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1
Roberts, Brynley F. "The discovery of Old Welsh." Historiographia Linguistica 26, no. 1-2 (September 10, 1999): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.26.1-2.02rob.
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Summary Edward Lhuyd’s (1660–1709) Archaeologia Britannica (Oxford 1707), was intended to be a study of early British history together with copies of some of the original source material The only volume to appear, entitled Glossography, printed glossaries and grammars of the Celtic languages and lists of Irish and Welsh manuscripts, and it set out the principles of phonetic changes and correspondences so that linguistic and written evidence for the relationships of the first (Celtic) inhabitants of the British Isles could be evaluated. The antiquity of the evidence was of prime importance. Lhuyd sought the ‘very ancient’ written sources which would bridge the gap between the post-Roman inscriptions and the medieval Welsh manuscripts which he had seen. Humphrey Wanley (1672–1726), the Old English scholar, drew his attention to the Lichfield gospel book and two Latin manuscripts at the Bodleian Library which contained Welsh glosses and Lhuyd himself discovered the Cambridge Juvencus manuscript. These were the oldest forms of Welsh which he had seen. He analysed the palaeography, the orthography and vocabulary of these witnesses, and although he was not able fully to comprehend these records, he was able to begin to describe the characteristics of the British insular hand and to define some of the features which distinguished Old Welsh from Middle Welsh.
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Sauer, Hans. "The Latin and the Old English Versions of St Augustine’s Prayer in his Soliloquia: A Study and a Rhetorical Synopsis." Anglia 137, no. 4 (November 11, 2019): 561–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ang-2019-0053.
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Abstract A special kind of a short text that is embedded in a larger text is the prayer near the beginning of St Augustine’s Soliloquia, which serves as a kind of introduction to the ensuing dialogue. The relatively independent nature of this prayer was recognized early on, and in addition to its transmission in the manuscripts of the Soliloquia it has also been transmitted as an independent prayer. Something similar happened to the Old English translation. There is a full translation of the entire text, traditionally ascribed to King Alfred (and his learned helpers), but preserved only in a much later manuscript (London, British Library, Cotton Vitellius A.xv); however, a shortened version of the prayer was included in a collection of brief penitential texts in an earlier manuscript (London, British Library, Cotton Tiberius A.iii). In the present article I look at the structure of the Latin prayer and at its Old English translation, especially the relation of the two manuscript versions and their value for textual criticism and the reconstruction of the original version, their relation to the Latin source, and the rhetoric of the Latin prayer and its Old English translation, including a brief discussion of the binomials used. The Appendix provides a synoptic version of the Latin text and the two manuscript versions of the Old English translation, highlighting their rhetorical structure, something that to my knowledge has never been done for the Old English translation.
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Liuzza, Roy Michael. "The Yale fragments of the West Saxon gospels." Anglo-Saxon England 17 (December 1988): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100004026.
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The manuscripts which contain the Old English translation of the gospels have been little studied since Skeat's compendious editions of the last century, yet the interest and importance of these codices, no less than that of the texts they preserve, should not be underestimated. The vernacular translation of a biblical text stands as a monument to the confidence and competence of Anglo-Saxon monastic culture; the evidence of the surviving manuscripts can offer insights into the development and dissemination of this text. The following study examines two fragments from an otherwise lost manuscript of the West Saxon gospels, which are preserved as an endleaf and parchment reinforcements in the binding of a fourteenth-century Latin psalter now in the Beinecke Library at Yale University, Beinecke 578. I shall first discuss the psalter and its accompanying texts in the attempt to localize the manuscript and its binding. I shall then turn to the West Saxon gospel fragments; after presenting a description and, for the first time, a complete transcription, I shall attempt to locate this text in the context of other Anglo-Saxon gospel manuscripts.
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Langefeld, Brigitte. "A third Old English translation of part of Gregory's Dialogues, this time embedded in the Rule of Chrodegang." Anglo-Saxon England 15 (December 1986): 197–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100003768.
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Gregory's Dialogues are a hitherto unnoticed source of the final chapter of the enlarged version of the Rule of Chrodegang of Metz. The chapter in question, no. 84 or 86 depending on the recension of the Latin text, is preserved in the following manuscripts (the letters in brackets are the sigla used for these manuscripts throughout this article):Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, lat. 1535 (P), 113V–149V. Second quarter of the ninth century, possibly written at Fécamp. Latin text only, 86 chapters.
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Rudolf, Winfried. "The Homiliary of Angers in tenth-century England." Anglo-Saxon England 39 (December 2010): 163–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675110000098.
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AbstractLatin manuscripts used for preaching the Anglo-Saxon laity in the tenth century survive in relatively rare numbers. This paper contributes a new text to the known preaching resources from that century in identifying the Homiliary of Angers as the text preserved on the flyleaves of London, British Library, MS Sloane 280. While these fragments, made in Kent and edited here for the first time, cast new light on the importance of this plain and unadorned Latin collection for the composition of Old English temporale homilies before Ælfric, they also represent the oldest surviving manuscript evidence of the text.
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Gretsch, Mechthild. "The Junius Psalter gloss: its historical and cultural context." Anglo-Saxon England 29 (January 2000): 85–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100002428.
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Oxford, Bodleian Library, Junius 27 (S.C. 5139), the Junius Psalter, was written, Latin text and Old English gloss, probably at Winchester and presumably during the reign of King Edward the Elder. Junius 27 is one of the twenty-nine complete or almost complete psalters written or owned in Anglo-Saxon England which have survived. (In addition to these twenty-nine complete psalters, eight minor fragments of further psalters are still extant.) This substantial number of surviving manuscripts and fragments is explained by the paramount importance of the psalms in the liturgy of the Christian church, both in mass and especially in Office. Junius 27 is also one of the ten psalters from Anglo-Saxon England bearing an interlinear Old English gloss to the entire psalter. (In addition there are two psalters with a substantial amount of glossing in Old English, though not full interlinear versions.) Since our concern in the first part of this article will be with the nature of the Old English glossing in the Junius Psalter, and its relationship to other glossed psalters, it is appropriate at the outset to provide a list of the psalters in question. At the beginning of each of the following items I give the siglum and the name by which the individual psalters are traditionally referred to by psalter scholars. An asterisk indicates that the Latin text is a Psalterium Romanum (the version in almost universal use in England before the Benedictine reform); unmarked manuscripts contain the Psalterium Gallicanum. For full descriptions of the manuscripts, see N. R. Ker, Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon.
