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Journal articles on the topic 'Old Testament / Hebrew Bible'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 17 February 2022

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1

Chitando, Ezra, and Masiiwa Gunda. "HIV and AIDS, Stigma and Liberation in the Old Testament." Exchange 36, no. 2 (2007): 184–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254307x176598.

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AbstractAs the HIV and AIDS pandemic continues to affect most parts of Sub-Saharan Africa, the church has attempted to mitigate its effects. Unfortunately, stigma has emerged as a major challenge. The church has been implicated in stigmatizing people living with HIV and AIDS. Some Christians have used the Bible to justify the exclusion of people living with HIV and AIDS. This article examines HIV and AIDS stigma. It highlights the various forms of stigma, alongside exploring the occurrence of stigma in the Hebrew Bible. The study calls for a re-reading of the Hebrew Bible in the context of HIV and AIDS stigma and discrimination. It argues that the theme of liberation that underpins the Hebrew Bible implies that stigma has no place in human relations. The paper draws attention to the need to bring liberation to the heart of mission in the light of HIV and AIDS in Africa.

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2

Seitz, Christopher R. "Old Testament or Hebrew Bible?: Some Theological Considerations." Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 5, no. 3 (August 1996): 292–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106385129600500305.

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3

Conners, David. "A "Mind-Boggling" Implication: The Hebrew Bible, the Old Testament, and the Definition of a Work." Judaica Librarianship 15, no. 1 (April 15, 2014): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.14263/2330-2976.1049.

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The uniform title Bible. O.T. has long caused difficulty in Judaica libraries. The well documented problems caused by this heading are reviewed. Alternative models developed by the Hebraica Team of the Library of Congress (LC) are discussed, as is an LC proposed rule change to Resource Description and Access (RDA) that was partially approved by the Joint Steering Committee. The idea by members of the Association of Jewish Libraries to use the Virtual International Authority File as a technical solution is reviewed briefly. The author endorses a model from LC that uses different uniform titles for the Hebrew Bible and Christian Bible. Separate uniform titles are necessary because the two Bibles represent unique works; the ideational and textual differences of the Hebrew Bible and Christian Old Testament are seen in both canonical and translation differences.

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4

Elliott, J. K. "Recent Books on the Old Testament (Hebrew Bible/Septuagint)." Novum Testamentum 60, no. 1 (December 27, 2018): 83–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341570.

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5

Müller, Mogens. "Septuagintas betydning som en hellenistisk udgave af Det Gamle Testamente." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 74, no. 3 (October 16, 2011): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v74i3.106389.

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The understanding of the role of the old Greek translation of the Old Testament, the Septuagint, has undergone great changes in the last decennia. From looking upon the Hebrew text as the original and the Greek text as only a translation, it has now been common to view the Greek version as a chapter in a reception history of biblical traditions. By being used by New Testament authors and in the Early Church the Septuagint gained canonical status – alongside the Hebrew Bible. Thus the Old Testament of the Church in reality consists of both versions. The article argues for this also pointing to some of the theological consequences of viewing the connection between the two parts of the Christian Bible from the perspective of reception history.

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6

Matthews, Victor H., and James C. Moyer. "Old Testament/Hebrew Bible Textbooks: Which Ones Are Best?" Biblical Archaeologist 54, no. 4 (December 1991): 218–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3210283.

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7

AL-SADOON, Hadeel Salwan Sami. "THE STYLE OF THE SEPTUAGINT TRANSLATION OF THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE NEW TESTAMENT ) LITERATURE, CRITICISM AND TRANSLATION AXIS)." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 02 (February 1, 2021): 152–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.2-3.12.

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The Hebrew Torah of the Old Testament, is the first text sacred Known by history. Is the Septuagint translation for the Hebrew text of the oldest and most important translation was adopted by the Bible and the Religious language that borrowed directly to the Christian religion rituals and services. Also it considered later the main base for important translations in the old era , and still even now occupies a role important in the field of monetary, interpretive and historical studies. The original Hebrew contain more than one book, the septuagenarian translation, separated between them and made each book stand on its own. Our research deals with the Historical introduction to the Septuagint translation , The language of the Septuagint translation , The Septuagint Style ,The most important manuscripts of the Septuagint translation.The content and status of the Septuagint to the Jews and Christ, Difference and similarity with the original Hebrew text of the Old Testament in terms of the order , number and names of the books and we Shedding light on the most important translations of the Bible from the beginning of the Septuagint to the present day.

