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Journal articles on the topic 'Old Norse-Icelandic'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Jakubczyk, Radosław. "Guðbrandur Vigfússon as an editor of Old Norse-Icelandic literature." Folia Scandinavica Posnaniensia 21, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fsp-2016-0046.

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Abstract Guðbrandur Vigfússon, an Icelander born in Galtardalur, Dalasýsla, was without doubt one of the most influential scholars of Old Norse studies of his day. His diplomatic edition of Flateyjarbók, his critical edition of Sturlunga saga, and his anthology An Icelandic Prose Reader are still of use to those without access to the relevant manuscripts. In this essay, I would like to survey his career (in Copenhagen and Oxford) as an editor of Old Norse-Icelandic texts and the legacy that he has left to his successors in the field of Old Norse studies.

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2

Oberlin, Adam. "Dario Bullitta, Niðrstigningar saga: Sources, Transmission, and Theology of the Old Norse “Descent into Hell”. Toronto Old Norse and Icelandic Series, 11. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2017, pp. XIX, 203." Mediaevistik 31, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 394–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med012018_394.

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Alongside the source and contextual study promised by the title, this volume also delivers an edition and the first English translation of the two primary redactions of the Old Norse version of the Descensus Christi or Harrowing of Hell translated from the medieval tradition of the Evangelium Nicodemi or Acta Pilati (for a modern Norwegian translation and parallel normalized edition of the Old Icelandic text see Odd Einar Haugen, Norrøne tekster i utval, 2nd ed., Oslo: Gyldendal, 2001 [1st ed. 1994], pp. 250–65). While the texts themselves are short and have attracted relatively little attention compared to the immense consideration afforded saga literature or Norse poetic traditions, they are nevertheless of great philological significance in the history of Old Norse-Icelandic literature and provide a window into the transmission of Latin and Christian texts. Given the amount of material covered in such few pages while retaining the fullness of the textual tradition, this study, edition, and translation is both conceptually outstanding and strong in execution. The fields of Old Norse-Icelandic language and literature and Germanic philology in a wider sense are enriched by the publication of such multipurpose volumes, whose organization should increase interest in and coverage of otherwise minor or overlooked texts.

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3

Wolf, Kirsten. "The color brown in Old Norse-Icelandic literature." NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution 70, no. 1 (April 10, 2017): 22–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.70.1.02wol.

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The article examines the use of the color brown in Old Norse-Icelandic literature, which is encoded by brúnn and jarpr. More specifically, it seeks to determine through linguistic categorization the objects about which brown is used and to determine on the basis of its frequency whether for Old Norse-Icelandic brown should be placed in the earlier stages of the evolution of color terms or if it should be assigned to the later stages. The data show that brúnn is the more frequently used term, though the earliest texts suggest that both brúnn and jarpr were contextually restricted. Gradually, brúnn came to be applied to a wider range of objects, whereas jarpr remained a secondary color term. As a basic color term, brúnn should be assigned a fairly late stage in the temporal-evolutionary order of basic color terms.

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4

Lauren Poyer and Kirsten Wolf. "North American Doctoral Dissertations on Old Norse-Icelandic." Scandinavian Studies 89, no. 1 (2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/scanstud.89.1.0001.

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5

Wolf, Kirsten. "The Color Grey in Old Norse-Icelandic Literature." JEGP, Journal of English and Germanic Philology 108, no. 2 (2009): 222–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/egp.0.0044.

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6

Bennett, Lisa. "Old Norse-Icelandic Literature: a Critical Guide (review)." Parergon 23, no. 1 (2006): 146–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2006.0053.

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7

Thráinsson, Höskuldur. "Full NP Object Shift: The Old Norse Puzzle and the Faroese Puzzle revisited." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 36, no. 2 (September 13, 2013): 153–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s033258651300022x.

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This paper argues that there is no reason to believe that full NP Object Shift (NPOS) was not found in Old Norse (Old Icelandic) nor that it is more common in Modern Icelandic than in earlier stages of the language. In addition, it is claimed that NPOS is also an option in Modern Faroese, contrary to common belief, although it is much more restricted in Faroese than in Icelandic. These results demonstrate the usefulness of systematic corpus studies while at the same time reminding us of their limits. In addition, they shed a new light on the status of Faroese among the Scandinavian languages and on the nature of intra-speaker variation and grammar competition.

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8

Bryan, Eric Shane. "Prospective Memory of Death in Old Norse and Icelandic Sources." Neophilologus 103, no. 4 (April 25, 2019): 543–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11061-019-09609-6.

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9

Driscoll, M. "Encoding old Norse/Icelandic primary sources using TEI-conformant SGML." Literary and Linguistic Computing 15, no. 1 (April 1, 2000): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/llc/15.1.81.

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10

Óskarsdóttir, Svanhildur. "Expanding Horizons: Recent Trends in Old Norse-Icelandic Manuscript Studies." New Medieval Literatures 14 (January 2012): 203–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.nml.1.103191.

