Old English Marginalia and the Old English Bede in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 41." Boolean: Snapshots of Doctoral Research at University College Cork, no. 2015 (January 1, 2015): 152–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/boolean.2015.31.

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Bede was a prolific writer in Anglo-Saxon England who, over the course of his prodigious literary career, produced a diverse range of Latin texts encompassing educational and scientific treatises as well as Biblical commentaries. Out of all his Latin works, Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum (The Ecclesiastical History of the English People) is regarded as his greatest achievement, as it provides significant insights into a largely undocumented period in English history. The Historia Ecclesiastica was translated into the vernacular sometime in the late ninth or early tenth century and this translation is commonly referred to as the Old English Bede. The Old English Bede survives in five extant manuscripts, dating from the mid tenth and late eleventh century: Oxford, Bodleian Library, Tanner 10; London, British Library, Cotton Otho B. xi; Oxford, Corpus Christi College, 279; Cambridge, University Library Kk. 3.18 and Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, 41, the last of which ...
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Marsden, Richard. "Old Latin Intervention in the Old English Heptateuch." Anglo-Saxon England 23 (December 1994): 229–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100004555.

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The Old Testament translations in the compilation known as the Old English Hexateuch or Heptateuch are based on good Vulgate exemplars. That is to say, where variation can be demonstrated between the version associated with Jerome's late fourth-century revision and the pre-Hieronymian ‘Old Latin’ versions, the Old English translations can be shown to derive from exemplars carrying the former. The opening of Genesis–‘On angynne gesceop God heofonan 7 eorðan. seo eorðe soðlice was idel 7 æmti’–illustrates this general rule. Behind it is the Vulgate ‘in principio creauit Deus caelum et terram. terra autem erat inanis et uacua”, not a version with the characteristic ‘old’ readings, such as fecit for creauit and inuisibilis et inconpositas for inani et vacua. Indeed, much of the Old English translation, especially in Genesis, is sufficiently full and faithful for the identification of specific Vulgate variants in the exemplar text to be made with some confidence and for the influence on it of the important Carolingian revisions asssociated with Orléans and Tours to be demonstrated. There is, however, a small number of Old English readings throughout the Heptateuch for which Latin parallels in the thirty or so collated Vulgate manuscripts are unknown or hardly known. Instead, they appear to derive from models available in pre-Hieronymian texts. Uncertainty often surrounds their identification, owing to the complexities both of the translation process and the history of the Latin Bible. Understanding their origins involves consideration of the influence of patristic literature and the liturgy, as well as the availability of ‘contaminated’ exemplar texts.
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Christiansen, Bethany. "Scytel: A New Old English Word for ‘Penis’." Anglia 136, no. 4 (November 9, 2018): 581–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ang-2018-0060.

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Abstract In this paper, I examine the Old English word scytel, which appears in the Old English Medicina de quadrupedibus. I argue that, contrary to definitions offered in current Old English lexical aids, scytel does not mean ‘dung’, but rather ‘penis’. In the Medicina de quadrupedibus, OE scytel translates Lat. moium (from Greek μοιóν) ‘penis’. I begin by tracing the development of the definition/s of scytel in the lexicographic tradition (Sections 1.1 and 1.2) and in editions of the Medicina de quadrupedibus (Section 1.3). Starting with Bosworth-Toller (1882–1898), scytel (1) was defined as ‘dung’, apparently on the misperception of an etymological relationship between scytel (1) and Old English scitta, n. ‘shit’. Section 2 offers a discussion of the manuscripts containing the Old English Medicina de quadrupedibus and its Latin source text, and Section 3 contains a discussion of the two relevant recipes that contain OE scytel (1). In Section 4.1 I show that, in fact, scytel (1) cannot be etymologically related to any scit‑/scīt‑ ‘shit’ words in Old English, as the two derive from separate Germanic (Gmc.) and Proto-Indo-European (PIE) roots. In Section 4.2, I argue that the scribe of the manuscripts containing scytel could not have written a non-etymological <y> for /i/, which eliminates the possibility that scytel is connected to scit‑/scīt‑ ‘shit’. It becomes clear, as demonstrated in Section 4.3, that scytel (1) ‘penis’ and scytel (2) ‘dart’ can be reconciled as a single dictionary entry, with ‘penis’ as a metaphorical extension of ‘dart’. I demonstrate in Section 4.4 that, from a cross-linguistic perspective, ‘dart’ > ‘penis’ is a well-attested semantic shift. Ultimately, it is clear that the Old English translator/s of the Medicina de quadrupedibus correctly translated the rare Latin word for ‘penis’ they encountered in the source text.
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Lendinara, Patrizia. "The third book of theBella Parisiacae Urbisby Abbo of Saint-Germain-des-Prés and its Old English gloss." Anglo-Saxon England 15 (December 1986): 73–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100003690.