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Majewski, Marcin. "Hilary Lipka – Bruce Wells (eds.), Sexuality and Law in the Torah (Library of Hebrew Bible/Old Testament Studies 675; London: Clark 2020)." Biblical Annals 11, no. 1 (January 28, 2021): 141–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/biban.11889.

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9

Królikowski, Janusz. "Orygenes i hebrajski tekst Pisma Świętego." Vox Patrum 69 (December 16, 2018): 393–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3266.

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Origen is the exegete and Old Christian writer whose influence on the understanding of the Bible has always been determinative. Undoubtedly, for ecclesiastical reasons he deemed the Septuagint superior and regarded it as the Christian Old Testament. He thought highly of Hebrew text as well, which he often used for his research. An expression of this belief was among others the Hexapla worked out by Origen, which can be regarded as an exceptional manifestation of esteem towards the Old Testament and its Hebrew version. Origen’s attitude towards the Bible can be characterized by two approaches: on the one hand it is the ecclesiastical approach which gives the first place to the text commonly accepted in the Church namely the Septuagint, but on the other hand he is open to every other text Hebrew or Greek, trying to understand it and take it into account in his commentary.

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10

Deist, F. E. "Is die Massoretiese teks die Ou Testament?" Verbum et Ecclesia 10, no. 1 (July 18, 1989): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v10i1.994.

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Is the Massoretic text the Old Testament? The equation of “the Old Testament” with the Massoretic text resulted from, inter alia, the Reformation’s sola scriptura principle and the orthodox view of verbal inspiration, and led to a definition of textual criticism as text restoration. Text-critical research of the past two decades suggests, however, that this equation may be a short circuit. The term “Old Testament" refers to a theological concept, not a text, and “the Old Testament” is something different from “the Hebrew Bible”. Therefore, a great deal of rethinking is called for in Old Testament studies.

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11

Schröder, Bernd. "Toradidaktik." Zeitschrift für Pädagogik und Theologie 67, no. 2 (June 1, 2015): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zpt-2015-0204.

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Abstract “Tora” is to be seen as an originally Jewish key concept interpreting the first section of the Hebrew Bible. Adopting this concept within Christian Theology offers a range of fresh learning opportunities to Christian learners - it would help them to appreciate Jewish reading of the Bible, it would stress a canonical approach as well as a theological interpretation of the Hebrew Bible. The author of this contribution underlines such an adoption to be a helpful tool for raising the status of Old Testament texts in RE.

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12

Fisher, Eugene J. "Hebrew Bible or Old Testament: A Response to Christopher Seitz." Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 6, no. 2 (May 1997): 133–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106385129700600201.

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13

Burke, David G. "The 1992 Revision of the Good News Bible: The Context for Revision." Bible Translator 69, no. 3 (December 2018): 347–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2051677018796127.

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This article surveys the wider context in the 1970s–1980s that compelled Bible publishers to prepare revisions of their translations: the rapid shift in spoken English was making the masculine-heavy English of major Bible translations feel antiquated to readers. The Good News Bible New Testament was first published in 1966 and its Old Testament in 1976, but already by the mid-1980s revision was being contemplated by the American Bible Society. The revision process was thoroughgoing and collaborative, with all English-using Bible Societies participating. More than 6,000 revisions were proposed and reviewed, with about 2,500 meeting consensus. Most were related to gender-exclusion, but a few were exegetical. Although the United Bible Societies’ Hebrew Old Testament Text Project recommendations on almost 6,000 textual cruxes were published in preliminary form by 1979, the Good News Bible revision process could not incorporate those data. An addendum discusses the addition of the deuterocanonical books in 1979.

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Ebeling, Jennie R. "The Contribution of Archaeology to the Study of Women in Biblical Times: Two Case Studies." Review & Expositor 106, no. 3 (August 2009): 383–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463730910600306.

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The Hebrew Bible (Old Testament) provides limited information about women's lives in ancient Israel, but various other sources are available that can be used to reconstruct aspects of women's everyday activities and their roles in important lifecycle events. In this article I present two different case studies—brewing beer and childbirth—in order to show how much we can learn about Israelite women's lives using archaeology, iconography, ethnography, and ancient Near Eastern and Egyptian textual sources along with passages from the Hebrew Bible.

