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Journal articles on the topic 'Olusegun Obasanjo'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 2 March 2023

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Ihonvbere, Julius O. "The 1999 Presidential Elections in Nigeria: The Unresolved Issues." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 59–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503151.

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One can say with certainty that all the contradictions that had bedeviled previous democratic experiments in Nigeria were present and magnified in the February 27, 1999 election: divided loyalties, manipulation of primordial identities and loyalties, corruption and other election malpractices, lack of political discipline, and limited attention to serious structural questions.Why did Chief Olu Falae lose the election to General Olusegun Obasanjo? Several reasons can be advanced. First, Obasanjo’s People’s Democratic Party (PDP) clearly had more money. Obasanjo was able to donate N 130 million

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2

Yusuf, Yisa Kehunde. "Dysphemisms in the language of Nigeria’s President Olusegun Obasanjo." AILA Review 16 (July 8, 2003): 104–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aila.16.10yus.

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Egobueze, Anthony, Bariledum Kia, and Lucky C. Nwaoburu. "Re-thinking the Legislature-Executive Relations and the Nigeria's Foreign Policy in the First Eight Years of Fourth Republic." AKSU Journal of Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (2023): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.61090/aksujoss.2023.007.

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This paper examined the legislative/executive brouhaha and Nigeria’s foreign policy, 1999 – 2007. The restoration of democratic rule in May, 1999 was a watershed in Nigeria's foreign policy. A new constitutional democracy headed by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo was born and the symbol of democracy, the legislation at both the national and sub – national levels was constituted. The premonition that Nigeria might once again bounce back to prominent global reckoning was obvious from the volume of goodwill that General Abubakar's transition programme generated in the country with the enthronement of Chi

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4

Unuabonah, Foluke Olayinka, and Eniola Boluwaduro. "Conflict-motivated acts in the open letters of two former Nigerian presidents." English Text Construction 13, no. 2 (2020): 158–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/etc.00039.unu.

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Abstract This study investigates conflict-motivated pragmatic acts employed in the open letters exchanged by two former Nigerian presidents (Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Jonathan). The data are analysed using Mey’s pragmatic act theory. The findings reveal that while Obasanjo employs pragmatic acts of warning, appealing, and praising in order to counsel Jonathan, Jonathan employs pragmatic acts of acknowledging, boasting, correcting, and reminding in order to defend himself. However, they both employ the pragmatic acts of insulting, complaining, accusing, and requesting. These acts are influ

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Ajala, Adeola Toyosi Ph.D., and Olaolu Peter Oluwasanmi. "Conflict and Diplomacy: Politeness and Face Management in Olusegun Obasanjo's My Watch." GAS Journal of Arts Humanities and Social Sciences (GASJAHSS) 3, no. 3 (2025): 116–24. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15433586.

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This study critically examines Olusegun Obasanjo's My Watch through the lens of face management, focusing on the strategic interplay of Face-Threatening Acts (FTAs) and Face-Saving Acts (FSAs). By analysing several randomly extracted utterances from the text, the research explores how Obasanjo employs language to navigate conflict and diplomacy. His use of FTAs establishes authority and challenges. However, these acts often risk alienating the audience, highlighting the complexities of political discourse. The findings revealed a balance between conflict and diplomacy, demonstrating how langua

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OJO, Ayoola Sanmi, and Ganiu Abisoye BAMGBOSE. "Faces and Phases of Leadership: A Metaphoric Interpretation of Olusegun Obasanjo’s My Watch." Àgídìgbo: ABUAD Journal of the Humanities 12, no. 2 (2024): 621–33. https://doi.org/10.53982/agidigbo.2024.1202.43-j.

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This paper explores the deployment of conceptual metaphors in the memoir of former president Olusegun Obasanjo, examining how metaphorical affordances shape expressions and their purported meanings. Through a discourse analysis of the memoir, My Watch, the research shows how metaphors drawn from the second volume of the memoir create vivid description of the faces and phases of leadership through the author’s lens. The study relies on George Lakoff and Mark Johnson’s Conceptual Metaphor Theory. The paper discusses the faces and phases of leadership in volume two of former president Olusegun Ob

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7

Ojo, George Adekunle, Samuel Adebayo Omotunde, and Samuel Oluwole Akintoye. "Discourse Strategies in Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s Letter to President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 18, no. 10 (2022): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2022.v18n10p50.