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O'Connor, Patricia. "Marginalised Texts: The Old English Marginalia and the Old English Bede in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 41." Boolean: Snapshots of Doctoral Research at University College Cork, no. 2015 (January 1, 2015): 152–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/boolean.2015.31.
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Bede was a prolific writer in Anglo-Saxon England who, over the course of his prodigious literary career, produced a diverse range of Latin texts encompassing educational and scientific treatises as well as Biblical commentaries. Out of all his Latin works, Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum (The Ecclesiastical History of the English People) is regarded as his greatest achievement, as it provides significant insights into a largely undocumented period in English history. The Historia Ecclesiastica was translated into the vernacular sometime in the late ninth or early tenth century and this translation is commonly referred to as the Old English Bede. The Old English Bede survives in five extant manuscripts, dating from the mid tenth and late eleventh century: Oxford, Bodleian Library, Tanner 10; London, British Library, Cotton Otho B. xi; Oxford, Corpus Christi College, 279; Cambridge, University Library Kk. 3.18 and Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, 41, the last of which ...
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Marsden, Richard. "Old Latin Intervention in the Old English Heptateuch." Anglo-Saxon England 23 (December 1994): 229–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100004555.
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The Old Testament translations in the compilation known as the Old English Hexateuch or Heptateuch are based on good Vulgate exemplars. That is to say, where variation can be demonstrated between the version associated with Jerome's late fourth-century revision and the pre-Hieronymian ‘Old Latin’ versions, the Old English translations can be shown to derive from exemplars carrying the former. The opening of Genesis–‘On angynne gesceop God heofonan 7 eorðan. seo eorðe soðlice was idel 7 æmti’–illustrates this general rule. Behind it is the Vulgate ‘in principio creauit Deus caelum et terram. terra autem erat inanis et uacua”, not a version with the characteristic ‘old’ readings, such as fecit for creauit and inuisibilis et inconpositas for inani et vacua. Indeed, much of the Old English translation, especially in Genesis, is sufficiently full and faithful for the identification of specific Vulgate variants in the exemplar text to be made with some confidence and for the influence on it of the important Carolingian revisions asssociated with Orléans and Tours to be demonstrated. There is, however, a small number of Old English readings throughout the Heptateuch for which Latin parallels in the thirty or so collated Vulgate manuscripts are unknown or hardly known. Instead, they appear to derive from models available in pre-Hieronymian texts. Uncertainty often surrounds their identification, owing to the complexities both of the translation process and the history of the Latin Bible. Understanding their origins involves consideration of the influence of patristic literature and the liturgy, as well as the availability of ‘contaminated’ exemplar texts.
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Christiansen, Bethany. "Scytel: A New Old English Word for ‘Penis’." Anglia 136, no. 4 (November 9, 2018): 581–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ang-2018-0060.
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Abstract In this paper, I examine the Old English word scytel, which appears in the Old English Medicina de quadrupedibus. I argue that, contrary to definitions offered in current Old English lexical aids, scytel does not mean ‘dung’, but rather ‘penis’. In the Medicina de quadrupedibus, OE scytel translates Lat. moium (from Greek μοιóν) ‘penis’. I begin by tracing the development of the definition/s of scytel in the lexicographic tradition (Sections 1.1 and 1.2) and in editions of the Medicina de quadrupedibus (Section 1.3). Starting with Bosworth-Toller (1882–1898), scytel (1) was defined as ‘dung’, apparently on the misperception of an etymological relationship between scytel (1) and Old English scitta, n. ‘shit’. Section 2 offers a discussion of the manuscripts containing the Old English Medicina de quadrupedibus and its Latin source text, and Section 3 contains a discussion of the two relevant recipes that contain OE scytel (1). In Section 4.1 I show that, in fact, scytel (1) cannot be etymologically related to any scit‑/scīt‑ ‘shit’ words in Old English, as the two derive from separate Germanic (Gmc.) and Proto-Indo-European (PIE) roots. In Section 4.2, I argue that the scribe of the manuscripts containing scytel could not have written a non-etymological <y> for /i/, which eliminates the possibility that scytel is connected to scit‑/scīt‑ ‘shit’. It becomes clear, as demonstrated in Section 4.3, that scytel (1) ‘penis’ and scytel (2) ‘dart’ can be reconciled as a single dictionary entry, with ‘penis’ as a metaphorical extension of ‘dart’. I demonstrate in Section 4.4 that, from a cross-linguistic perspective, ‘dart’ > ‘penis’ is a well-attested semantic shift. Ultimately, it is clear that the Old English translator/s of the Medicina de quadrupedibus correctly translated the rare Latin word for ‘penis’ they encountered in the source text.
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Lendinara, Patrizia. "The third book of theBella Parisiacae Urbisby Abbo of Saint-Germain-des-Prés and its Old English gloss." Anglo-Saxon England 15 (December 1986): 73–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100003690.
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A certain ‘Descidia Parisiace polis’, which can safely be identified with the work of Abbo of Saint-Germain-des-Prés now commonly known as theBella Parisiacae Urbis, is listed among the books given by Æthelwold to the monastery of Peterborough. We shall never know if Æthelwold's gift corresponds to any of the surviving manuscripts of Abbo's poem – though probably it does not – but the inventory gives evidence of the popularity of his work in England. In the following pages I shall consider the genesis and successive fortune of Abbo's poem and provide a new assessment of the value of theBella Parisiacae Urbis. This assessment is a necessary first step to the understanding of the reasons for the success of his poem – and specifically of its third book – in England, as is witnessed by the number of English manuscripts containing the Latin text and by the Old English gloss which was added to this small, intriguing work.
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Javed, Muhammad. "A Study of Old English Period (450 AD to 1066 AD)." IJOHMN (International Journal online of Humanities) 5, no. 6 (December 10, 2019): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijohmn.v5i6.154.