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15

Dietrich, Jan. "Findes der moralsk realisme i den Hebraiske Bibel?" Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 82, no. 1-2 (January 15, 2020): 2–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v82i1-2.118190.

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The problem of moral realism does not seem to play a major role in the Hebrew Bible. However, some texts like Genesis 18 and others do show that this problem was a pressing one for at least some Old Testament writers, and that it was coped with through arguing with God. Taking Genesis 18 as an exemplary case, this article displays the conditions for the possibility of moral realism in the Hebrew Bible as well as some threads of its unfolding.

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16

Gallagher, Edmon L. "Why did Jerome Translate Tobit and Judith?" Harvard Theological Review 108, no. 3 (July 2015): 356–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816015000231.

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Jerome translated the Hebrew Bible into Latin over a decade and a half beginning in about 390c.e.With each translation he included a preface dedicating (in most cases) the translation to a friend or patron and defending his reliance on what he called thehebraica veritas (Hebrew truth)against his many detractors. This last feature of the prefaces proved necessary because by choosing the Hebrew text of the Old Testament as his base text, Jerome directly challenged the traditional position of the Septuagint within the church. The unpopularity of this move in some circles compelled Jerome repeatedly to justify his adherence to the Hebrew text. Similarly, in hisPreface to Samuel and Kings(the “Helmeted Preface” orPrologus galeatus) he famously advocated the Hebrew canon as the Christian Old Testament and relegated all other books to the apocrypha. As part of this latter category, Jerome named six books outside the Jewish canon that were finding acceptance as fully canonical in some quarters and would much later receive the label “deuterocanonical,” these books being Tobit, Judith, Wisdom of Solomon, Sirach, and 1 and 2 Maccabees. In multiple ways Jerome sought to restore the Christian Old Testament to what he considered the original Hebrew text and canon.

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17

Grohmann, Marianne. "Zur Bedeutung jüdischer Exegese der Hebräischen Bibel für christliche Theologie." Evangelische Theologie 77, no. 2 (April 1, 2017): 114–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2017-0206.

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Abstract The article analyses the interaction between the Protestant »principle of Scripture«, historical critical exegesis and Jewish interpretations of the Hebrew Bible. The goal of historical critical exegesis of interpreting biblical texts as precisely as possible within their historical and literary contexts is fundamental for the Jewish-Christian dialogue. The plurality of Jewish interpretations of the Hebrew Bible is presented by means of their hermeneutical principles. The article emphasizes the relevance of Jewish biblical interpretation for both Old Testament exegesis and Christian theology, exemplified through different readings of Exod 33:17-23.

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18

Penchansky, David. "Book Review: The Hebrew Bible, the Old Testament and Historical Criticism." Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 3, no. 4 (November 1994): 507–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106385129400300416.

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19

Ross, Kristiina. "Bible translation as mediator of Hebrew impact on target languages: the Estonian bible translation by Johannes Gutslaff." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 21, no. 1-2 (September 1, 2000): 123–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69571.

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The full version of the Bible was first published in Estonian in 1739. In comparison with the neighbouring Protestant countries this is a very late date. However, serious attempts to translate the Bible into Estonian were made already in the 17th century. There are two manuscripts from the 17th century which contain translations of the Old Testament. The older manuscript dating from the middle of the century has been – unlike e.g. the Finnish Bible which had been translated from Luther’s German version – translated directly from Hebrew, by Johannes Gutslaff. Also the 1739 Estonian version was translated directly from the Hebrew version. As is widely known, Luther was of the opinion that a translator should not follow the structure of the source language&&instead, he must use the fluent and pure target language. The Estonian translations followed strictly the Hebrew version, which resulted in the fact that still today, Estonian phraseology has Hebrew influence.

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20

Clements, Ronald. "The Enduring Value of the Old Testament—An Interesting Quest." Biblical Interpretation 16, no. 1 (2008): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851507x194260.