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The paper sets out to investigate the discourse strategies deployed by former President Olusegun Obasanjo in his open letter to President Jonathan on December 12, 2013 which was published in most of the nation’s major newspapers. The work adopts M.A.K Halliday’s Systemic Functional Grammar as its theoretical framework because of the great importance which the model attaches to meanings and functions of a linguistic expression in relation to its context of usage. The researchers, through content and qualitative analysis, identify the discourse strategies used by the encoder of the speech to hav

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8

Tijjani, Ahmad. "Assessement of Nigerias Afrocentric Foreign Policy: A Case Study of President Olusegun Obasanjo's Administration." International Journal of Advanced Multidisciplinary Research and Studies 4, no. 5 (2024): 917–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.62225/2583049x.2024.4.5.3344.

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The emergence of President Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999 as the president of Nigeria marked a significant transition from military rule to democratic rule, the image of the country have been battered in the international arena due to military dictatorship, hence the president have to concentrate on rebuilding the image of Nigeria. Nigeria's Afrocentrism, rooted in its post-independence policy under Prime Minister Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, has consistently placed Africa at the center of its foreign policy. The paper explores Nigeria's Afrocentric foreign policy, focusing on the administration of

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9

Oni, Josephine Funke. "Lexicalisation and Discursive Expression of Power in Olusegun Obasanjo�s Speeches." i-manager’s Journal on English Language Teaching 3, no. 2 (2013): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.26634/jelt.3.2.2294.

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10

Oshewolo, Segun. "Bringing back the issues: Nigeria’s Afrocentric policy under President Olusegun Obasanjo." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 57, no. 3 (2019): 324–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2019.1576278.

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11

Aghalino, S. O. "The Olusegun Obasanjo Administration and the Niger Delta Question, 1999-2007." Studies of Tribes and Tribals 7, no. 1 (2009): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0972639x.2009.11886595.

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12

Walker, Judith-Ann. "Civil Society, the Challenge to the Authoritarian State, and the Consolidation of Democracy in Nigeria." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 54–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050314x.

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The victory for democracy resulting from General Olusegun Obasanjo’s election in February 1999 is as hollow as it is contrived. For many analysts and political aspirants, Obasanjo’s victory is not a triumph for democracy but merely a eulogy to formal military rule. Obasanjo is viewed as the “ordained” military successor with more continuity to the tradition of authoritarian rule than to genuine democracy. His known autocratic leadership style and his less-than-progressive stance on the media and women make him difficult to accept as a champion of democracy. Furthermore, the legality of his vic

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David Olaleye, Olugbile. "Sports as an Instrument of Foreign Policy Under the Military Rule in Nigeria: 1976-1996." African Journal of Law, Political Research and Administration 6, no. 2 (2023): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/ajlpra-ows2lxu8.

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The importance and popularity of sports among the nations of the world is huge. Sports are among the few common denominators for all the nations of the world irrespective of their respective political ideologies and religious inclinations. Through sports, enemies in political and ideological realms can compete between and among each other in an atmosphere of peace. Over the years, world leaders have used sports as an instrument of foreign policy. They do that in both positive and negative ways. Sports are deployed positively when they are used to boost friendship or to support a noble cause an

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Awonuga, C. O. "A Stylistic Study of “Sustenance of Democracy” by Nigeria’s President Olusegun Obasanjo." Journal of Social Sciences 11, no. 2 (2005): 111–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09718923.2005.11892502.

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Agwu, Florence Nne, and Gabriel Ndamzi Amadi. "Analysis of Polarity and Modality in Former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s Open Letters: A Critical Discourse Approach." European Journal of English Language and Literature Studies 11, no. 5 (2023): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/ejells.2013/vol11n51631.

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This study is an analysis of the deployment of polarity and modality in the open letters of former president Olusegun Obasanjo. The study examines how Obasanjo has used language to construct meaning and convey his perspective on the goings-on in the Nigerian society. The study captures various scholarly works in the area of critical discourse analysis, which is the theoretical framework of the research and further incorporates this theory into the analysis of the data. Data analysis focuses on the assessment and evaluation of the writer’s deployment of polarity and modality in his narrative, a

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Yakubu, B.Y., and I.M. Ladan. "Nigeria's Foreign Policy Since Retuen Of Democracy With Particular Reference to President Olusegun Obasanjo's Administration, 1999 -2007." Madorawa Journal of Arts and Social Sciences (MAJASS), ISSN: 2736-1675 1, no. 1 (2020): 198–209. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7046387.