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11

Etheridge, Christian. "A Systematic Re-evaluation of the Sources of Old Norse Astronomy." Culture and Cosmos 16, no. 1 and 2 (October 2012): 119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.01216.0221.

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The field of Old Norse astronomy is in a very fragmented state. There is no primary source that describes all the heavenly bodies and constellations known to the Old Norse culture. Instead the researcher must go to a wide variety of sources, which sometimes only convey snippets of information. These sources range from Eddic poems to tales of early Icelandic astronomers and through to linguistic evidence, archaeology and folklore. The secondary material on these sources is also fragmented, since from the early twentieth century there have only been a few attempts at an overall grand narrative. In this paper a new approach is proposed to collecting and assessing this data. By using multi-disciplinary scholarship and a tripartite model, this paper will show how a new assessment of Old Norse astronomy can be put into practice for the twenty-first century.

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12

Jakubczyk, Radosław. "„Nie należy do mężczyzny, by wtrącał się do jadła”. Rzecz o ucztowaniu i tabu pokarmowym w średniowiecznej Islandii." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 18 (July 9, 2020): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2018.18.12.

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In this paper, I discuss various kinds of feasts in Old Norse-Icelandic literature, such as wedding, funeral, or sacrificial feasts. I discuss feasting, an important part of the culture of medieval Iceland, much more in terms of its functions (political, social, religious) than in terms of its culinary aspect. In addition, I consider how religious traditions impacted Old Icelandic food culture and how food taboo related to horse-meat consumption (declared just after the conversion of Iceland to Christianity in 1000 CE) affected social interaction.

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13

Foster, Aidan. "Hierophanies in the Vinland Sagas: Images of a New World." Culture and Cosmos 16, no. 1 and 2 (October 2012): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.01216.0223.

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The field of Old Norse astronomy is in a very fragmented state. There is no primary source that describes all the heavenly bodies and constellations known to the Old Norse culture. Instead the researcher must go to a wide variety of sources, which sometimes only convey snippets of information. These sources range from Eddic poems to tales of early Icelandic astronomers and through to linguistic evidence, archaeology and folklore. The secondary material on these sources is also fragmented, since from the early twentieth century there have only been a few attempts at an overall grand narrative. In this paper a new approach is proposed to collecting and assessing this data. By using multi-disciplinary scholarship and a tripartite model, this paper will show how a new assessment of Old Norse astronomy can be put into practice for the twenty-first century.

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14

Knutsson, Pétur. "Intertextual quanta in formula and translation." Language and Literature: International Journal of Stylistics 4, no. 2 (May 1995): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096394709500400202.

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Halldora B. Bjornsson's Icelandic translation of Beowulf (Bjömsson 1983) shares with other examples of textual transmission between closely related languages a tendency to transcend the exigencies of formal cognation by exploiting non-cognate correspondences which echo the forms of the original (cf. Kndtsson 1995). This article examines examples of this phenomenon in Bjdmsson's translation, treating them as intertextual connections between source and translation which cannot be adequately defined without invoking known formulaic relationships with other Anglo- Saxon and Old Norse poems. Bj6msson was widely read in Old Norse but was not familiar with Old English texts other than Beowulf. This article suggests that the formulaic links between the Old English corpus and Bjornsson's translation cannot be adequately explained by the Old Norse connection. A more promising approach is to treat them as autonomous echoic phenomena occurring as discrete and quantifiable surface strings which become activated as intertextualities when they are invoked as such.

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Eythórsson, Thórhallur, Rasmus Kristian Rask, Niels Ege, and Thorhallur Eythorsson. "Investigation of the Origin of the Old Norse or Icelandic Language." Language 73, no. 3 (September 1997): 690. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/415955.

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Markelova, Olga. "The perception of Old Norse literature in modern Icelandic children’s literature." St.Tikhons' University Review. Series III. Philology, no. 55 (June 30, 2018): 52–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiii201855.52-74.

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17

Vázquez-González, Juan G., and Jóhanna Barðdal. "Reconstructing the ditransitive construction for Proto-Germanic: Gothic, Old English and Old Norse-Icelandic." Folia Linguistica 40, no. 2 (November 26, 2019): 555–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2019-0021.

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Abstract The semantic range of ditransitive verbs in Modern English has been at the center of linguistic attention ever since the pioneering work of Pinker (1989. Learnability and cognition: The acquisition of argument structure. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press). At the same time, historical research on how the semantics of the ditransitive construction has changed over time has seriously lagged behind. In order to address this issue for the Germanic languages, the Indo-European subbranch to which Modern English belongs, we systematically investigate the narrowly defined semantic verb classes occurring in the ditransitive construction in Gothic, Old English and Old Norse-Icelandic. On the basis of data handed down from Proto-Germanic and documented in the oldest layers of the three Germanic subbranches, East, West and North Germanic, respectively, we show that the constructional range of the ditransitive construction was considerably broader in the earlier historical stages than now; several subclasses of verbs that could instantiate the ditransitive in early Germanic are infelicitous in the ditransitive construction in, for instance, Modern English. Taking the oldest surviving evidence from Germanic as point of departure, we reconstruct the ditransitive construction for an earlier proto-stage, using the formalism of Construction Grammar and incorporating narrowly defined semantic verb classes and higher level conceptual domains. We thus reconstruct the internal structure of the ditransitive construction in Proto-Germanic, including different levels of schematicity.