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AbstractThe period when the Society for Old Testament Study held its first meeting in 1917 marked a major turning point for the study of the Hebrew Bible. This rested on two factors: first, the preceding half-century had witnessed the slow, and often painful, acceptance in Christian and Jewish circles of a modern 'critical' explanation of the historical origin of its writings. Secondly, the context in which serious study of this literature was undertaken had increasingly moved out from a religious forum into that of a wider secular field of cultural and academic interests. The new methodology aimed to show that the Bible presented a worldview agreeable to modern scientific knowledge. In this setting, older, well-worn hermeneutical strategies were abandoned and replaced with new ones consonant with this aim. Prominent among these was a claim to present a historically verifiable demonstration that the Hebrew Bible/Old Testament possessed an enduring value based on its presentation of ideas of social justice, religious monotheism and universal morality. The claims to this uniqueness, however, rapidly lost credibility when fuller knowledge of the social world of antiquity became better known through archaeological and anthropological research. Such claims could be shown to depend largely on the Bible's own polemic. Nevertheless the idea of enduring value bears welcome comparison with comparable concerns to define what entitles any literary work to be regarded as a classic, and to deserve universal approval. Useful criteria can be set out but fail to command any wholly definitive acceptance. Rather, the best that can be achieved is to note those features and qualities which give to certain writings an intrinsic power to generate a continuity of interest and appeal. The history of the interpretation of the Old Testament shows that it performs well in such a context.

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21

Kilpatrick, Hilary. "From Venice to Aleppo: Early Printing of Scripture in the Orthodox World." Chronos 30 (January 10, 2019): 33–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v30i0.329.

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The Bible, as the etymology of the word indicates, refers not to one book but to many. The Christian Bible is made up of the Old Testament, that is, the Jewish Scriptures, and the New Testament; moreover, for some Churches, among them the Orthodox, certain books commonly called the Apocrypha , which were added to the Septuagint, the Greek translation of the Hebrew Old Testament, also fonn part of the Bible. The Bible is thus a small library, and as is common in libraries, some books are more popular than others. Long before the introduction of printing, the varying degrees of importance accorded to different books of the Bible led to some of them being translated before others. For instance, in Anglo-Saxon England, interlinear glosses (i.e. crude word-by-word translations) were made of the Gospels and Psalms, and separate portions of the Bible, including the Gospels, were rendered into Old English (Anonymous 1997: 200). Likewise, the earliest known written translations of parts of the Bible into Arabic are of the Gospels and Psalms; they can be dated to the 8th century. Oral translations are older, going back to pre-Islamic times (Graf 1944: 114-115, 138; Griffith 2012: 123-126). By contrast, the first attempt to produce a complete Bible in Arabic occurred only in the l 61h century (Graf 1944: 89-90).

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Sensenig, Peter M. "Chariots on Fire: Military Dominance in the Old Testament." Horizons in Biblical Theology 34, no. 1 (2012): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187122012x627812.

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Abstract The Hebrew Bible from Exodus to Zechariah communicates Yahweh’s deep displeasure with military self-reliance, of which the symbol is the chariot. The primary criterion of justified war in the Old Testament is trust in Yahweh’s miracle rather than in the strength of chariots and horses, for which Joshua 11 serves as a paradigm. The exodus, conquest of Canaan, failed monarchic experiment, Psalms, and prophets all emphasize God’s opposition to military technology. Not simply a matter of pride or idolatry, weapons of domination are incompatible with the radical social experiment God intends Israel to be.

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23

Janick, Jules. "Fruits of the Bibles." HortScience 42, no. 5 (August 2007): 1072–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.42.5.1072.

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The sacred writings of three religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) are contained in the Hebrew Bible (referred to by Christians as the Old Testament), the Christian Bible (New Testament), and the Qur'an (Koran). These writings encompass events occurring over a period of more than two millennia and taken together represent a broad picture of mideastern peoples, describing their interactions with the sweep of events of that era. The writings include the sacred and profane, prose and poetry, history and myth, legend and fable, love songs and proverbs, parables and revelations. The basic agricultural roots of desert people are infused in the texts. Plants, plant products, and agricultural technology are referred to in hundreds of verses. References to fruits are abundant so that these bibles can be read almost as a pomological text in addition to the religious and sacred meanings that still inspire billions of people.

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24

Kalimi, Isaac. "Models for Jewish Bible Theologies." Horizons In Biblical Theology 39, no. 2 (October 17, 2017): 107–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712207-12341350.

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Abstract Against continuing attempts to define “Old Testament theology” or “biblical theology” in exclusively Christian terms, and in light of ongoing methodological diversity and confusion between proponents of Jewish biblical theology, this article suggests three models for the latter. The first one investigates the theologies of the different parts of the Hebrew Bible on their own, diachronically, without interference from later theology or practice. The second one focuses synchronically on the form of the Hebrew Bible as canonized, and is as objective as this basic biblical text allows. The third one is explicitly subjective and confessional, reading the Hebrew Bible in relation to the larger canon of Judaism, that is, the Oral Torah (= talmudic and midrashic literature). All three models have a legitimate place in the construction of a genuinely Jewish biblical theology, but they must not be confused. They all begin with different presuppositions and pursue different goals, but when properly distinguished, they can also complement one another, each exploring different aspects of the theology of the Jewish Bible.