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In this study, the researcher has talked about Old English or Anglo-Saxons history and literature. He has mentioned that this period contains the formation of an English Nation with a lot of the sides that endure today as well as the regional regime of shires and hundreds. For the duration of this period, Christianity was proven and there was a peak of literature and language. Law and charters were also proven. The researcher has also mentioned that what literature is written in Anglo-Saxon England and in Old English from the 450 AD to the periods after the Norman Conquest of 1066 AD. He also has argued that from where the composed literature begun of the era with reference to the written and composed literature. The major writers of the age are also discussed with their major works. There is slightly touch of the kings of the time have been given in the study with their great contribution with the era. The researcher also declared that what kinds of literary genres were there in the era. It is the very strong mark that Anglo-Saxon poetic literature has bottomless roots in oral tradition but observance with the ethnic performs we have seen elsewhere in Anglo-Saxon culture, there was an amalgamation amid custom and new knowledge. It has been also declared that from which part literary prose of Anglo-Saxon dates and in what language it was written earlier in the power of Ruler Alfred (governed 871–99), who operated to give a new lease of life English culture afterwards the overwhelming Danish attacks ended. As barely anybody could read Latin, Alfred translated or had translated the greatest significant Latin manuscripts. There another prominent thing discussed in the study which is the problem of assigning dates to various manuscripts of the era.
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Jones, Christopher A. "A Liturgical Miscellany in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 190." Traditio 54 (1999): 103–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012216.
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The composite volume now known as Cambridge, Corpus Christi College [CCCC] 190, contains on pages 143 to 151 a mixture of liturgical exposition and prescription. The Latin passages constitute neither a polished work nor, like much else in the manuscript, an obvious antecedent to Old English texts, and so the group has never attracted much notice. I offer here the first discussion and edition of the passages in the belief that they shed new light on the sources and applications of liturgical commentary in late Anglo-Saxon England. Of equal or perhaps greater interest, the excerpts also include portions of the ordo for a pontifical mass on Christmas Day. The ordo, as we shall see, resists close dating or localization, but the very type of document has rarely survived in pre-Conquest English manuscripts and so merits attention. Both the expository and ordinal passages occasionally hint of access to unusual sources at some late Anglo-Saxon church, possibly Worcester cathedral during the pontificate of Wulfstan I (1002–16).
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Goodall, John A. "An Illyrian Armorial in the Society's Collection." Antiquaries Journal 75 (September 1995): 255–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500073030.
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Since the eighteenth century the Society has acquired many heraldic manuscripts, mainly English; but there are also several continental books, mostly from the Franks Bequest. Among the foreign books the most important is MS 54 which was bequeathed to the Society by Charles Lyttelton, Bishop of Carlisle when he died in office, as President in 1768. In the old catalogue of the Society's manuscripts the Latin half of the title page was quoted but it omitted to mention that the text was partly written in Cyrillic script. The Minutes, recording the important bequest of Lyttelton's books and manuscripts, described it adequately as: ‘A Book containing the Shield (sic) of Arms of all the Princes of Illyria, finely illumind. Vellum Qto.’ While Illyria does not occur on modern maps of Europe, the classical name for the province on the eastern shores of the Adriatic comprising the later territories of Bosnia, Croatia, Dalmatia and Hercegovina was revived in the sixteenth century by the local humanists and conveniently describes the scope of the collection.
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Fischer, Klaus-Dietrich. "A Most Sovereign Herb: Pseudo-Antonius Musa on Betony." Cuadernos de Filología Clásica. Estudios griegos e indoeuropeos 30 (June 9, 2020): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/cfcg.68480.
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This essay studies various important aspects of the history of text of the treatise De herba Vettonica, ultimaty attributed to Antonius Musa, Augustus' physician and the brother of King Juba II. The possible existence of an original Greek text, the relationship between the treatise and the writings of Pliny, and the translation of the treatise into Old English are discussed, among other topics. With respect to this translation, the author insists on its importance for the establishment of the Latin text of the treatise, because it dates certainly before the turn of the millennium, and the majority of Latin manuscripts is from a later period.
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Jones, Christopher A. "An edition of the four sermons attributed to Candidus Witto." Anglo-Saxon England 47 (December 2018): 7–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675119000012.
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AbstractIn 1891, Germain Morin identified a set of brief, anonymous Latin sermons that he controversially attributed to Alcuin’s Anglo-Saxon pupil named ‘Witto’ or ‘Wizo’ in Old English, ‘Candidus’ in Latin. The texts in question are of considerable interest but have remained unprinted and thus scarcely known. The present article offers an edition of them, based on all the known manuscripts, as well as a translation and commentary. An introductory discussion reviews the state of scholarship on Candidus’s career and writings, then examines in detail the content and sources of the four texts, the evidence supporting their attribution to Candidus, and some points of comparison between the items here edited and other Latin sermons produced at Carolingian centres in the early ninth century.
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Olszowy-Schlanger, Judith. "A School of Christian Hebraists in Thirteenth-Century England: A Unique Hebrew-Latin-French and English Dictionary and its Sources." European Journal of Jewish Studies 1, no. 2 (2007): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247107783876257.
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AbstractThis paper is a preliminary presentation of a unique Hebrew-Latin-Old French dictionary written by Christian scholars in 13th century England, to appear shortly in print. The authors of this exceptional work did not follow the patristic tradition of Christian Hebraism and did not focus on anti-Jewish polemics, but rather turned to Jewish Rabbinic and Medieval sources, such as commentaries of Rachi, the lexicon of Solomon ibn Parhon or Alpha Beta de-Ben Sira for their understanding of the Hebrew text of the Bible. Following the grammatical approach of the classical Spanish school of Hebrew grammar, this dictionary is a real 'philological' work. It stems from a Christian tradition of the use of the Hebrew Bible for correcting the Vulgate as represented by the bilingual Hebrew-Latin Bible manuscripts produced and studied in England in the late 12th and 13th centuries.
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Jones, Christopher A. "Two composite texts from Archbishop Wulfstan's ‘commonplace book’: theDe ecclesiastica consuetudineand theInstitutio beati Amalarii de ecclesiasticis officiis." Anglo-Saxon England 27 (December 1998): 233–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100004877.