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18

Porter, Edel, and Teodoro Manrique Antón. "Flushing in anger, blushing in shame." Cognitive Linguistic Studies 2, no. 1 (September 24, 2015): 24–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cogls.2.1.02por.

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This paper comprises a study of the somatic vocabulary associated with particular emotions (especially anger, shame and love) as they appear in Old Norse texts. Through a detailed analysis of the occurrences of these emotion expressions in different textual genres and periods, we investigate the way in which certain physiological manifestations were linked to a specific emotion in a certain type of text and period, and how certain changes in the usage of vocabulary came into being. We conclude that changes in the conceptualization of emotions in Old Norse written texts were mediated by new metaphors and metonymies imported into medieval Icelandic culture in the form of translated texts, both religious and secular.

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19

Jorgensen, Peter A. "Bibliography of Old Norse -- Icelandic Romances. Marianne E. Kalinke , P. M. Mitchell." Speculum 62, no. 1 (January 1987): 141–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2852587.

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20

Mitchell, Stephen A. "Old Norse-Icelandic Literature: A Critical Guide. Carol J. Clover , John Lindow." Speculum 63, no. 1 (January 1988): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2854339.

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21

Vijūnas, A. "BYOCK, JESSE L.: Viking Language 1: Learn Old Norse, Runes, and Icelandic Sagas." Kratylos 60, no. 1 (2015): 70–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.29091/kratylos/2015/1/6.

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22

ANTONSSON, HAKI. "A Companion to Old Norse-Icelandic Literature and Culture - Edited by Rory McTurk." Early Medieval Europe 15, no. 4 (October 10, 2007): 464–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0254.2007.00217_7.x.

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23

Power, Bernard A. "Climatological Analysis of Old Norse Sailing Directions for North Atlantic Routes." Journal of Navigation 55, no. 1 (January 2002): 109–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s037346330100159x.

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The navigational feats of the Vikings and Norse in the Middle Ages have excited much interest and admiration, and we are fortunate that actual sailing directions for their various North Atlantic routes have been passed down to us in the Icelandic sagas. Using statistical data of modern wind conditions, this paper examines the sailing directions to determine whether the sailing times quoted are reasonable for a type of ship that was making these voyages in the Middle Ages. The findings show very good correlation between the calculated times and those of the sagas. The paper goes on to study an apparent anomaly for a particular route quoted in the sagas and concludes that the departure and destination points have probably been misinterpreted in the past.

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24

Bernharðsson, Haraldur. "Spreading the standard:The nineteenth-century standardization of Icelandic and the first Icelandic novel." Journal of Historical Sociolinguistics 4, no. 2 (October 25, 2018): 149–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jhsl-2017-0014.

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AbstractA literary standard for Icelandic was created in the nineteenth century. The main architects of this standard were scholars of Old Norse-Icelandic language and literature who turned to the language of the medieval Icelandic literature for linguistic models. Consequently, the resulting standard included a number of features from earlier stages of the language. This standard was successfully implemented despite the relatively weak institutional infrastructure in nineteenth-century Iceland. It is argued in this paper that the first Icelandic novel, Piltur og stúlka, appearing in 1850 and again in a revised edition in 1867, played an important role in spreading the standard. The novel championed the main ideological tenets of the prevailing language policy, and at the same time it was a showcase for the new standard. A rural love story set in contemporary Iceland, the novel was a welcome literary innovation. Most importantly, the subject matter appealed to children and adolescents in their formative years, and the novel thus became a powerful and persuasive vehicle for the new linguistic standard.

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Pfaff, Alexander. "Reunited after 1000 years. The development of definite articles in Icelandic." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 42, no. 02 (July 25, 2019): 165–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586519000155.