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A certain ‘Descidia Parisiace polis’, which can safely be identified with the work of Abbo of Saint-Germain-des-Prés now commonly known as theBella Parisiacae Urbis, is listed among the books given by Æthelwold to the monastery of Peterborough. We shall never know if Æthelwold's gift corresponds to any of the surviving manuscripts of Abbo's poem – though probably it does not – but the inventory gives evidence of the popularity of his work in England. In the following pages I shall consider the genesis and successive fortune of Abbo's poem and provide a new assessment of the value of theBella Parisiacae Urbis. This assessment is a necessary first step to the understanding of the reasons for the success of his poem – and specifically of its third book – in England, as is witnessed by the number of English manuscripts containing the Latin text and by the Old English gloss which was added to this small, intriguing work.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Old English manuscripts; Latin manuscripts"

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Collier, Wendy Edith Jane. "The Tremulous Worcester Scribe and his milieu : a study of his annotations." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283522.

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Smith, Andrea Beth. "Old English words for Old Testament law : the evidence of the anonymous parts of the Old English Hexateuch and other literal translations of Latin." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252651.

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Tunbridge, Genny Louise. "A study of scribal practices in early Irish and Anglo-Saxon manuscripts." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8fc8f8de-0229-4f89-9816-e53bf8c6cc7e.

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This thesis describes and accounts for certain innovative scribal practices in Irish and Anglo-Saxon manuscripts of the seventh to ninth centuries, seeing these as both graphic and linguistic phenomena. Part One deals with the linguistic context in which the scribes were working, examining the general role of grammar during the period and those aspects of grammatical teaching which would most concern the scribe. The presence of Latin as a non-vernacular Church language in Ireland and Anglo- Saxon England resulted in a dependence on and enthusiasm for the study of Latin grammar, and innovations in scribal practice must be seen in the context of this special linguistic environment. Irish grammarians understood their own language in terms of syntactic groups rather than distinct parts of speech: this and other differences between Irish and Latin may have encouraged the practices of separation (and abbreviation) in the copying of Latin, as a means of making the latter easier to read. The traditional teaching of the Latin grammarians on the eight parts of speech was especially popular with Insular grammarians, and this analysis underlies the practice of word separation, but a lack of explicit teaching on word boundaries accounts for the characteristic 'errors' of Insular separation. Part Two examines the practices of word separation and abbreviation as displayed in early Insular manuscripts. The physical and the linguistic aspects of word separation are considered, and the early development of the practice is described. Standard patterns of separation are seen to reflect Latin morphological teaching. The practice of heavy abbreviation, although modified by various non-linguistic factors such as type of script or the intended function of a book, is basically an orthographical convention which, like the adoption of word separation, brings into the alphabetic system an ideogrammatic element which is symptomatic of a tendency to view Latin primarily as a graphical means of communication.
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Zimmermann, Gunhild. "The four Old English poetic manuscripts : texts, contexts, and historical background /." Heidelberg : C. Winter, 1995. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37077460f.

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Symons, V. J. D. W. "Runes and Roman letters in the writing of Old English manuscripts." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2013. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1414943/.

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This thesis presents a comprehensive study of Anglo-Saxon writings that contain embedded textual runic letters. Whilst all of the compositions included in this thesis have been discussed previously, this has not taken place in a single unified study. In addition, such previous studies tend to be biased heavily towards, on the one hand, treating the texts as literary constructs divorced from the manuscript page (with the runes interesting but marginal details) or, on the other, towards examining the runes alone and studying them for their linguistic and historical significance with little regard for the literary contexts in which they appear. My aim is to bridge this gap by providing close readings of the poems which focus primarily on their use of runes and the impact that this has on our understanding of both the runic and literary practices of the period. In this way, connections can be made between the different compositions in which runes are used, and a literary context can be proposed for this form of script-mixing. It is my argument that all of the works discussed in this thesis are in various ways thematically focused on acts of writing, visual communication, and the nature of the written word. The visual disconnect between the two scripts on the manuscript page allows the authors of these works to highlight the inherently written nature of their content. Moreover, the runic letters themselves are used in all of these texts specifically in order to represent the written word, in a way that roman letters are not. This thesis concludes that textual runes are consistently used throughout these works to signify not just specific letters or words that carry some importance within the texts, but simultaneously to represent the written word itself.
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Wallis, Christine. "The Old English Bede : transmission and textual history in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5459/.