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The great monument of tenth-century Anglo-Saxon monastic liturgy, theRegularis concordia, has been particularly fortunate in its twentieth-century devotees. The most prominent was Dom Thomas Symons, who published numerous learned articles on the text and, in 1953, an edition and translation that are still immensely valuable. More recently, Lucia Kornexl has re-edited theConcordiawith its continuous Old English gloss from London, British Library, Cotton Tiberius A. iii, and provided an exhaustive collation against the second Latin copy in London, British Library, Cotton Faustina B. iii. Building on this detailed editorial work, Kornexl's introductory chapters also suggest new and helpful ways of regarding the transmission of this text and the authority of its two extant manuscripts.
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Salvador-Bello, Mercedes, and Mar Gutiérrez-Ortiz. "The Cambridge and the Exeter Book Physiologi: Associative Imagery, Allegorical Circularity, and Isidorean Organization." Anglia 136, no. 4 (November 9, 2018): 643–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ang-2018-0059.
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Abstract The Physiologus has survived in some twenty-four manuscripts, two of which are of English origin: Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, 448, and Exeter, Cathedral Library, 3501. The latter codex, also known as the Exeter Book, contains a verse Physiologus (fols. 95v–98r) in Old English. In turn, the Cambridge manuscript provides a Latin prose Physiologus (fols. 88r–89r). These two texts bear witness to the knowledge of the Physiologus in the late Anglo-Saxon period and constitute the central piece of evidence extant for the dissemination of this work in England. Even though the two versions are formally and stylistically different, the manuscripts in which they occur are roughly contemporary and both of them are of Southern provenance. Each of these Physiologi comprises three chapters describing three animals: lion, unicorn and panther in the case of the Cambridge Physiologus, and panther, whale and an unknown bird – whose identification is problematic due to a textual gap – in the Exeter codex. Despite these striking affinities, no scholarly work has offered a comparative study of the two Physiologi, with the exception of Andrea Rossi-Reder’s unpublished PhD dissertation (1992), and only passing reference has been made to the Cambridge Physiologus in discussions of the better‑known Exeter text. In order to remedy this critical neglect, the present article offers a detailed analysis of both Physiologi, together with a first edition of the Latin text. As we will show, the Cambridge and the Exeter Physiologi share the same cultural background and apply similar compilation criteria. In both cases, the zoological motifs were selected according to organizational principles based on Isidore’s Etymologiae, such as the animals’ unclean character and size. In both, too, the creatures described are interconnected by means of recurrent associative imagery and an allegorical circular design. This combination of encyclopedic criteria and the sensory characterization of the animals discloses remarkable parallelisms in the structure and the compositional technique of these two Physiologi. Moreover, this analogous organizational method offers additional evidence to support Michael D. C. Drout’s hypothesis that the bird described in the fragmentary third chapter of the Exeter version is the phoenix instead of the partridge, as some other scholars had traditionally maintained. Our reading also effectively harmonizes with the eschatological and anagogic elements which have been pointed out for the third chapter of the Exeter Physiologus, as well as with the allegorical and tropological roles of the panther and the whale.
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Liuzza, Roy Michael. "Anglo-Saxon prognostics in context: a survey and handlist of manuscripts." Anglo-Saxon England 30 (December 2001): 181–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675101000084.
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The various Latin and Old English texts which have come to be called ‘prognostics’ have not, in general, been well served by scholars. For some texts the only available edition is Oswald Cockayne's Leechdoms, Wortcunning, and Starcraft of Early England from 1864-6; most others are available only in the broad but somewhat unsystematic series of articles published by Max Förster in Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen in the 1910s and 1920s. Anselm Hughes does not include the eight prognostic texts in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 391 in his otherwise fairly thorough edition of much of that manuscript; Peter Baker and Michael Lapidge omit any discussion of such texts from their excellent survey of the history of the computus in the preface to their edition of Byrhtferth's Enchiridion. The mid-eleventh-century Christ Church manuscript now known as London, British Library, Cotton Tiberius A. iii has attracted the notice of many fine scholars, including liturgists, linguists and monastic and art historians, who have been drawn to the series of texts at the beginning of the manuscript (fols. 117-73 and 2-27), including two magnicent full-page drawings (117v and 2v) and glossed copies of the Benedictine Rule and the Regularis Concordia. Helmut Gneuss describes this carefully presented series of interrelated texts as ‘a compendium of the Benedictine Reform movements in Carolingian Francia and in tenth-century England’; Robert Deshman has argued that the very sequence of texts is ‘laden with meaning’. Despite their appreciation of these manuscript sequences, however, few scholars have included in their study of this material the eighteen prognostic texts which follow the Regularis Concordia in the manuscript (27v-47), though most of these are in the same hand and are arranged, it may be argued, with equal care.
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Jurasinski, Stefan. "Reddatur Parentibus: The Vengeance of the Family in Cnut's Homicide Legislation." Law and History Review 20, no. 1 (2002): 157–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/744159.
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TheAnglo-Saxon Chroniclestates that during his 1018 meeting in Oxford with the leading English ecclesiastical and lay authorities, roughly one year after his accession to the throne in England, Cnut agreed to uphold “the laws of Edgar” during his reign. The ultimate outcome of this and subsequent meetings is the code issued at Winchester in 1020, referred to by editorial convention as I and II Cnut. This code contains, respectively, the religious and secular laws of England promulgated under Cnut. The code is contained in four manuscripts in Old English. The earliest are British Library, Cotton Nero A.i and Cambridge, Corpus Christi College (CCCC) 201, both dated to the mid-eleventh century; the latest, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College (CCCC) 383 and British Library, Harley 55, belong to the early twelfth century. Cnut's code reappears in three twelfth-century Norman Latin tracts intended to acquaint French authorities with English law, theInstituta Cnuti, Consiliatio Cnuti, andQuadripartitus. TheLeges Henrici Primi, prepared by the same author as theQuadripartitus, also draws heavily on Cnut's legislation.
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Classen, Albrecht. "nr="241"A Companion to Medieval Translation, ed. Jeanette Beer. Leeds: Arc Humanities Press, 2019, viii, 200 pp." Mediaevistik 33, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 241–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2020.01.12.