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<em>Foreign policy is a contraction of domestic policies intended to promote and protect national interest as states engaged one after another for relevance and voice in the international system. Nigerian foreign policy over the years has been grossly sabotaged and undermined by image crisis both internally and externally. With the return of democracy in 1999, the protection of our national interest has remained the permanent focus of our foreign policy. Against this background, therefore, the paper examines the Nigerian foreign policy under President Obasanjo’s administration from 1999

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Enweremadu, David U. "Nigeria's Quest to Recover Looted Assets: The Abacha Affair." Africa Spectrum 48, no. 2 (2013): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971304800203.

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After a successful transition to democratic rule in 1999, Nigeria launched a high-profile campaign aimed at securing the repatriation of looted public funds being held in foreign banks. This campaign was championed by President Olusegun Obasanjo, a long-standing critic of corrupt military regimes and co-founder of the global anti-corruption NGO Transparency International, throughout his eight-year tenure. By the time Obasanjo left office in May 2007, he had secured the recovery of approximately 2 billion USD in assets and triggered some vital international initiatives against money laundering.

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18

Okudolo, Ikemefuna Taire Paul, and Victor Ojakorotu. "Irony of Development Agendas: Perspectives on APRM under Presidents Thabo Mbeki and Olusegun Obasanjo." Politikon 48, no. 1 (2021): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1877453.

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Obadare, Ebenezer. "The Press and Democratic Transition in Nigeria: Comparative Notes on the Abacha and Abubakar Transition Programs." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 38–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503102.

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In only four years, Nigeria has experienced two successive transition-to-civil-rule programs. The first, implemented with shocking inconsistency by the regime of General Sani Abacha, came to an abrupt anticlimax with the late despot’s unexpected death. The second appears to have been, judging by the country’s recent political history, unusually successful, culminating in the election of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) aspirant, General Olusegun Obasanjo, as presidentelect. While various reasons have been adduced for the apparent failure of one and the relative success of the other, politic

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Njoku, Raphael Chijioke. "Deconstructing Abacha: Demilitarization and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria after the Abacha Era." Government and Opposition 36, no. 1 (2001): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00054.

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As Recent Demilitarization And Democratic Trends World-Wide have shown, the exit of a dictator of the calibre of Abacha (1993–98) in Nigeria may foster a strong desire among successors for transition to a more democratic order. As in Chile after General Augusto Pinochet, and in Spain after Franco, General Abdulsalam Abubakar, who succeeded General Sani Abacha, presided in Nigeria over a programme of transition to civilian rule. This culminated in the election of General Olusegun Obasanjo (retired) in February 1999, and his subsequent official take-over of government in May 1999. However, since

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Aderogba, K. A., B. A. Ogunyemi, and Dapo Odukoya. "Egba Indigenes in the Politics and Political Development of Nigeria." Greener Journal of Social Sciences 2, no. 1 (2012): 9–18. https://doi.org/10.15580/gjss.2012.1.gjss1205.

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Egba indigenes have been very prominent in political history of Nigeria. The objective of the paper is to examine the political development of Nigeria and the roles played by Egba indigenes. Abeokuta founded in 1830 has been a notable settlement in Nigeria. The Egbas have been significant members of ruling political parties. They have contributed significantly to the political development of Nigeria. The likes of Adetokunbo Ademola, the Ransome Kuti family, Madam Tinubu, George Sodeinde Sowemimo, Wole Soyinka, Moshood Kashimawo Abiola, Olusegun Aremu Obasanjo, Olusegun Osoba, Dimeji Bankole an

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22

Saleh, Musa Sa'ad, and Msurshima Tilley-Gyado Fidelia. "An Assessment of Three Leaders at the National, Regional and Continental Level in Relation to the Contigency Theory of Leadership." International Journal of Innovative Science and Research Technology 7, no. 10 (2022): 1083–89. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7312266.