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An unknown author translated the Old English version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical History (OEB) around the ninth century. Previous research focused on the text’s authorship, specifically on Mercian linguistic features in its earliest manuscript, rather than the reception and transmission of its manuscripts (Miller, 1890; Whitelock, 1962; Kuhn, 1972). This thesis considers the OEB’s reception and transmission as evident in its copyists’ scribal performances. Conservative and innovative textual variants are identified for the OEB, and scribal behaviour categorised according to the framework devised by Benskin and Laing (1981) in their study of Middle English scribes. A detailed linguistic comparison of OEB witnesses combined with a close examination of the physical manuscripts reveals the working methods of scribes involved in their production. The manuscripts examined are: Oxford, Bodleian Library Tanner 10 (T) Oxford, Corpus Christi College 279B (O) Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 41 (B) Cambridge, University Library Kk.3.18 (Ca) Each chapter analyses a particular scribal performance. O’s scribe created a Mischsprache text, combining Mercian and West-Saxon forms, yet conflicting views of what constituted a good text are revealed by O’s producers’ extensive textual corrections. Relict forms in B demonstrate that its exemplar was illegible in places and that the scribe was forced to make several textual repairs. Ca has long been considered a direct copy of O, however my detailed comparison of the two manuscripts reveals that this cannot be the case. Finally, some previously unnoticed and unpublished drypoint annotations to O’s text are presented and explored in the context of other Anglo-Saxon scratched material. This thesis shows the benefits of examining the OEB from a scribal viewpoint, identifying common modes of scribal behaviour across the medieval period. It proposes a set of features belonging to the original translation, some of which hint at an earlier date of composition than previously supposed.
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Perron, Roland. "In laudem sancti Michaëlis : the Irish and Coptic analogues and the Anglo-Saxon context." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98572.

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In laudem sancti Michaelis (ILSM) is a heretical Old English homily on the Archangel Michael copied in the margins of an exemplar of Bede's Ecclesiastical History. The Introduction surveys the previous researches on ILSM. Chapter 1 analyzes it as a case of heterodoxy, discussing how it deformed the etymology of "Mi-cha-el?". Chapters 2 and 3 consider its Irish and Coptic analogues, then situate it in 11th-century England. Refining the insights of other scholars, I argue that a theme having to do with supernatural protection links ILSM to some of its companion marginalia, and that an archival intent motivated its preservation. The Conclusion addresses the question of its being an esoteric text. A new edition and translation of ILSM is offered in Appendix 1. Appendix 2 provides the very first edition and translation of its Irish analogue, the Liber Flavus Fergusiorum tract on Saint Michael. Budge's translation of the Coptic analogue attributed to Theodosius (AD 535-567) makes up Appendix 3. Appendices 4 and 5 compile documents relevant to my analysis of the context.
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Burns, Rachel Ann. "The visual craft of Old English verse : 'mise-en-page' in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2018. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10056489/.

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It is standard editorial practice to abstract Old English verse lines from the unlineated layout of their manuscript witnesses, and rearrange them as discrete metrical lines arranged vertically, broken by a medial space at the caesura. The ubiquity of this practice, and its correspondence with the graphic conventions of modern print editions more generally, may account for the widespread scholarly assumption that the unlineated mise-en-page of Old English verse in situ arises from its status as low-grade vernacular, with scribes lacking either the resources or the sophistication to apply Latinate standards of lineation to Old English texts. This thesis challenges such assumptions, proposing instead that an unlineated format was the preferred arrangement for Old English verse, and that vernacular mise-en-page is capable of conveying important structural, prosodic and semantic information about its texts. Chapter Two surveys the development of lineation in Anglo-Latin manuscripts, establishing a context for the subsequent writing of Old English verse. The chapter hypothesises that the different mise-en-page conventions for Latin and Old English reflects their distinct metrical structures. A study of inter-word spacing in Chapter 3 suggests that scribes may have been cognisant of metrical structures as they wrote, and that these structures influenced the process of writing. Chapters Four and Five move away from structural resonance between text and mise-en-page, towards aesthetic and semantic resonances. Chapter Four argues that a preference for dense, unlineated mise-en-page is grounded in the traditions of surface-design in vernacular art. Chapter Five shows a scribe arranging and ornamenting the elements of mise-en-page to highlight the narrative structure, textual allusiveness and esoteric theme of the text. The thesis concludes by reviewing the state of play in Old English textual editing with regards to manuscript features, giving some thoughts on how the findings of this thesis might speak to future editorial work.
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Cantara, Linda Miller. "St. Mary of Egypt in BL MS Cotton Otho B.X new textual evidence for an old English saint's life /." Lexington, Ky. : [University of Kentucky Libraries], 2001. http://lib.uky.edu/ETD/ukyengl2001t00018/pdf/lcantara.pdf.