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Medieval literature, philosophy, medicine, and many other fields cannot be imagined without considering the huge role played by translations. Scholars have worked on this field already for many years, leading among them Jeanette Beer, who here brings together a number of authors who address specific aspects pertinent to translation work mostly in medieval literature. While she herself offers a concise introduction, she rounds off the volume with a study of the work by the anonymous compiler of Li Fet des Romans from the early thirteenth century which represents the earliest extant work of ancient historiography translated into a European medieval vernacular. The translator offers most detailed comments about his motivation and translation strategies, which helps us understand considerably how medieval writers approached their task. But back to the Introduction. Here Beer traces the history of the earliest translations, beginning with the famous Strasbourg Oaths from 842, turning to Eulalia, the Valenciennes Fragment, and Marie de France, among others. Subsequently Beer outlines the major highlights of this collected volume, highlighting that the contributors address vernaculars such as Latin (not really a vernacular), French, Anglo-Norman, Italian, English, Old Norse, German, Arabic, and Hebrew. Indeed, some of the chapters cover those languages, but we do not hear anything about German, Arabic, or Hebrew, apart from some very fleeting references. She correctly notes that the world prior to the printing press was deeply determined by textual mouvance which provided enormous flexibility in the rendering and display of texts in the manuscripts. The Introduction concludes with a bibliography and a bibliographical note about the author. This model is applied throughout the entire volume.
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Scragg, Donald. "A ninth-century Old English homily from Northumbria." Anglo-Saxon England 45 (December 2016): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100080212.
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AbstractA careful consideration of a ‘scribble’ in English in the margin of a page of Oxford, Bodleian Library, Digby 63, a ninth-century Latin manuscript, yields a number of important conclusions: that the English material is homiletic, that it was written before the Latin, that the manuscript is certainly of Northumbrian origin and the English shows traces of Northumbrian dialect, and that therefore at least one vernacular homily in Old English was available for copying in Northumbria in the ninth century. It also adds to the evidence that a group of homilies in the Vercelli Book were drawn from an early and a non-West Saxon source-book.
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Pulsiano, Phillip. "Old English Glossed Psalters: Editions versus Manuscripts." Manuscripta 35, no. 2 (July 1991): 75–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.mss.3.1366.
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Cavill, Paul. "Sectional divisions in Old English poetic manuscripts." Neophilologus 69, no. 1 (January 1985): 156–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00556872.
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Emms, Richard. "The scribe of the Paris Psalter." Anglo-Saxon England 28 (December 1999): 179–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100002301.
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The Paris Psalter (Bibliothèque Nationale de France, lat. 8824) has attracted much interest because of its long, thin format, its illustrations in the Utrecht Psalter tradition and its Old English prose translation of the first fifty psalms, which has been convincingly attributed to King Alfred himself. It is a bilingual psalter, with Latin (Roman version) on the left and Old English on the right. The first fifty psalms are in the prose translation connected with King Alfred, the remainder in a metrical version made by an author whose work has not been identified elsewhere. The leaves are approximately 526 × 186 mm, with a writing space of about 420 × 95 mm. It has been estimated that there were originally 200 leaves in twenty-five quires, but fourteen leaves, including those carrying all the major decoration, have been removed. There remain thirteen outline drawings integrated into the text on the first six folios. Some drawings may have functioned as ‘fillers’ where the Latin text was shorter than the Old English. Further on in the manuscript, in order to solve this problem, the scribe either left gaps or made the columns of Latin thinner than the corresponding Old English ones. The Old English introductions were set out across both columns, suggesting that the book was made for someone who read English more easily than Latin. The manuscript was written around the middle of the eleventh century, and it is clearly the work of a single skilled scribe who used a neat Anglo-Caroline minuscule for the Latin texts, and matching English vernacular minuscule with many Caroline letter forms for the Old English. Unfortunately, his hand has not been identified in any other books or charters; however, he did record in a colophon (186r; see pl.V) that he was called Wulfwinus cognomento Cada.
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Porter, David W. "The earliest texts with English and French." Anglo-Saxon England 28 (December 1999): 87–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100002271.
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Modern scholars can sometimes reconstruct the methods of medieval glossary-makers by tracking individual glosses along the path from the textual source to the final destination in the glossarial list. Here I wish to pursue a trail of clues through two early-eleventh-century manuscripts of the Excerptiones de Prisciano (‘Excerpts of Priscian’), a Latin grammatical treatise which has been identified as the source for Ælfric's bilingual Grammar. Viewed singly, the manuscripts of this work offer partial views of glossatorial activity; viewed together, these fragmentary glimpses snap into perspective, rendering a dynamic picture of glossary-making as a corporate enterprise undertaken by a group of Anglo-Saxon schoolmen working in several manuscripts simultaneously.
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Faulkner, Mark. "Dublin, Trinity College, MS 492: A New Witness to the Old English Bede and its Twelfth-Century Context." Anglia 135, no. 2 (June 2, 2017): 274–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ang-2017-0026.
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AbstractThis article draws attention to a series of seven English annotations in a mid-twelfth-century copy of Bede’sHistoria ecclesiasticafrom Bury St Edmunds. It demonstrates that the annotations reflect the comparison of Bede’s Latin with a now-lost manuscript of the Old English Bede shortly after the twelfth-century codex’s production. The annotations are shown to hold a respect for the authority of the Old English Bede that contrasts with the prevailing twelfth-century attitude of gentle suspicion towards earlier vernacular translations.
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O'Neill, Patrick P. "Latin learning at Winchester in the early eleventh century: the evidence of the Lambeth Psalter." Anglo-Saxon England 20 (December 1991): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100001794.
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Aside from its Old English gloss, the Lambeth Psalter has largely been ignored. Yet this manuscript furnishes valuable evidence about Latin learning in late Anglo-Saxon England, specifically at Winchester. And it can lay claim to be the most important surviving witness to psalter scholarship from this period.
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Healey, Antonette diPaolo. "The Dictionary of Old English: From Manuscripts to Megabytes." Dictionaries: Journal of the Dictionary Society of North America 23, no. 1 (2002): 156–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dic.2002.0009.
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Kiernan, Kevin S. "Old English Manuscripts: The Scribal Deconstruction of “Early” Northumbrian." ANQ: A Quarterly Journal of Short Articles, Notes and Reviews 3, no. 2 (April 1990): 48–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19403364.1990.11755238.