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Crowley, J. Edward. "Hebrew Bible or Old Testament? Studying the Bible in Judaism and Christianity (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 9, no. 4 (1991): 137–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.1991.0119.

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26

Müller, Mogens. "Septuagintas betydning for udfoldelsen af nytestamentlig teologi." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 79, no. 2 (May 10, 2016): 138–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v79i2.105784.

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The old Greek translation of the sacred books of Judaism, the so-called Septuagint, became the first Bible of the Christian Church. Among other things, this meant that much of the vocabulary and many of the theological concepts of the Jewish sacred texts were already available in a Greek form. On the other hand, this fact also had the consequence that the understanding of the underlying Hebrew text and its eventual interpretation by the translators were taken over by the New Testament authors, beginning with the apostle Paul. The first part of this article summarizes parts of the discussion of the role of the Septuagint as the ‘Bible’ text of the New Testament and its impact on the formation of New Testament theology

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Miller, Patrick D. "Book Review: The Canonical Hebrew Bible: A Theology of the Old Testament." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 61, no. 3 (July 2007): 322–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096430706100310.

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28

Barton, John. "Book Review: The Canonical Hebrew Bible: A Theology of the Old Testament." Theology 111, no. 860 (March 2008): 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x0811100206.

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Sawatzky, Glenn. "Book Review: Old Testament Theology: Reading the Hebrew Bible as Christian Scripture." Anglican Theological Review 97, no. 1 (December 2015): 167–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000332861509700131.

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30

Wojciechowski, Michał. "Daughters in the Deuterocanonical Books of the Old Testament." Verbum Vitae 37, no. 2 (June 26, 2020): 297–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vv.5743.

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The instances where daughters are mentioned in the Greek books of the Old Testament are not numerous. They are interesting, however, and deserving of exegesis and interpretation. In Tobit and Ben Sira their relationship to fathers are stressed and this aspect is of importance, whether those relationships are good or strained. If the texts are compared with the Hebrew Bible, more light is thrown on the personalities of the daughters, and they are valued more highly. Some influence of the Greek civilization can be presupposed here. A link with the Mediterranean culture of honor and shame can also be traced, especially in Ben Sira.

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31

DaDon, Agnes E., and Kotel DaDon. "Značenje i prednost proučavanja židovske Biblije na biblijskom hebrejskom jeziku." Nova prisutnost XVII, no. 2 (July 9, 2019): 393. http://dx.doi.org/10.31192/np.17.2.9.

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In this article the authors analyse the importance of the study of the Old Testament in its original language, Biblical Hebrew. The first part of the article consists of a general introduction followed by the explanation of the main linguistic differences between Biblical and Modern Hebrew, as one of the factors contributing to the difficulty of understanding the Bible even for native Israelis. This part ends with a brief description of the first Modern Hebrew translation of the Bible and the intentions behind this translation, as presented by the translator and the publisher. The central part of this article discusses the following issues: the need of a translation of the Bible from Biblical Hebrew into modern spoken Hebrew, the importance of the Bible and the Biblical text, continues with a general introduction to translation, provides arguments in favour and against the translation of the text from Biblical Hebrew into Modern spoken Hebrew or other languages. The end of this part exposes the difficulties involved in Bible translation, providing examples of major problems in the translation of the Bible. In this context, the background of Torah translations into Aramaic is explained. Finally, in the conclusion, the authors give their recommendations for the school curriculum in Croatia, based on their experiences as teachers and parents. In their work, the authors use many sources from the rabbinical literature since the Talmudic time through the Middle Ages until modern times. Much of this literature is translated into Croatian from Hebrew and Aramaic for the first time by the authors.

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Jacobs, Mignon R. "The Canonical Hebrew Bible: A Theology of the Old Testament ? By Rolf Rendtorff." Religious Studies Review 33, no. 1 (January 2007): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2007.00149_15.x.

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de Hulster, Izaak. "Imagination: A Hermeneutical Tool for the Study of the Hebrew Bible." Biblical Interpretation 18, no. 2 (2010): 114–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092725609x12586198053057.