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Contingency Leadership Theory guides the application of Contingency (Situational) Leadership approach which emphasizes the style a leader applies in the situation in which he operates. This paper assessed the styles of Sheikh Mohammed Al-Maktoum, President Paul Kagame and President Olusegun Obasanjo as global, regional and national leaders respectively in the context of Contingency Leadership Theory. The common denominator found among the three leaders was that they were all at one time or the other military men and this to a far extent shaped their authoritarian leadership styles. On the basi

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23

KIRK-GREENE, A. "Leadership For Africa: In honor of Olusegun Obasanjo on the occasion of his 60th birthday." African Affairs 96, no. 384 (1997): 447–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a007861.

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Benson Ohihon, Igboin. "‘THE PRESIDENT OF NIGERIA HAS NO FINAL SAY’: SHARIA LAW CONTROVERSIES AND IMPLICATIONS FOR NIGERIA." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 8, no. 2 (2014): 265–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0802265o.

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The unusual response of former President Olusegun Obasanjo (of Nigeria) to the adoption of shariah law in northern Nigeria that it “will soon fizzle out” was as intriguing and philosophical as the formal adoption of shariah law itself. This is against the backdrop of his antecedence in handling burning national matters. The critical issues bordered on whether the adoption of sharia was political or religious since it was through the parliament rather than the mosque. The paper examined the President’s responses against the prevalent political factors and showed that its implications have conti

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25

Olowu, Dele. "Constitution for National Integration and Development by Olusegun Obasanjo Lagos, Friends Publishers, 1989. Pp. 138. ₦25.00." Journal of Modern African Studies 28, no. 2 (1990): 331–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00054483.

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Ampiah, Kweku. "Nigeria's Fledgling Friendship with Japan: The Beginning of a 'Special Partnership'?" African and Asian Studies 4, no. 4 (2005): 547–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920905775826215.

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AbstractSince the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo as President of Nigeria Japan's attitude towards the West African state seems to have been positively transformed. The relationship between the two countries kicked-off with panache after the President's first visit to Tokyo in April 1999 as President elect to renew acquaintances. The two countries are now bound together in a "Special Relationship", which provides them with a coherent framework for regular and constructive consultations. The recent developments replace a period of immobilist diplomacy between Tokyo and Abuja especia

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Olufemi, Kola. "The Limits of Electoralism." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 8–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503035.

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With the declaration of former military ruler, General Olusegun Obasanjo, as the president-elect, the long process of choosing Nigeria’s next civilian leadership finally brought to an end what had been a veritable “transition without end.” Although the elections have been successfully concluded, serious doubts remain concerning the survival and stability of the incoming civil order. It is one thing to hold elections, but establishing an enduring democratic order is a totally different and more challenging task.On at least two grounds, the ongoing transition differed from earlier attempts. Firs

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Oshewolo, Segun. "Nigeria’s peace interventions in Sao Tome and Principe and the Republic of Togo under President Olusegun Obasanjo." African Identities 16, no. 4 (2018): 383–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725843.2018.1467750.

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Ajadi, R. A., A. O. Egbetade, O. O. Ajayi, O. A. Makinde, and M. E. Okandeji. "Intusussception Secondary to Gastrointestinal Foreign Body in an Eleven Month old Juvenile African Lion (Panthera Leo) Case Report." Folia Veterinaria 63, no. 1 (2019): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/fv-2019-0001.

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Abstract An eleven month old male, juvenile lion brought for rehabilitation at the Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library (OOPL) Wildlife Park was diagnosed with gastrointestinal foreign body and intussusception based on the history of persistent vomiting following ingestion of a cotton towel, and radiographic findings of a radiopaque gastric foreign body extending from the fundus to the pylorus and a cylindrical soft tissue mid-abdominal mass. The lion was premedicated with an intramuscular injections of ketamine (5 mg.kg−1) and midazolam (0.25 mg.kg−1), while anaesthesia was induced with an

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Theophilus Makama, Funom, Funom Esther Makama, and Peter Maitalata Waziri. "Justification to urgently end the high-risk child begging culture of the almajiri system of Northern Nigeria." African Journal of Social Issues 7, no. 1 (2024): 152–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ajosi.v7i1.10.

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Recent study showed that three out of every six boys sent into the almajiri system in Northern Nigeria die. One more is lost and about two survive. This puts Nigeria in a precarious situation in respect to child mortality and since nothing can be done about this, despite previous notable attempts from Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, it is paramount that this system of Qur’anic education of little boys be stopped urgently. Systematic approaches have been recommended such as bettering the welfare of the vulnerable rural mothers who give birth to these boys, and the impr

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Teilanyo, Diri I. "Rhetoric and Rivalry." Matatu 48, no. 2 (2016): 239–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04802001.