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Nafde, Aditi. "Deciphering the manuscript page : the mise-en-page of Chaucer, Gower, and Hoccleve Manuscripts." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b2c67783-b797-494a-b792-368c14d1fe49.

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This thesis examines the production of the Middle English poetic manuscript. It analyses the mise-en-page of manuscripts created during a crucial period for book production, immediately after 1400, when there was a sudden explosion in the production of vernacular manuscripts of literary texts, when the demand for books increased, and the commercial book trade swiftly followed. It offers a close analysis of the mise-en-page of the manuscripts of three central authors: Chaucer’s, Gower’s, and Hoccleve’s manuscripts were at the heart of this sudden flourishing and were, crucially, produced when scribal methods for creating the literary page were still unformed. Previous studies have focused on the localised readings produced by single scribes, manuscripts, or authors, offering a limited examination of broader trends. This study offers a wider comparison: where individual studies offer localised analysis, the multi-textuality of this thesis offers broader perceptions of book production and of scribal responses to the new literary texts being produced. In analysing the layout of seventy-six manuscripts, including borders, initials, paraphs, rubrics, running titles, speaker markers, glosses and notes, this thesis argues that scribes were deeply concerned with creating a manuscript page specifically to showcase texts of poetry. The introduction outlines current scholarship on mise-en-page and defines the scribe as one who offers an individual response to the text on the page within the context of the inherited, commercial, and practical practices of layout. The three analytical chapters address the placement of the features of mise-en-page in each of the seventy-six manuscripts, each chapter offering three contrasting manuscript situations. Chapter 1 analyses the manuscripts of Chaucer, who left no plan for the look of his page, causing scribes to make decisions on layout that illuminate fifteenth-century scribal responses to literature. These are then compared to the manuscripts of Gower in Chapter 2, directly or indirectly supervised by the poet, which display rigorous uniformity in their layout. This chapter argues that scribes responded in much the same way, despite the strict control over meaning. Chapter 3 focuses on Hoccleve’s autograph manuscripts which are unique in demonstrating authorial control over layout. This chapter compares the autograph to the non-autograph manuscripts to argue that scribal responses differed from authorial intentions. Each of the three chapters analyses the development of mise-en-page specifically for literary texts. Focussing on the mise-en-page, this thesis is able to compare across a range of texts, manuscripts, scribes, and authors to mount a substantial challenge to current perceptions that poetic manuscripts were laid out in order to assist readers’ understanding of the meaning of the texts they contain. Instead, it argues that though there was a concern with representing the nuances of poetic meaning, often scribal responses to poetry were bound up with presenting poetic form.
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Books on the topic "Old English manuscripts; Latin manuscripts"

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Anglo-Saxon manuscripts. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991.

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Richter, Martin. Die altenglischen Glossen zu Aldhelms De laudibus virginitatis in der Handschrift BL, Royal 6 B. VII: Ediert mit einer Einleitung, Anmerkungen und Indizes von Martin Richter. München: Fink, 1996.

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Academy, British, ed. The manuscripts of early Norman England (c. 1066-1130). Oxford: Published for the British Academy by Oxford University Press, 1999.

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The text of the Old Testament in Anglo-Saxon England. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.

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Manuscripts in Northumbria in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Woodbridge, Suffolk, U.K: D.S. Brewer, 2003.

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The community of St. Cuthbert in the late tenth century: The Chester-le-Street additions to Durham Cathedral Library A.IV.19. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2012.

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Lendinara, Patrizia. Anglo-Saxon glosses and glossaries. Aldershot, Hampshire, England: Ashgate, 1999.