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AbstractBiblical scholars use the word 'imagination' more and more often, but in different cases 'imagination' covers different concepts. In order to reach a more systematic application of 'imagination' in hermeneutics and Old Testament Studies in general, there is a need to explore the possible uses of 'imagination'. This article comprises: 1) a theoretical introduction extending what Barth and Steck wrote in their classical primer on exegetical methods; 2) a section on imagination and history; 3) a heuristic classifying survey of Brueggemann's use of the word 'imagination'; 4) a reflection on how imagination is restricted by parameters of time and place. The article distinguishes between imagination of ancient people and of people nowadays, but deals with the interplay of both as well. It further reflects on the informed, controlled use of imagination in hermeneutics. After a brief comment on "moral imagination," a survey and mapping of the uses of imagination in hermeneutics rounds off the article. This will make clear how the different notions referred to with the word 'imagination' are related and why it is important to consider them as interdependent concepts. Although the majority of the examples will be taken from the Hebrew Bible, the thoughts expressed here are applicable to the study of the New Testament as well and some more specific New Testament issues and related literature will be referred to.

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Anderson, Gary A. "Hebrew Bible or Old Testament? Studying the Bible in Judaism and Christianity. Roger Brooks , John J. Collins." Journal of Religion 72, no. 1 (January 1992): 100–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/488800.

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35

Watts, John D. W. "Book Review: II. Biblical Studies: Hebrew Bible or Old Testament? Studying the Bible in Judaism and Christianity." Review & Expositor 91, no. 2 (May 1994): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463739409100215.

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Salevsky, Heidemarie. "The Origins of Interpreting in the Old Testament and the Meturgeman in the Synagogue." Bible Translator 69, no. 2 (August 2018): 184–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2051677018786366.

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Interpreting as a form of mediated interlingual communication can be traced back to the third millennium B.C. in the secular sphere. In the Bible Nehemiah 8 shows how Hebrew passages were rendered into Aramaic. Luther’s translation (1984) of Neh 8.8 is compared in the article with RSV (1952), NRSV (1989), and the Russian Tolkovaja Biblija (1904–1907/1987). The emergence of targumim can be attributed to the need to render Hebrew texts into Aramaic, especially in the synagogue service. The Babylonian Talmud acknowledges this as established practice and gives elaborate instructions as to the correct way of delivering the targumim. They are often interpretive to an extent that far exceeds the bounds of translation or even paraphrase because the interpreter ( meturgeman) had to transmit the teachings of the rabbi to the common people by placing the original text into a wider context or by amplifying and explaining it.

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Porkhomovsky, Victor, and Irina Ryabova. "The Zulu version of the old testament from a typological perspective." Language in Africa 1, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 212–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.37892/2686-8946-2020-1-4-212-225.

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The present paper continues typological studies of the Bible translation strategies in different languages. These studies deal with passages and lexemes in the canonical text of the Biblia Hebraica, that refl ect ancient cultural and religious paradigms, but do not correspond to later monotheist principles of Judaism and Christianity. The canonical Hebrew text does not allow of any changes. Thus, two translation strategies are possible: (1) to preserve these passages in the text of the translation (a philological strategy), (2) to edit them according to the monotheist principles (ideological strategy). The focus in the present paper is made on the problem of rendering the name of the ancient Semitic goddess ’ashera, attested as the companion of the supreme gods in certain traditions and pantheons (’El /’Il/, Ba‘al, YHWH). Two strategies of rendering the name of ’ashera are attested in different Bible translations: (1) to preserve the name of the goddess (philological strategy), (2) to eliminate this name or to replace it with the names of her fetishes and sacred objects (ideological strategy). The Zulu case of rendering the name ’ashera is particularly looked at in this paper.

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Allen, L. C. "PAUL M. JOYCE, Ezekiel: A Commentary (Library of Hebrew Bible//Old Testament Studies 482)." Journal of Semitic Studies 54, no. 2 (July 15, 2009): 621–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgp036.

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Seitz, Christopher R. "On Not Changing “Old Testament” to “Hebrew Bible”: A Response to Eugene J. Fisher." Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 6, no. 2 (May 1997): 136–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106385129700600202.

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Williams, Jenni. "R. W. L. Moberly, Old Testament Theology: Reading the Hebrew Bible as Christian Scripture." Theology 118, no. 5 (August 18, 2015): 378. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x15588878p.