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Politics almost always entails opposition and rivalry as individuals and groups compete for power and influence. This essay juxtaposes the use of rhetoric among political rivals in Chinua Achebe’s Arrow of God with the use of such language among present-day Nigerian politicians. Parallels are drawn between the utterances of such characters as Ezeulu, Nwaka, and Ezidemili in Arrow of God and those of Nigerian political personalities like Olusegun Obasanjo, Goodluck Jonathan, Ibrahim Babangida, and Atiku Abubakar (the statements of the Nigerian politicians having been gathered from the mass medi

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Ewata, Thompson Olusegun. "Vague Language in Nigerian Presidents' Speeches." USEM Journal of Languages, Linguistics and Literature 10 (June 6, 2021): 1–15. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13576415.

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The extent to which vague language is present in formal written discourse is the focus of this paper. The study compared the use of vague language in the speeches of four Nigerian presidents focusing on vague quantifiers and linguistic approximators as types of vague language and it investigated the functions and frequency of the items. Using the relevance theory framework and employing corpus linguistics methodologies through AntConc 3.5.8, the study analysed a corpus of 16 Nigerian presidential speeches from Presidents: Olusegun Obasanjo, Umaru Yar’Adua, Goodluck Jonathan and Muhammadu

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Prof. Akin Odebunmi and Dr. Funke Josephine Oni. "Discursive Construction of Synonymous Relations in Political Speeches." Ahyu: A Journal of Language and Literature 2 (December 4, 2021): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.56666/ahyu.v2i.63.

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    Abstract Existing studies on political discourse have investigated the role of language in propaganda, the emotive use of language by politicians, the ideological undertone of modal verbs in political speeches, often ignoring the discursive use of synonyms, especially in the Nigerian context. This paper thus examines the discursive construction of synonyms in selected speeches of former Nigerian president, Olusegun Obasanjo with the aim of identifying the ideological implication of the synonymous construction in the speeches. His speeches are worth studying as

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Omang, Thomas A., Dorn C. Enamhe, Mary U. Ojong-Ejoh, and Njin O. Egom. "Achieving Its Objective: Has the Universal Basic Education Policy Increased the School Enrolment of the Girl Child?" EduLine: Journal of Education and Learning Innovation 2, no. 2 (2022): 214–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.35877/454ri.eduline765.

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Nigeria has one of the highest numbers of out of school children globally, with the girl child accounting for 60 per cent of this figure. To find a solution to the high number of out-of-school children and the dire state of public-run schools, improve the existing curriculum and educational policy. The Government of Olusegun Obasanjo introduced the Universal Basic Education Policy. The policy objective is to provide nine (9) years of free and compulsory primary and junior secondary education from ages 6 to 15. Adopting the ex-post facto research method, the study examines the impact of the Uni

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Vincent Aghaegbunam, Onodugo, Nwakoby Ifeoma, Ofoegbu Grace N., Egbo Obiamaka P., and Okoyeuzu Chinwe. "Empirical Assessment of Public Sector Reform in Nigeria: A Trend Analysis between 2000 and 2015." Sumerianz Journal of Economics and Finance, no. 311 (November 21, 2020): 205–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.47752/sjef.311.205.210.

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This study assessed the impact of public sector reforms programmes on the human resources management and civil service of the Nigerian public service. Data for the study were mainly secondary data complemented with primary data collected from stakeholders in the public service that have experienced various reforms in their career. Findings suggest that the impact of reforms on HRM and CSR were largely marginal. The positives of the reforms are mainly in the areas of improvement in salaries and functionality of pension and retirement benefits by making it contributory. These improvements in emo

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Ukomadu, Chidi, and Latoya Uzoukwu. "FEDERALISM IN NIGERIA: INTERROGATING THE STATUS OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT AS THE THIRD TIER OF GOVERNMENT." Social Science and Law Journal of Policy Review and Development Strategies 10, no. 1 (2023): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ssljprds.v10.i1.04.