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AbstractThis article traces the diachronic development from the Proto Norse demonstrative hinn via the Old Icelandic definite article(s) to the Modern Icelandic article system. This demonstrative gave rise to two distinct article elements during the Viking period that are well-attested from Old Icelandic onwards, a freestanding and a suffixed article.Based on evidence from Old Icelandic, I argue for a categorial distinction between an adjectival and a nominal article, which does not entirely coincide with a mere morpho-phonological distinction. The former, which mostly occurs as a freestanding element, is a genuine component of AP, not an immediate constituent of the nominal extended projection. The latter, which only occurs in suffixal form, heads a low projection in the extended nominal projection and has scope only over the noun. For Modern Icelandic, on the other hand, I will adopt the idea that free and suffixed articles are two surface manifestations of the same element.The diachronic perspective is complemented by an examination of the development of seven adjectivally modified definite noun phrase patterns. This empirical survey reveals several surprising facts: The standard pattern of modification in Modern Icelandic was virtually non-existent prior to the 17th century, and double definiteness persisted until the early 20th century. Likewise, certain modificational patterns otherwise found in Mainland Scandinavian were dominant between the 16th and 19th century. This latter observation points to a competition between two adjectival articles hinn vs. sá similar to the one that had taken place earlier in Mainland Scandinavian. In Icelandic, however, sá did not replace hinn, and, in the long run, a pattern not comprising an adjectival article became the dominant one.

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Olthof, Marieke. "Transparency in Norwegian and Icelandic: Language contact vs. language isolation." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 40, no. 1 (April 20, 2017): 73–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s033258651700004x.

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This research studies language contact as a possible cause of differences between languages in their degree of transparency. As transparency is assumed to facilitate intelligibility and learnability, especially for adult L2 learners, it is hypothesized that in particular contact settings with many such learners, languages tend to show increasing transparency. The study tests this hypothesis by investigating transparency in Norwegian, which has been exposed to extensive contact with Low German and Danish, and the relatively isolated Icelandic language. Based on a set of opacity features formulated in Functional Discourse Grammar, the degree of transparency of the two languages is compared. The results show that, as predicted, Norwegian is more transparent than Icelandic, which seems due to an increase in transparency in Norwegian and general opacity maintenance in Icelandic compared to their ancestor Old Norse. The study thus supports the hypothesized relation between language contact and transparency.

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Oberlin, Adam. "Brittany Erin Schorn, Speaker and Authority in Old Norse Wisdom Poetry. Trends in Medieval Philology, 34. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2017, viii, 198 pp." Mediaevistik 31, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 387–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med012018_387.

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This slim volume, 155 pages apart from the introduction and back matter, is the revised version of a recent dissertation on the dialogic and discursive exchange of wisdom in the Gnomic genre of Old Norse-Icelandic Eddic poetry. As the author notes in the introduction (Ch. 1), this genre is well attended in the scholarly literature and many studies have addressed similar or adjacent topics. Five chapters after the introduction describe and investigate narrative and discursive aspects of wisdom poetry informed by a pre-Christian past but located firmly within a post-conversion manuscript context.

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Kjartansson, Helgi Skúli. "Sproti. Geta fornar skógarnytjar skýrt margslungið merkingarsvið?" Orð og tunga 20 (June 1, 2018): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.33112/ordogtunga.20.2.

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The Old Norse noun sproti(masc.) displays a variety of meanings, only some of which are preserved in Modern Icelandic. The present article seeks, largely on the basis of material from the Copenhagen Dictionary of Old Norse Prose (ONP), to map the usage of the term and its compounds. Many of the occurrences in old texts have religious overtones, either Christian – partly as a translation of Lat. virga – or pagan – especially in connection with the god Óðinn, while others concern tales of magic and fantasy.Down-to-earth use of the term is too rare for its basic meaning to clearly occur. It is, however, tempting to connect it with the common practice of coppicing or pollarding trees for a variety of uses, from tree hay to firewood, including any sort of poles or sticks. The term sproti would then primarily refer to the young stems harvested from such trees and secondarily to fancier magic wands and regal sceptres, even when made of ivory or gold.The Odinic reyrsproti and laufsproti might then refer to tender stems used, respec-tively, for fastening (cf. vb. reyra ‘tie’) and for animal feed.

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Drechsler, Stefan. "Marginalia in Medieval Western Scandinavian Law Manuscripts." Das Mittelalter 25, no. 1 (June 3, 2020): 180–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mial-2020-0013.

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AbstractIn the present chapter, the design of select margins of late medieval Old Norse manuscripts containing the Icelandic ‘Jónsbók’, ‘Kristinréttr Árna biskups’ and Norwegian ‘Landslǫg’ law codes is addressed. In particular, it discusses the size and fillings of margins in these codices and the relation to their modes of use by original clients and later owners. Although it is well-known that Scandinavian law manuscripts contain a large number of notes written by both original and later users, the particular use of marginal spaces by original scribes and illuminators for glosses and other annotations and illuminations has scarcely been investigated to date. In my contribution, two distinctive features will be addressed: (1.) The different use of margins by Norwegian and Icelandic readers of the manuscripts, and (2.) the use of margins by illuminators surrounding the column(s) and incorporated initials.

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Tarsi, Matteo. "On the origin of the oldest borrowed Christian terminology in Icelandic." Orð og tunga 18 (June 1, 2016): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.33112/ordogtunga.18.5.