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Irvine, Susan. "Fragments of Boethius: the reconstruction of the Cotton manuscript of the Alfredian text." Anglo-Saxon England 34 (December 2005): 169–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026367510500004.
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‘These fragments I have shored against my ruins’: T. S. Eliot's metaphor in The Waste Land evokes the evanescent frailty of human existence and worldly endeavour with a poignancy that the Anglo-Saxons would surely have appreciated. Such a concept lies at the heart of Boethius's De consolatione Philosophiae, and perhaps prompted King Alfred to include this work amongst those which he considered most necessary for all men to know. Written in the early sixth century, Boethius's work was translated from Latin into Old English at the end of the ninth century, possibly by Alfred himself. It survives in two versions, one in prose (probably composed first) and the other in prose and verse, containing versifications of Boethius's Latin metres which had originally been rendered as Old English prose. It is the latter of these versions which will be the focus of my discussion here. Damaged beyond repair by fire and water, the set of fragments which contains this copy will be seen to epitomize the ideas imparted by the work in ways that Alfred could never have envisaged.
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Rudolf, Winfried. "Digitizing the Old English Anonymous and Wulfstanian Homilies through the Electronic Corpus of Anonymous Homilies in Old English (ECHOE) Project." Anglia 139, no. 1 (March 4, 2021): 128–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ang-2021-0007.
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Abstract This article first outlines the challenges involved in the editing of Old English anonymous and Wulfstanian homilies before introducing the Electronic Corpus of Anonymous Homilies in Old English (ECHOE) project. This new initiative at the University of Göttingen reverses the traditional collation of texts and instead celebrates the book-historical significance of every individual manuscript version, its textual and palaeographical idiosyncrasies, and its revisional layers up through c. 1200 AD. The project provides new forms of display to expose the complex interversional network of textual representations, and develops a range of digital tools to facilitate the identification and swift comparison of related passages. It includes digital facsimiles, palaeographical and rhetorical version profiles, and the Latin sources for each homily, creating opportunities for unprecedented research on the transmission, composition, variation, and performance of the fluid preaching text.
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LIUZZA, ROY M. "THE OLD ENGLISH CHRIST AND GUTHLAC TEXTS, MANUSCRIPTS, AND CRITICS." Review of English Studies XLI, no. 161 (1990): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/xli.161.1.
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Lutz, Angelika. "The syllabic basis of word division in old English manuscripts." English Studies 67, no. 3 (June 1986): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00138388608598441.
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Orme, Nicholas. "An English Grammar School ca. 1450: Latin Exercises from Exeter (Caius College MS 417/447, folios 16v–24v)." Traditio 50 (1995): 261–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900013246.
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Our knowledge of school education in medieval England has been immeasurably advanced during the last fifty years or so by the study of school textbooks. When the topic of medieval English schools was first identified in the 1890s, by A. F. Leach and others, it centered chiefly on their organization. Scholars collected references to their existence and continuity, together with the rather sparse records of their constitutions, masters, and pupils. Then, in the 1940s, the late R. W. Hunt drew attention to the manuscripts by which Latin and English were taught and studied in schools, a source that has since been explored by other writers. The study of manuscripts, it is now clear, enables us to understand much of what the schools taught, to gauge better the objectives and standards of school education, and to measure the similarities and differences between schools. Some of the surviving manuscripts cannot be attributed to particular schools, masters, or pupils, and therefore form a guide to education only in general. Others can be more exactly located. Dr. David Thomson, who has studied twenty-four fifteenth-century school manuscripts that contain material in Latin and English, is able to link at least half to particular schools, including Basingwerk Abbey (north Wales), Battlefield College (Shropshire), Beccles (Suffolk), Eton College (Bucks.), Exeter (Devon), St. Anthony's School (London), Magdalen College School (Oxford), St. Albans (Herts.), and Winchester College (Hants.). Other manuscripts can be attributed to Barlinch Priory (Somerset), Newgate School Bristol (Gloucs.), and Lincoln or its vicinity. This is a wide selection of places, geographically and institutionally. There are schools connected with monasteries (Barlinch and Basingstoke), fee-paying town grammar schools (Beccles, Exeter, and St. Albans), and the free grammar schools endowed during the later Middle Ages, such as Eton, St. Anthony's London, Magdalen College Oxford, and Winchester.
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Treharne, E. M. "A unique Old English formula for excommunication from Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 303." Anglo-Saxon England 24 (December 1995): 185–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100004695.
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Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 303 (hereafter CCCC 303) is an extensive mid-twelfth-century vernacular manuscript produced at Rochester from a variety of Old English source materials. According to the medieval foliation, forty-four leaves are missing at the beginning of the codex and an indeterminate number at the end. As extant, CCCC 303 comprises seventy-three texts which are arranged according to the Temporale and Sanctorale for the church year (the first complete homily is for the Third Sunday after the Epiphany), thus showing that an initial plan of the contents was decided upon by a compiler. Godden distinguishes five groups of texts in all, the last such group being relevant here. This final portion of the manuscript (pp. 290–362, from the middle of quire 19 to the end of the final quire 23) contains twelve texts designated by Godden as ‘Miscellaneous items, mainly by Ælfric’. The first nine of these ‘miscellaneous items’, however, seem to be linked by their suitability for the Lenten period and their emphasis on sin, repentance and prayer. It is within this part of the codex, at pp. 338–9 (between the Ælfric textsDe oratione Moysi in media QuadragesimaandQuomodo Acitofel 7 multi alii laqueo se suspenderunt), that the Latin formula for excommunication and a unique Old English parallel text are copied as the eighth item in this particular group.
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Keefer, Sarah Larratt. "Respecting the Book: Editing Old English Liturgical Poems in their Manuscripts." Florilegium 11, no. 1 (January 1992): 32–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.11.004.
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"For early vernacular works (whether oral or written in origin), the transmitting manuscript does not merely ensure the survival of the work as a text through the operation of a technology of preservation; it actually determines conditions for the reception and transmission of the work" (O'Keeffe 1990, 5). This statement raises the critical issue that forms the focus of this discussion. The way in which we apprehend that which we call "text" when it is written down, is primarily governed by the manuscript versions in which it appears. This is particularly true for poetry, both because it frequently remains in only one copy, and because it has traditionally been respatialized into half-line pairs, emended to conform to our perception of alliteration rules, and in general "cleaned up" by editors throughout the twentieth century. Many of these editors have been inclined to disregard the physical evidence contained in the grubby, fire-damaged, ink-smudged, or scribally-imperfect page, and have instead sought to provide the scholarly world with the poems "as they should have appeared."