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Federalism which is the sharing of power between two or more levels of government but mostly between the centre and states in most mature federalisms of the world. Federalism in Nigeria has been at a cross-road, owing mostly to the long military interregnum with its centrist nature which made Nigeria’s federalism appear unitarist. This has affected the status of local government in Nigeria as an autonomous tier of government. This was compounded by the 1979 and 1999 Constitutions, bequeathed the nation by the retreating military governments of Olusegun Obasanjo and Abdulsalami Abubakar respect

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WILLIAMS, AMAH MACLEAN, NSIDIBE AKPAN USORO, and ESTHER KINGSLEY EGEMBA. "DEMOCRATIC CULTURE AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE." International Journal of Education and Science Development (IJESD) 1, no. 1 (2022): 55–70. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6906743.

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In the contemporary world, democracy remains the most preferred form of government and the basis for fulfilling government responsibilities to the citizens. Hence, Nigerians home and abroad expressed Joy and great expectations as President Olusegun Obasanjo was sworn in as an elected President on 29 May 1999 marking the return to Democracy and the end of military rule in Africa's most populous nation. Nigerians expected that the return to Democracy will usher in an era of justice, fairness, inclusiveness, accountability in the conduct of the affairs of the nation, and massive infrastructur

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oderinde, peter ayoola. "Roles of Pentecostalism in the Political and Economic Development of Nigeria between 1999 and 2015." International Journal of Contemporary Research in Humanities 1, no. 1 (2023): 13. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10711198.

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Nigeria is a country that is shaken by recurrent socio-economic and political crises, which started right after the implementation of the structural adjustment program since the early 1980s under the military regimes. A number of scholars have argued that religion played a crucial role in the political truce that ushered in the democratic government of former President Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999. This paper analyzes the extent to which Pentecostalism became instrumental to the political and economic development of Nigeria. Pentecostalism became more involved in politics, establishing itself as

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Ikhenoba, Williams, and Dr Ofonmbuk Etido Atakpa. "SERVICOM and Public Service Delivery in Nigeria: A study of Akwa Ibom State University." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. V (2023): 815–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.70564.

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The quality, efficiency and impact of public service delivery remains an issue of grave concern in Nigeria as the Nation is known for its endemic poor public service delivery and productivity. To tackle this vice, its former President, Olusegun Obasanjo in March 2004, using its administrative powers ordered the establishment of SERVICOM Units in all Federal government ministries, departments and parastatals. This would later extend to the National Universities Commission and all Federal and State Universities in Nigeria. A synthesis of the SERVICOM charter shows that its central focus is on en

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Akinnubi, T. J., and O. A. Morenikeji. "Prevalence of gastrointestinal parasites in captive animals in selected private zoos in south-west Nigeria." Nigerian Journal of Parasitology 41, no. 1 (2020): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/njpar.v41i1.4.

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This study was carried out to determine the gastrointestinal parasite profile of captive animals kept in three private zoological gardens (Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library (OOPL) Wildlife Park, Q-BRAT Zoos and Gardens, OMU Resort) in south-west Nigeria. Animals were screened for gastrointestinal parasites via faecal analysis using standard coprological techniques. A total of 104 faecal samples were collected from forty-three animal species across the three zoos. Faecal samples examination revealed an overall parasite prevalence of 41.37%. The prevalence in OOPL was 35.29%, 62.5% in Q-BRA

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Schmidt Arturi, Carlos, Guilherme Ziebell de Oliveira, and Mariana Falcão Chaise. "Reforma no setor de segurança em Estados pós-autoritários africanos: conclusões preliminares a partir dos casos nigeriano e tunisiano." Conjuntura Austral 8, no. 42 (2017): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/2178-8839.74215.

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O objetivo deste artigo é analisar duas tentativas de RSS em países do continente africano que sofrem transições políticas a partir de regimes autoritários: Nigéria, onde os esforços por reforma iniciaram-se após 1999, com a eleição de Olusegun Obasanjo, e Tunísia, dentro do quadro posterior às manifestações que resultaram na queda de Zine Ben Ali, em 2011. Os esforços deste artigo se concentrarão em duas frentes. Os processos de RSS serão analisados naquilo que se refere a (i) quais os contextos imediatamente anteriores à proposição das reformas, buscando identificar os principais atores polí

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John, Fredrick Friday, and Olubimpe Olasunmbo Adekunle. "Candidacy Endorsement and Rebuttals as Mediated Campaign Strategies in The 2023 Nigerian Election." Randwick International of Social Science Journal 5, no. 2 (2024): 275–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rissj.v5i2.948.