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This article deals with the origin of the oldest core of borrowed Christian terminology still extant in Icelandic, i.e. those words which were introduced in Old Norse in the period ranging from the first evangelical missions in Scandinavia (9th c.) to the establishment of the archbishopric in Niðarós (1153). After a short introduction (1), a brief overview of the aforementioned historical period is given (2). The corpus, which consists of 45 words, is subsequently presented alongside its semantic classification (3), of which a chronological (text-based) reading is given. In the next section (4), particular attention is drawn to a sample of ten words, which have been chosen for their importance both from a historico-linguistic and etymological perspective. Special emphasis is placed on addressing the role of Old Saxon in the dawn of Christianity in Scandinavia and Iceland and on revising some of the etymologies proposed by the three major Icelandic etymological dictionaries (AeW, IeW and ÍOb). In the final section (5), it is stressed that a methodology which rests upon historical, alongside linguistic and philological, facts is needed if one wants to better understand the cultural and linguistic background of a particular portion of the lexicon: here, the oldest part of the borrowed Christian lexicon is analysed as a particularly interesting example.

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Sayers, William. "Poetry in Fornaldarsögur, Margaret Clunies Ross, ed., 2 parts. Skaldic Poetry of the Scandinavian Middle Ages, 8. Turnhout: Brepols, 2017, 1076 pp." Mediaevistik 31, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 382. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med012018_382.

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The Skaldic Editing Project, as it was familiarly called until print production began in 2007, is the most comprehensive editorial undertaking in medieval Scandinavian studies in many decades. Volume 8, here under review, is the fifth to see publication in the planned series of nine, and is devoted to skaldic verse (broadly understood) incorporated in various ways in the Old Norse-Icelandic tales of olden times (Fornaldarsögur). The general editor of the series, Margaret Clunies Ross (who has also edited this volume as well as the stanzas from several such sagas) has assembled an international team of 12 scholars, responsible for the editing and translation of 23 sets of stanzas and, as an addendum, the somewhat anomalous Skaufhala bálkr, a satirical poem about an old fox. An online version of the project, with the many enhancement available through current technology, is also in progress.

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Barnes, Geraldine. "HumanitiesKirsten Wolf.The Legends of the Saints in Old Norse-Icelandic Prose. University of Toronto Press. xiv, 406. $80.00." University of Toronto Quarterly 84, no. 3 (August 2015): 264–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/utq.84.3.264.

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Egilsdóttir, Ásdís. "Kirsten Wolf and Natalie M. Van Deusen, The Saints in Old Norse and Early Modern Icelandic Poetry. (Toronto Old Norse-Icelandic Series.) Toronto, Buffalo, and London: University of Toronto Press, 2017. Pp. xi, 363. $95. ISBN: 978-1-4875-0074-0." Speculum 95, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 632–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/708039.

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Wolf, Kirsten. "Somatic Semiotics: Emotion and the Human Face in the Sagas andÞættirof Icelanders." Traditio 69 (2014): 125–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900001938.

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The human face has the capacity to generate expressions associated with a wide range of affective states. Despite the fact that there are few words to describe human facial behaviors, the facial muscles allow for more than a thousand different facial appearances. Some examples of feelings that can be expressed are anger, concentration, contempt, excitement, nervousness, and surprise. Regardless of culture or language, the same expressions are associated with the same emotions and vary only in intensity. Using modern psychological analyses as a point of departure, this essay examines descriptions of human facial expressions as well as such bodily “symptoms” as flushing, turning pale, and weeping in Old Norse-Icelandic literature. The aim is to analyze the manner in which facial signs are used as a means of non-verbal communication to convey the impression of an individual's internal state to observers. More specifically, this essay seeks to determine when and why characters in these works are described as expressing particular facial emotions and, especially, the range of emotions expressed. The Sagas andþættirof Icelanders are in the forefront of the analysis and yield well over one hundred references to human facial expression and color. The examples show that through gaze, smiling, weeping, brows that are raised or knitted, and coloration, the Sagas andþættirof Icelanders tell of happiness or amusement, pleasant and unpleasant surprise, fear, anger, rage, sadness, interest, concern, and even mixed emotions for which language has no words. The Sagas andþættirof Icelanders may be reticent in talking about emotions and poor in emotional vocabulary, but this poverty is compensated for by making facial expressions signifiers of emotion. This essay makes clear that the works are less emotionally barren than often supposed. It also shows that our understanding of Old Norse-Icelandic “somatic semiotics” may well depend on the universality of facial expressions and that culture-specific “display rules” or “elicitors” are virtually nonexistent.

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González Campo, Mariano. "The Norn Hildina Ballad from the Shetland Islands: Scandinavian parallels and attempts at reconstruction/translation." SELIM. Journal of the Spanish Society for Medieval English Language and Literature. 25, no. 1 (September 29, 2020): 61–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/selim.25.2020.61-119.