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WRIGHT, CHARLES D., and STEPHEN PELLE. "THE ALPHABET OF WORDS IN THE DURHAM COLLECTAR AN EDITION WITH TWO NEW MANUSCRIPT WITNESSES." Traditio 72 (2017): 61–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2017.12.
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The Alphabet of Words (AW), a Latin alphabet text with an interlinear Old English gloss, occurs among the additions made to the Durham Collectar (D) by the priest Aldred in the tenth century. Previously thought to be extant only in D, and possibly by Aldred himself, AW also survives (without the OE gloss) in a Kassel manuscript (K) from the second half of the eighth century, as well as in a defective twelfth-century copy in Karlsruhe (Kr). Most of AW is also incorporated in a Latin treatise on the alphabet (“Audiuimus multos”: AM) compiled probably in the ninth century. AW belongs to the genre of “parenetic alphabet,” widely attested in Greek but also sporadically in Latin, including in a ninth-century Paris manuscript (P: BNF, lat. 2796) that shares lemmata and glosses with AW for the letters X, Y, and Z. We provide the first critical edition and translation of AW from D, K, and Kr, with variants from AM and P, together with a discussion of AW’s genre and relation to other alphabetical texts as well as a full commentary on the biblical, apocryphal, and patristic lore transmitted by AW’s lemmata and glosses on each letter.
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Scott Nokes, Richard. "The several compilers of Bald's Leechbook." Anglo-Saxon England 33 (December 2004): 51–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675104000031.
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The critical history of the Old English charms is replete with examples of scholars claiming that the charms are pagan remnants with a thread-bare Christian garment covering ancient pre-Christian rituals. Other scholars, more interested in combing the charms for magical elements, have viewed them as even more primitive than a pre-Christian religion and have instead treated them as Germanic magic. The first two of three texts found in London, British Library, Royal 12. D. XVII, more commonly known as Bald's Leechbook, certainly do not fit this description. In this manuscript, we find medical referencebooks produced by a team of compilers, perhaps as part of the intellectual renaissance sponsored by King Alfred. Evidence in the manuscript also suggests that the Anglo-Saxons had considerable access to Latin sources of medical learning and also had a well-developed native medical knowledge.
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Solopova, Elizabeth. "From Bede to Wyclif: The Knowledge of Old English within the Context of Late Middle English Biblical Translation and Beyond." Review of English Studies 71, no. 302 (December 10, 2019): 805–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgz134.
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Abstract The continuity between Old and Middle English periods has been a matter of interest and debate in the field of medieval studies. Though it is widely accepted that Old English texts continued to be copied and used in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the possibility that they were collected, read and studied, and influenced scholars and religious thinkers in late medieval England is often rejected as implausible. The reason most commonly given is the difficulty of understanding the Old English language in the late Middle Ages. The present article aims to reassess this view and re-examine evidence for the reading and use of Old English texts in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries with a primary focus on biblical translation. The article explores the possibility that Middle English glosses that occur in Old English sermon and biblical manuscripts reflect a scholarly interest in these texts, rather than a struggle to understand their language. The article also examines evidence that the translators of the Wycliffite Bible may have had some familiarity with Old English biblical translations, possibly as a result of study of biblical and sermon manuscripts.
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Rischel, Anna-Grethe, and Julius Von Wiesner. "Über die ältesten bis jetzt aufgefundenen Hadernpapiere. Ein neuer Beitrag zur Geschichte des Papiers." Z Badań nad Książką i Księgozbiorami Historycznymi 14, no. 3 (November 18, 2020): 367–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33077/uw.25448730.zbkh.2020.629.
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This article is an English translation by Anna-Grethe Rischel of Julius von Wiesner’s pioneering study of the oldest specimens of rag paper of Central Asian origin conducted soon after the discovery of large collections of manuscripts found in Dunhuang. This work, important for philology, codicology and paper history was fundamental to studies of paper as writing support of old manuscripts carried out at the beginning of the 20th century. The text written in German is little known and is therefore offered here in English.
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Rudolf, Winfried. "The Addition and Use of Running Titles in Manuscripts Containing Old English." New Medieval Literatures 13 (January 2011): 49–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.nml.1.102439.
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Fernandes, Gonçalo. "Syntax in the earliest Latin-Portuguese grammatical treatises." Latin Grammars in Transition, 1200 - 1600 44, no. 2-3 (December 31, 2017): 228–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.00003.fer.
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Abstract This essay analyses the most central concepts of Latin syntactical theory in the earliest pedagogical grammars written in Portugal during the 14th and 15th centuries, namely concord, government, and transitivity. The sources include two unpublished treatises preserved in manuscripts of Portuguese origin, one from the end of the 14th century and the other dated 1427, and the first grammar printed in Portugal (1497). They are representative of the teaching of Latin in Portugal at different levels of learning. All three treatises use the vernacular as a pedagogical aid, and Pastrana’s grammar also employs images to illustrate the main syntactical concepts. All treatises discuss government using the regular medieval terminology of regere “to govern” and regi “to be governed”. Like in Spanish, Italian and English grammars of Latin, the three concords belong to the basic syntactical doctrine. The major difference between these textbooks lies in their employment of the concept of transitivity. It is little more than mentioned in the two manuscripts, but highly relevant in the printed grammar.
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Cross, J. E. "Atto of Vercelli, De pressuris ecclesiasticis, Archbishop Wulfstan, and Wulfstan's “Commonplace Book”." Traditio 48 (1993): 237–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012927.
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Karl Jost first noted the use of a passage from Atto of Vercelli, De pressuris ecclesiasticis, in Archbishop Wulfstan's Latin composition De Christianitate. Dorothy Bethurum, however, in her essay on the group of manuscripts associated as representatives of Wulfstan's “Commonplace Book,” suggested that an extract in one of these, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 190, pp. 96–97, was an intermediary between the original work of Atto and Wulfstan's De Christianitate. Jost and Bethurum used the edition of Atto by d'Achery, reprinted in Migne. Now Joachim Bauer has re-edited Atto's tract and, finding early manuscripts rare, has read CCC 190 and identified more quotations from Atto in this English manuscript.