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Anders, Kristina Ju. "History of the Earliest Russian Old Testament Translation." Slovene 5, no. 1 (2016): 203–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2016.5.1.7.

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This paper introduces a previously unstudied manuscript, “Opyt perevoda vetkhozavetnykh knig [. . .] Mikhailom Fotinskim” (1806). In this article, we analyze the history of this manuscript, the circumstances surrounding the translation, and its purpose; some personal facts about the translator are also reviewed. This source represents the earliest Russian translation of the Old Testament, antedating by more than fifteen years the Russian Bible Society translations. Rev. Mikhail Fotinsky’s translation of five Old Testament books (only two ones in the Genesis) was sent to the Moscow Religious Censorship Committee (Moskovskaia Dukhovnaia tsenzura) in 1806, and the next year, Fotinsky asked the Censorship Committee to allow him to make a translation of the entire Old Testament. However, the censors left the manuscript in their repository, and there was no further development on this project. Contemporaries ignored this translation for several reasons. The first reason might be related to language: Fotinsky’s translation includes many Ukrainian elements. The second reason relates to its literary quality (or lack thereof), as the translation was interlinear and thus not stylistically developed. The manuscript contains many commentaries by Fotinsky, who concentrated on the Hebrew original and Judaic exegesis, trying to show different interpretations that may have occurred as a result of the polysemy of the original text.

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Kozhinowa, Alla, and Alena Sourkova. "Biblical hapax legomena in the Reflection of the Translation (on the Material of the Book of Job from the Vilna Old Testament Book (F 19–262) and the Polish Bibles of the 16th century)." Slavistica Vilnensis 64 (November 15, 2019): 10–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/slavviln.2019.64(1).01.

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The article examines the linguistic aspects of the translational reflection on hapax legomena from the Book of Job. Lexical correspondences to the Hebrew hapax in Ruthenian (prosta(ja) mova) and Polish are compared with the material from Vilnius Old Testament Florilegium (F 19–262) (approx. 1517–1533), the Radziviłł Bible (Biblia Radzivillovska) (1563), and the Nesvizh Bible (Biblia Nieświeska) (1568–1572) by Symon Budny. All translations demonstrate examples of both etymological interpretation and representation of figurative meaning based on the closest context. Facts of the usage of classical Jewish exegetic comments suggest the existence of a traditional understanding of the “dark places” in the Book of Job.

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Burrell, Kevin. "Slavery, the Hebrew Bible and the Development of Racial Theories in the Nineteenth Century." Religions 12, no. 9 (September 9, 2021): 742. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090742.

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Racial ideas which developed in the modern west were forged with reference to a Christian worldview and informed by the Bible, particularly the Old Testament. Up until Darwin’s scientific reframing of the origins debate, European and American race scientists were fundamentally Christian in their orientation. This paper outlines how interpretations of the Hebrew Bible within this Christian Weltanschauung facilitated the development and articulation of racial theories which burgeoned in western intellectual discourse up to and during the 19th century. The book of Genesis was a particular seedbed for identity politics as the origin stories of the Hebrew Bible were plundered in service of articulating a racial hierarchy which justified both the place of Europeans at the pinnacle of divine creation and the denigration, bestialization, and enslavement of Africans as the worst of human filiation. That the racial ethos of the period dictated both the questions exegetes posed and the conclusions they derived from the text demonstrates that biblical interpretation within this climate was never an innocuous pursuit, but rather reflected the values and beliefs current in the social context of the exegete.

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Hildebrandt, Samuel. "Book Review: Old Testament Theology in New Garb: R. W. L. Moberly, Old Testament Theology: Reading the Hebrew Bible as Christian Scripture." Expository Times 126, no. 5 (February 2015): 254–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524614549132l.

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C., A., and Jon D. Levenson. "The Hebrew Bible, the Old Testament, and Historical Criticism: Jews and Christians in Biblical Studies." Journal of the American Oriental Society 118, no. 1 (January 1998): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606348.

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Levy, Thomas E., Mohammad Najjar, and Thomas Higham. "Ancient texts and archaeology revisited – radiocarbon and Biblical dating in the southern Levant." Antiquity 84, no. 325 (September 1, 2010): 834–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00100250.