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The Shetland Islands, together with the Orkney Islands, were until the nineteenth century a remarkable reservoir of the so-called Norn language, an extinct insular variety of Old Norse closely related to Icelandic and, specially, Faroese. Norn was preserved in these North-Atlantic British islands in form of single words, proverbs, or prayers. However, the longest and most complete text in Norn is the Shetlandic Hildina Ballad, collected on the small island of Foula in 1774 by George Low and consisting of thirtyfive stanzas. In this article I intend to offer a comparative approach to this Norn oral text refering to its Scandinavian parallels and the attempts at reconstruction and translation carried out by several scholars such as Marius Hægstad, Sophus Bugge, William G. Collinwood, Norah Kershaw, or Eigil Lehmann.

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Poole, Russell. "Prolonged Echoes: Old Norse Myths in Medieval Society. Vol. 2: The Reception of Norse Myths in Medieval Iceland, and: Old Icelandic Literature and Society (review)." Parergon 18, no. 3 (2001): 162–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2011.0171.

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Markey, Thomas L. "Review of Rask, Ege & Gregersen (1993/2013): Investigation of the Origin of the Old Norse or Icelandic Language." NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution 68, no. 1 (March 13, 2015): 113–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.68.1.04mar.

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Gyönki, Viktória. "Múltépítés és propaganda." Belvedere Meridionale 32, no. 1 (2020): 74–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2020.1.7.

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Harald the hard-ruler (Old Norse: Haraldr harðráði) (1046–1066) was the last king of the socalled Viking Age. His life and deeds were recorded in numerous compilations of the Kings’ sagas, such as Heimskringla and Morkinskinna. Both of these texts depict him as a strong ruler and military leader. This portrait could not be complete however, without those shorter episodes in the Kings’ sagas between diff erent Icelanders and the king – mostly, it was Harald who had to compete with them. While Harald was famous for his smart tactics in byzantine service, he was not able to outperform Icelanders. This essay will focus on how Harald’s image was built up, sometimes based on historical or literary materials other than the Kings’ sagas. His special relationship with Icelanders was also expressed as he became a frequent character in the Icelandic Family Sagas.

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James, Stuart. "A Companion to Old Norse‐Icelandic Literature and Culture200623Edited by Rory McTurk. A Companion to Old Norse‐Icelandic Literature and Culture. Oxford and Malden, MA: Blackwell 2005. xiii + 567 pp., ISBN: 0 631 23502 7 £95, $149.95 Blackwell Companions to Literature and Culture." Reference Reviews 20, no. 1 (January 2006): 34–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09504120610638537.

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Byrne, Aisling. "From Hólar to Lisbon: Middle English Literature in Medieval Translation, c.1286–c.1550." Review of English Studies 71, no. 300 (September 9, 2019): 433–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgz085.

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Abstract This paper offers the first survey of evidence for the translation of Middle English literature beyond the English-speaking world in the medieval period. It identifies and discusses translations in five vernaculars: Welsh, Irish, Old Norse-Icelandic, Dutch, and Portuguese. The paper examines the contexts in which such translation took place and considers the role played by colonial, dynastic, trading, and ecclesiastical networks in the transmission of these works. It argues that English is in the curious position of being a vernacular with a reasonable international reach in translation, but often with relatively low literary and cultural prestige. It is evident that most texts translated from English in this period are works which themselves are based on sources in other languages, and it seems probable that English-language texts are often convenient intermediaries for courtly or devotional works more usually transmitted in French or Latin.

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Orchard, A. "H. O'DONOGHUE, Old Norse-Icelandic Literature: A Short Introduction. Pp. x + 241. Oxford: Blackwell, 2004. 17.99 (ISBN 0 631 23626 0)." Notes and Queries 52, no. 4 (December 1, 2005): 528–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gji457.

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Shapochkina, O. "MODEL OF THE CATEGORY OF STATE AS “FUZZY MULTIPLICITY”: CATEGORICAL FOCUS OF QUALITATIVITY." Studia Philologica, no. 2 (2019): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2311-2425.2019.13.8.

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The research reconstructed the category of state in the old Germanic languages (Gothic, Old Saxon, Old Icelandic, Old English, Old High German) by structuring categorical focuses within the state paradigm. In the paper it is proposed to consider the category of state in the Old Germanic languages as “fuzzy multiplicity” where the nucleus is the predicate of state, and around it concentrates the state protocategorial construction with subject-object relations of physical, emotional-psychological, mental state and state of perception which transmit different macro-states within the state situation that contains such categorical focuses as quality, opposition, divergence, convergence and mobility. The article covers the essence of the categorical focus for qualitative state category in the Old Germanic languages. In particular, it was done comparison of quantitative indicators usage in state protocategorial constructions for active state, intertiv (inactive constructions), mediopassiv, constructions with IV-class verbs with ending –nan in Gothic, constructions with copula-verbs “to be/to become” + participle II, constructions with participle II, reflexive constructions, reciprocal constructions. Comparison was done in the Gothic-Scandinavian and West-Germanic language areas, and it is based on such Old Germanic literature sources as the Gothic Bible “Wulfila”, “Beowulf”, “Heliand”, “Song of Hildebrand”, “Muspilli”, “Song of Ludwig”, “Old Norse Edda”. The methods used in the study revealed the fundamental development actualisers and similar and distinctive features of the category of state in the Old Germanic languages. The reconstruction of the category of state for the Old Germanic languages in modern aspect has been restored. The research represents new vision of existing truths and positive experience for re-thinking the given interpretations.