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Endorsements trigger arguments and rebuttals about the relevance of political actors by the spokesmen frontline political parties. Previous linguistic studies have focused more on campaign speeches; little attention has been paid to endorsement as a campaign strategy. This study investigated the endorsement speech of Olusegun Obasanjo (OBJ) and rebuttals by supporting and opposing spokesmen of Labour Party (LP), People’s Democratic Party (PDP), and All Progressive Congress (APC) in Nigerian elections, identifying and analysing the locutionary, illocutionary and Pragmatic strategies. The qualit

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Akogwu Chukwunonso, Joseph, Dennis Ezeh Kelechukwu, Ojo Idowu Akinwumi, Udoji Raphael, and Aideloje Sunday. "Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and Anti-Corruption Crusade in Nigeria, (2015-2020)." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. XII (2023): 431–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.7012036.

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Corruption has proven to be intractable in Nigeria, with resultant consequences on the political, economic and socio-cultural development of the nation. Though past military regimes, before the return to democratic government in 1999, initiated series of anti-corruption crusades at various times, corruption in high and low places continued to be on an alarming increase. With the return to democratic governance, President Olusegun Obasanjo saw to the establishment of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in 2002, which amongst others is vested with the responsibilities of preventi

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Ajadi, Rasaq Atanda, and Faosat Biola Olagunju. "A pragmalinguistic analysis of Im/Politeness in selected Nigerian Open Letters." International Journal of Arts and Humanities 5, no. 1 (2024): 203–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25082/ijah.2024.01.002.

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This study aims to examine the pragmatic and linguistic aspects of politeness and impoliteness in Nigerian open letters. Its objectives are to: examine how linguistic choices indicate [im]politeness and investigate how common ground influences the expression of im/politeness in the selected open letters. The study employed the qualitative research method while it deployed the purposive sampling technique to select two open letters written to two sitting presidents in the Fourth Republic between 1999 and 2015. The Presidents were Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. Only the letters t

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Suits, Jim. "Democracy Works: Re-Wiring Politics to Africa's Advantage by Greg Mills, Olusegun Obasanjo, Tendai Biti and Jeffrey Herbst. New York: Oxford University Press, 2019. Pp. xxii + 266, $34.95 (pbk)." Journal of Modern African Studies 57, no. 2 (2019): 352–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1900020x.

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Shopeju, O. "Patrimonial rule in Olusegun Obasanjos Nigeria." African Journal of Political Science and International Relations 7, no. 6 (2013): 266–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/ajpsir08.011.

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Westing, Arthur H. "African Perspective: Myths and Realities, by Olusegun Obasanjo. Council on Foreign Relations, 58 East 68th Street, New York, NY 10021, USA: xi + 51 pp., 23.6 × 15.7 × 1.1 cm, hard cover, $10, 1987." Environmental Conservation 18, no. 1 (1991): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0376892900021500.

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Ahiakpor, James C. W. "Challenges of Leadership in African Development edited by Olusegun Obasanjo and Hans D'Orville New York and London, Crane Russak, a member of the Taylor & Francis Group, 1990. Pp. vii + 258. £44.00. £25.00 paperback." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 4 (1993): 692–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012374.

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Emeka-Nwobia, NU. "Religion in Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo’s Political Discourses." AFRREV LALIGENS: An International Journal of Language, Literature and Gender Studies 4, no. 1 (2015): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/laligens.v4i1.2.

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EmmaJimo, EmmaJimo. "RETROSPECTIVE CONTRASTIVE ANALYSIS OF BARACK OBAMA’S AND OLUSEGUN OBASANJO’S POLITICAL COMMUNICATION FEATURES AND STYLES." Caleb International Journal of Development Studies 4, no. 2 (2021): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.26772/cijds-2021-04-02-09.

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Governments make calculated human capital commitment to political communication because of its indispensability and effectiveness as a veritable tool, which underlies and is underlined by massive government investment in public communication. Presidential communication is rooted in, influenced, and limited by, usually, certain written codes. This study examined why, when, and how two presidents said what they said, and why they did or not do as said. Thesis problem was unravelling how features and styles of two presidents facilitated their political communication and public policies. Study fit

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