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Gretsch, Mechthild. "The Taunton Fragment: a new text from Anglo-Saxon England." Anglo-Saxon England 33 (December 2004): 145–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675104000067.
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The Taunton Fragment (now Taunton, Somerset, Somerset County Record Office, DD/SAS C/1193/77) consists of four leaves containing portions of brief expositions or homilies on the pericopes for four successive Sundays after Pentecost. In the Fragment, brief passages in Latin regularly alternate with the Old English translations of these passages. The manuscript to which the four leaves once belonged was written probably at some point around or after the middle of the eleventh century in an unknown (presumably minor) centre in Anglo-Saxon England. Until recently, the existence of the Taunton leaves had escaped the notice of Anglo-Saxonists; the texts which they contain are printed here for the first time. It will be obvious that eight pages, half of which are in Old English prose, add in no negligible way to the corpus of Old English. Through analysis of the texts in the second part of this article, I hope to show that their contribution to our knowledge of various kinds of literary activity in Anglo-Saxon England is significant indeed, and that the linguistic evidence they present has no parallel elsewhere in the corpus of Old English.
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MOKROWIECKI, TOMASZ. "Acute accents as graphic markers of vowel quantity in two Late Old English manuscripts." English Language and Linguistics 19, no. 3 (March 2, 2015): 407–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674315000015.
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The available standard accounts of Old and Middle English usually assert that scribes paid very little or no attention to vowel quantity. However, a great deal of what has been said so far about quantitative changes in Late Old and Early Middle English is based either on purely theoretical models, or on extremely questionable Modern English data. Surprisingly, except for a few more detailed studies on the peculiar orthography of The Ormulum, little has been done so far to analyse other orthographic systems from this perspective. Furthermore, as has already been shown in earlier studies, vowel quantity of Old and Middle English can be reconstructed to some extent on the basis of orthographic evidence from some manuscripts. Since use of the accent mark by some scribes is often associated with vowel length, the primary aim of the present study is to assess the reliability of the accent marks used in MSS Gg. 3.28 (Homilies of Ælfric) and William H. Scheide (The Blickling Homilies) as potential orthographic indicators of vowel quantity. The results of the analysis clearly show that the accent mark is one of those orthographic notations that can be extremely helpful in establishing vowel quantity in a Late Old English manuscript.
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Blezzard, Judith. "Monsters and Messages: The Willmott and Braikenridge Manuscripts of Latin Tudor Church Music, 1591." Antiquaries Journal 75 (September 1995): 311–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500073042.
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The Willmott and Braikenridge manuscripts (1591) are the survivors from five partbooks containing twenty-seven pieces of Latin church music. Nine composers, most of them English, are represented. The source transmits entire pieces rather than only particular sections. It follows no conventional copying scheme reflecting derivation from other sources, from liturgical or seasonal use, or from groupings by composer, text or number of voiceparts. There are numerous inscriptions and drawings. Their nature, together with the choice and order of the Latin texts, suggests that the source was a statement of allegiance to Roman Catholicism by the scribe, John Sadler, schoolmaster and Anglican priest, of Northamptonshire.
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Ganieva, Shakhnoza, and Professor Kamola Baltabayevna Akilova. "AVICENNA - HISTORY'S PRODIGY." CURRENT RESEARCH JOURNAL OF HISTORY 02, no. 06 (June 16, 2021): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/history-crjh-02-06-04.
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The earliest of the manuscripts available in the world, "Kitab al-Qanun fi-t-tibb" ("Canon of Medicine"), by the great Abu Ali ibn Sina (980-1037), dating back to the 12th century, is kept in the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg. This major work has been the most complete encyclopedia of medicine for a millennium. As early as in the 12th century, it was translated in Europe from Arabic into Latin by the Italian Gerard of Cremona (1114-1187) and then disseminated in many manuscripts. "The Canon of Medicine," Avicenna began writing when he was twenty years old and completed this work in 1020-at the age of forty, when Avicenna's medical and life experience was vast. This article is just an attempt to lift the veil over the mystery of the genius' formation, and how this priceless folio, created in the ancient Uzbek land, came to St. Petersburg.
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Johnson, Nathan C. "Anger Issues: Mark 1.41 in Ephrem the Syrian, the Old Latin Gospels and Codex Bezae." New Testament Studies 63, no. 2 (March 6, 2017): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688516000412.
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While the vast majority of manuscripts portray Jesus in Mark 1.41 as ‘moved to compassion’ (σπλαγχνισθείς) before healing a leper, five putative witnesses in three languages depict him ‘becoming angry’ (ὀργισθείς/iratus). Following Hort's dictum that ‘knowledge of documents should precede final judgments on readings’, this article offers the first thorough examination of the witnesses to ‘anger’, with the result that the sole putative Syriac witness is dismissed, the Old Latin witnesses are geographically isolated, and the sole Greek witness linked to the Old Latin as a Greek–Latin diglot. Since the final grounds for Jesus’ ‘anger’, that it is thelectio difficilior, also prove insubstantial, σπλαγχνισθείς is concluded to be original, with ‘anger’ originating in the Old Latin manuscript tradition.
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Timofeeva, Olga. "The Viking outgroup in early medieval English chronicles." Journal of Historical Sociolinguistics 2, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 83–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jhsl-2016-0004.
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AbstractThis paper relates diachronic change in discourse strategies of the Viking-age historical writing to political changes of the period and to communities of practice that produce these histories and chronicles. It examines the labels and stereotypes applied to the Vikings and establishes their sources and evolution by applying a fourfold chronological division of historical sources from around 800 to 1200 (based on the political developments within Anglo-Saxon history and on the manuscript history of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle). The data for the study come from both Old English and Anglo-Latin chronicles. The results are interpreted in terms of critical discourse analysis. It is demonstrated that the chroniclers employ strategies of dissimilation exploiting the notion of illegitimacy and criminality of the Viking outgroup. These strategies change over time, depending on the political situation (raiding vs. settlement vs. reconquest period) and communities of practice involved in the maintenance and dissemination of a particular political discourse.