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Jackson, Tatjana N. "Garðaríki and Its Capital: Novgorod on the Mental Map of Medieval Scandinavians." Slovene 4, no. 1 (2015): 170–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2015.4.1.9.

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The paper presents data preserved in Old Norse-Icelandic literature on Hólmgarðr, a place that is traditionally identified with Novgorod. Hólmgarðr appears in these writings as a capital of Garðaríki (Old Rus’): all Russian princes familiar from these sources have their seat in this place. Almost all the events occurring in Russia are associated in the sagas with Hólmgarðr: Scandinavians come to Hólmgarðr to seek refuge or service; four Norwegian kings stay in Hólmgarðr for a period of time; Scandinavians return to their homeland or sail to distant lands from this place; and Scandinavian merchants also come to this town. Hólmgarðr is described in a generalized way. It has the prince’s court, the chamber of the princess, a special hall built for the Varangian guards, the Church of St. Olav, and a marketplace; in other words, we are dealing with a traditional set of characteristics of a capital city. Novgorod on the mental map of medieval Scandinavians belongs to the eastern quarter (Austrhálfa) of the oekumene, and to get there travelers had to go austr ‘east,’ to cross the Baltic Sea (Austmarr, Eystrasalt), and to pass Ladoga (Aldeigja, Aldeigjuborg), where they changed from ocean-going ships to river vessels and where they waited for a guaranty of safe travel (grið) from the prince of Novgorod (konungr í Hólmgarði).

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O’Donoghue, Heather. "Daniel Anlezark, ed., Myths, Legends, and Heroes: Essays on Old Norse and Old English Literature in Honour of John McKinnell. (Toronto Old Norse–Icelandic Studies 5.) Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011. Pp. vi, 272; 8 black-and-white figures. $65. ISBN: 978-0-8020-9947-1." Speculum 89, no. 3 (July 2014): 731–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713414000839.

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Bondar, Igor А. "The new Scandinavian zoomorphic amulet with runic inscription, through the lense of ancient germanic mythological system of the world." Scandinavian Philology 19, no. 1 (2021): 198–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu21.2021.112.

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The new rhombus-shaped cast amulet of the 10th century, made in the Borre style by means of the openwork metalworking technique, is a unique example of the Scandinavian jewelry tradition. The amulet originated from the region of the middle Dniester. The amulet and graffito are unique and they have no direct known analogies. This article is devoted to the study of semiotics and semantics of a zoomorphic pendant and elements of its image. The study carried out a structural-semantic analysis of the composition and individual elements of ornament through the paradigm of cosmological and cosmogonic representations of the ancient Germans. The work used the comparative method as well as a wide range of archaeological and literary sources. The picture stones and runic stones, Hogback stones, objects of material culture of the ancient Germans, results of comprehensive archaeological research, Old Norse songs about the gods and heroes of the “Younger Edda”, a set of Scandinavian sagas, Icelandic Viking sagas about Old Rus’ and materials from written sources of the XI– XIII Centuries were examined in detail and compared. The novelty of the research lies not only in the uniqueness of the new early medieval Scandinavian amulet, but also in the comparison and study of the object through the lens of the literary heritage of German- Scandinavian mythology. This approach was first applied in the detailed study of the “Gnezdovo-type” pendants. The methodological approach of the research and the historical-typological and semantic-semiotic analysis led to a scientific interpretation of the depicted story of the amulet within the context of the ancient Germanic mythological system and cosmogony.

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O'Donoghue, Heather. "rory mc turk (ed.). A Companion to Old Norse-Icelandic Literature and Culture. Pp. xiv+568 (Blackwell Companions to Literature and Culture 31). Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2005. £95." Review of English Studies 57, no. 230 (June 1, 2006): 392–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgl001.

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Clark, D. "Old Norse-Icelandic Literature: A Critical Guide, ed. Carol J. Clover and John Lindow, with a new preface by Theodore M. Andersson, Medieval Academy Reprints for Teaching 42." Notes and Queries 56, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 99–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gjn218.

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Antonsson, Haki. "Kirsten Wolf, The Legends of the Saints in Old Norse-Icelandic Prose. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013. Pp. xiv, 405. $80. ISBN: 978-1-4426-4621-6." Speculum 91, no. 1 (January 2016): 272–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/684467.

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Duggan, Anne J. "Religious Networks in Action: The European Expansion of the Cult of St Thomas of Canterbury." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 14 (2012): 20–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900003823.