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The Iron Age sequence in the southern Levant is one of the most evocative and provocative in ancient history, since it coincides with events remembered in the Hebrew Bible (Old Testament). The authors show how a scientific chronological framework can be created and contribute an independent voice to the historical debate. They also show that, if archaeology is to complement history, such a framework requires an especially rigorous application of precision, in context definition, data handling and Bayesian radiocarbon dating, and urge such application to forthcoming work at the key Biblical site of Megiddo.

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Davies, E. W. "W.J. HOUSTON, Contending for Justice: Ideologies and Theologies of Social Justice in the Old Testament, Library of Hebrew Bible/Old Testament Studies 428." Journal of Semitic Studies 54, no. 2 (July 15, 2009): 584–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgp018.

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Moberly, R. W. L. "Knowing God and Knowing About God: Martin Buber's Two Types of Faith Revisited." Scottish Journal of Theology 65, no. 4 (October 9, 2012): 402–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003693061200018x.

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AbstractInitially I briefly expound Martin Buber's Two Types of Faith so as to clarify Buber's sharp contrast between Jewish faith (Hebrew Emunah) and Christian belief (Greek Pistis). I suggest that Buber's polarisation of Emunah, a trust and existential engagement with God, over against Pistis, an intellectual acknowledgement which lacks immediacy with God, has certain resonances with Wilfred Cantwell Smith's distinguishing between ‘faith’ and ‘belief’ in his attempt to overcome the Enlightenment tendency to reduce religious faith to propositional belief. I also acknowledge that Buber's conceptually alert and religiously constructive engagement with the Bible in its own way embodies many of the concerns in the current attempts to bring Bible and theology together via ‘theological interpretation’ or ‘a canonical approach’. However, Buber's account of the Old Testament overlooks the presence of the idiom ‘to know that’ (Hebrew yada( ki), which points to the importance of cognitive content in relation to knowing Israel's God. I consider a number of narratives which feature the deuteronomic idiom ‘to know that Yhwh is God’ (or closely comparable formulations) – Elijah on Mount Carmel (1 Kings 18), Rahab (Joshua 2), Naaman (2 Kings 5) and David and Goliath (1 Samuel 17) – and consider the function of ‘knowing that Yhwh is God’ in each passage. By way of conclusion I reflect on the complementarity of ‘knowing God’ and ‘knowing about God’ and the problematic nature of tendencies, represented by Buber, to set these over against each other. I also suggest that there is fruitful work to be done through a comparative and synthetic biblical and theological study of the relationship between the Old Testament concern that people should ‘know that Yhwh is God’ and the New Testament concern that people should ‘believe that Jesus Christ is Lord’.

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Wierzbicka, Anna. "The biblical roots of English ‘love’." International Journal of Language and Culture 6, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 225–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijolc.18006.wie.

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Abstract Seen from a broad cross-linguistic perspective, the English verb (to) love is quite unusual because it has very broad scope: it can apply to a mother’s love, a husband’s love, a sister’s love, etc. without any restrictions whatsoever; and the same applies to its counterparts in many other European languages. Trying to locate the origins of this phenomenon, I have looked to the Bible. Within the Bible, I have found both continuity and innovation. In the Hebrew Bible, the verb ’āhēb, rendered in the Greek translation of the Old Testament known as the Septuagint with the verb agapao, implies a “preferential love”, e.g. it is used for a favourite wife of a favourite son. In the New Testament, the concept of ‘love’ loses the “preferential” components and thus becomes applicable across the board: between anybody and anybody else. The paper argues that the very broad meaning of verbs like love in English, aimer in French, lieben in German, etc. reflects a shared conceptual heritage of many European languages, with its roots in the New Testament; and it shows that by taking a semantic perspective on these historical developments, and exploring them through the rigorous framework of NSM and Minimal English, we can arrive at clear and verifiable hypotheses about a theme which is of great general interest, regardless of one’s own religious and philosophical views and commitments.

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Jones, Ethan C. "Hearing the ‘Voice’ of the Niphal: A Response to Ellen van Wolde." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 45, no. 3 (February 12, 2021): 291–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089220916506.

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This article responds to the innovative and stimulating research by Ellen van Wolde in a previous volume of Journal for the Study of the Old Testament. She claims that the Niphal is middle voice and can be passive, ‘if (and only if) an external argument, coded as an external Agent, is present’. My research however, demonstrates that such a description of the passive is both inadequate in view of the world’s languages and incongruent with Niphal. In addition, my response lays bare how such a prescription of the middle voice to the Niphal in the Hebrew Bible is circulus probando and unconvincing.

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