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The Macregol Gospels or The Rushworth Gospels: Edition of the Latin text with the Old English interlinear gloss transcribed from Oxford Bodleian Library, MS Auctarium D. 2 19. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2013.

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Keynes, Simon. Anglo-Saxon manuscripts and other items of related interest in the library of Trinity College, Cambridge. Binghamton: Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, State University of New York at Binghamton, 1992.

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Limits to learning: The transfer of encyclopaedic knowledge in the early Middle Ages. Leuven: Peeters, 2013.

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Book chapters on the topic "Old English manuscripts; Latin manuscripts"

1

Wittig, Joseph. "The Old English Boethius, the Latin Commentaries, and Bede." In The Study of Medieval Manuscripts of England, 225–52. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.asmar-eb.3.4624.

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Jayatilaka, Rohini. "Old English Manuscripts and Readers." In A Companion to Medieval Poetry, 51–64. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444319095.ch3.

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Scragg, Donald. "Old English Manuscripts, their Scribes, and their Punctuation." In Studies in the Early Middle Ages, 245–60. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.sem-eb.1.100484.

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Swan, Mary. "Imagining a Readership for Post-Conquest Old English Manuscripts." In Medieval Texts and Cultures of Northern Europe, 145–57. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.tcne-eb.3.4130.

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Hudson, Anne. "Books and Their Survival: the Case of English Manuscripts of Wyclif’s Latin Works." In Medieval Manuscripts, Their Makers and Users, 225–44. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.stpmsbh-eb.1.100068.

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Bergmann, Rolf. "Latin - Old High German Glosses and Glossaries. A Catalogue of Manuscripts." In Textes et Etudes du Moyen Âge, 547–614. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.tema-eb.4.2017030.

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Treharne, Elaine M. "The Good, the Bad, the Ugly: Old English Manuscripts and their Physical Description." In Studies in the Early Middle Ages, 261–83. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.sem-eb.1.100485.

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Robinson, Fred C. "Mise en page in Old English Manuscripts and Printed Texts." In Latin Learning and English Lore (Volumes I & II), edited by Katherine O'Brien O'Keeffe and Andy Orchard. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442676589-051.

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Garnett, George. "The Excavation, Reconstruction, and Fabrication of Old English Law in the Twelfth Century." In The Norman Conquest in English History, 104–31. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198726166.003.0004.

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Abstract:
Chapter 3 examines the attempt, parallel with the writing of English history, to preserve and fabricate mainly in Latin pre-Conquest English royal law codes—codes which William I and his successors were said to have endorsed. The first of these compilations of Old English law translated into Latin, dating from the very beginning of the twelfth century, was Quadripartitus. There were also many others, including Tripartita, the Leges Henrici, and the Leges Edwardi Confessoris. The chapter shows that many of these are preserved in manuscripts which also include contemporary works of history; others—most notably for the rest of this book, the codex which ended up sequentially in the hands of Archbishop Matthew Parker and of Sir Edward Coke (BL MS. Add. 49366)—were purely legal. It demonstrates that these authentic and apocryphal collections did not become obsolete with the establishment of new common law procedures in Henry II’s reign, but continued to be treated as foundational of English law. The watchword in this case too was continuity with the pre-Conquest past.
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Lapidge, Michael, and Peter Matthews. "Vivien Anne Law, 1954–2002." In Proceedings of the British Academy, Volume 124. Biographical Memoirs of Fellows, III. British Academy, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263204.003.0009.

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Vivienne Law acquired a mastery of the field of late antique and early Medieval Latin grammar, her first task was to familiarise herself with the early medieval manuscripts in which grammatical texts were transmitted. This task necessitated constant travel to British and continental libraries in order to provide herself with transcriptions of grammatical texts; it also necessitated the acquisition of a huge collection of microfilms of grammatical manuscripts. Her work on these manuscripts soon revealed a vast and uncharted sea of unedited and unstudied grammatical texts, for the most part anonymous. A major component of her life's work was the attempt to chart this sea. Her earliest publications reveal a profound experience of grammatical manuscripts and a refusal simply to reiterate the opinions of earlier scholars. All these publications report new discoveries, such as previously unknown Old English glosses to the Ars grammatica of Tatwine, an early 8th-century Anglo-Saxon grammarian; or unsuspected aspects of the relationship between Anglo-Saxon and continental learning as revealed in the transmission of the grammars of Boniface and Tatwine; or the true nature of the jumbled and misunderstood grammar attributed to the early Irish grammarian Malsachanus.
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