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‘Wonder not at our coming here, for unto you, Englishmen, God gave such a wondrous martyr, that he filleth nearly all the world with miracles.’ This admiring assertion, attributed to an archbishop and primate from the Nigros Monies – possibly Stephen, archbishop of Tarsus, which lies at the foot of. the Taurus Mountains in Armenia – provides a good introduction to the theme of this book, for it links Iceland, Canterbury and the eastern Mediterranean in a remarkable manner. The quotation comes from a lost life of St Thomas written in Latin by Robert of Cricklade, prior of St Frideswide in Oxford, who died in 1174; but it is known only from its transmission through one of the longest texts in Old Norse, the Thomas Saga Erkibyskups, compiled in Iceland through the thirteenth century from English Latin sources. This Anglo-Icelandic example, however, is only one part of an extraordinary phenomenon which saw the cult of the ‘wondrous martyr’ established, and not only at the official level, across the whole of the West, from Norway to Sicily and from Portugal to Poland, before the end of the twelfth century. The English martyr was probably depicted among the array of saints on the West front of Trondheim cathedral; his mosaic image stands next to that of St Silvester in the apse behind the high altar in Monreale; the headquarters of the Portuguese Templars at Tomar had a chapel with a reliquary containing fragments of his brains and blood; and French monks from Morimond brought the cult to Sulejów in the diocese of Gneisno in 1177.

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Lundgreen-Nielsen, Flemming. "Grundtvig om danskhed og modersmål i 1839. En tale 5. november 1839." Grundtvig-Studier 43, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v43i1.16072.

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On Danishness and the Mother Tongue. A Speech by Grundtvig November 5th, 1839By Flemming Lundgreen-NielsenIn the last half of 1838 Grundtvig delivered a series of lectures on European history from 1788 to the present which gained him the wider public acceptance he for many years had been striving for. In early 1839 some former members of his audience set up a regular society for common citizens dedicated to the promotion of Danishness, Danske Samfund (the Danish Society), with Grundtvig as chairman. The idea was to have conversations and discussions after a short introduction from one of the elected leaders of the club - often Grundtvig himself. Singing songs by Grundtvig and other nationally inclined poets as well as old heroic ballads also helped to create an atmosphere of solidarity and popular and national community.The history of Danske Samfund can be pieced together from the texts of more than 100 introductions which Grundtvig gave, statements by individual members and anonymous police reports on some of the actual sessions. A detailed examination of Danske Samfund has recently been published by the present editor in Dansk Identitetshistorie, III, Copenhagen 1992, p. 31-79.On Tuesday evening of November 5, 1839, Grundtvig in an introduction spoke about his mother tongue.He first claims the historical independence and venerable age of the Danish language, emphasizing its principal difference from Old Norse as well as from a hodge-podge of old Danish and Low German. In his eyes precisely these qualities make the vernacular the only natural means of thinking and feeling for the Danes. Thus the general use of Danish becomes a necessary condition for a thriving culture and national life of the Danish people.Grundtvig continues with an account of his own road to the Danish language. A native Zealander being reared in Jutland, he grew up with the two major Danish dialects, and as a school-boy he on his own read Danish books such as the old chronicle about Holger the Dane. At the university he had to speak Latin and did so (also to evade boredom), but was not permanently tainted by the experience. As a private tutor at the manor house of Egel.kke he resisted the temptation to speak German like the master and the mistress. When at this time he made his d.but as a writer, he clearly favoured Old Norse or Icelandic as the alma mater of Scandinavia and almost considered Danish to be her illegitimate daughter. Following the separation between Denmark and Norway in 1814 he happily realized that he did possess a mother tongue that in fact was nothing but Danish. He recollects this to have occurred in 1816, as he studied the medieval Rhyming Chronicle (printed for the first time in 1495 with several later reprints). Since then he managed to learn to speak and understand spoken English and also became more familiar with the other Scandinavian languages and dialects, and he translated Saxo’s Deeds of the Danes from the Latin, Snorri’s Chronicle of the Norwegian Kings from the Old Norse and the Beowulf epic from the Anglo-Saxon. However, he never doubted that from ancient times Danish is the mother tongue of the Danes. Accordingly he never ceased to regret that those who identify themselves as enlightened and educated persons use the vernacular as if it were a foreign language, not realizing its richness, depth and beauty. It is one of Grundtvig’s declared aims in Danske Samfund to promote the use of the Danish language outside trivial everyday life. In an alternative, but incomplete draught Grundtvig, by way of introduction, mentions a misleading article in a German periodical by a Holstein citizen who claims High German to be an already widespread and ever expanding language in Denmark.Grundtvig’s introduction of Nov. 5, 1839 is another of several retrospective autobiographical interpretations in his works. In this case he concentrates in a deliberately cool and detached manner on his relationship to the Danish language. This was just before the death of Frederik 6. released growing national tensions in the United Monarchy and brought up the burning issue of Danish versus German that finally led to the Schleswig-Holstein war 1848-51.

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