Journal articles on the topic 'Once upon a time (Television program)'

In this interview, which was conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic in early March 2021, Lorenzo Codelli reflects on Latin American cinema and its underlying aesthetics, as well as on the global influence of Italian cinema, in particular neorealism, on filmmakers such as Ruy Guerra, Fernando Solanas and Alfonso Cuarón, among others. In recent years, the Latin American film industry has produced commercially successful films, such as Cuarón’s Roma (2018), but few movies receive international distribution in particular if directed by women. For example, Melina Léon’s Cancion sin nombre (Song Without a Name) (2019), which premiered at Cannes’ Directors’ Fornight and has won many awards, is a case in point. Of special interest is Codelli’s point of view on the status of contemporary national cinemas and the impact of popular television series on its very survival.

This article draws on worldbuilding theory, US television industrial practices, and textual analysis of a variety of fantasy series to explore the medium-specific forces that shape how fantasy worlds are built on television. With particular focus on Buffy the Vampire Slayer (1997-2003), Once Upon a Time (2011-2018), and Dead Like Me (2003-2004), this article proposes the concepts of stationary movement and adaptive creation to analyze how televisual worldbuilding is shaped by industrial practices such as standing sets and actors’ contracts. Scrutinizing the medium-specific manifestation of fantasy worlds on television, this article aims to address the gap in the literature surrounding this televisual genre.

To what extent can Australia be analysed as an ‘ethnocracy’, a term usually reserved for ostensibly democratic societies in which an ethnic group or groups control the life opportunities of a more widely ethnically diverse population? Australia adopted its first refugee policy in 1977 having been forced to address the humanitarian claims of Asian and Middle Eastern refugees. Only a few years after abandoning the White Australia policy of three generations, the public discourse about refugees was framed by the ethnic origins of these groups (primarily Vietnamese and Lebanese). Over the decades a utopian light has come to be cast on the Indo Chinese as a success story in settlement, while the Middle Eastern peoples have been shaded as a settlement failure. Yet the counter narratives developed in the SBS television documentary series “Once Upon a Time...” demonstrate how ethnocratic framing can be challenged and more nuanced and analytical discourses introduced into the public sphere.

Once upon a time American science sheltered an Einstein, went to the moon, and gave to the world the laser, the electronic computer, nylon, television, the cure for polio, and observations of our planet's location in an expanding universe. Today we are in the process, albeit unwittingly, of abandoning this leadership role. It is up to the President, the Congress, and the American people to decide whether this is really the road we want this country to travel.

When I first started my position as one half of the team responsible for preschool storytime in summer 2017, attendance at our Friday morning program for kids ages four to six was stagnant and low. Later that summer we also learned that Friday mornings would no longer be a consistent time slot, at least not in fall 2017.

This paper will examine the history of the television series “Amerika”. Upon its airing in 1987, the television project was regarded as one of the most controversial projects in American television history. Made in response to the television spectacular “The Day After” the series “Amerika” portrayed a fictional American town living under a Soviet occupation a decade after a nuclear war forced the American government to sue for peace. The emotional plotline follows the drama of a small Nebraska farming town attempting to survive under the boot of a despotic military occupation. The aim of this paper is to examine “Amerika” within the larger historical context of how the Soviet Union was portrayed in the American mass media and Hollywood television and film productions. This will involve a historical narrative that will challenge the notion of a perpetual “Red Scare” in Hollywood while providing a more subtle alternative view that in terms of cultural and entertainment it can be reasonably argued that the Soviet Union was perhaps given a more sympathetic portrayal than the unvarnished objective historical facts merited at the time. STRESZCZENIE „Amerika”: Historia amerykańskiego serialu, który kiedyś podzielił naród Artykuł dotyczy historii serialu telewizyjnego „Amerika”. Po premierze w 1987 r. był on uważany za jeden z najbardziej kontrowersyjnych projektów w historii telewizji amerykańskiej. Stworzony w odpowiedzi na telewizyjną superprodukcję „Dzień po” serial „Amerika” przedstawiał fikcyjne amerykańskie miasteczko pod radziecką okupacją, dekadę po tym, jak wojna nuklearna zmusiła rząd amerykański do kapitulacji. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie serialu „Amerika” w szerszym historycznym kontekście tego, jak Związek Radziecki był przedstawiany w amerykańskich mediach masowych oraz hollywoodzkich produkcjach telewizyjnych i filmowych. Obejmuje to narrację historyczną podważającą tezę o nieustannej „czerwonej panice” w Hollywood, przy jednoczesnym wskazaniu bardziej zniuansowanego poglądu, że jeżeli chodzi o kulturę i rozrywkę, można zasadnie argumentować, że Związek Radziecki był przedstawiany w bardziej pozytywnych barwach, niż wynikało to z nieupiększonych faktów historycznych w tym okresie.

TEACHING METHODS USING THE TELEVISION TALENT SEARCH AUDITION MODELThe main purpose of this study was to answer the five (5) questions the research on: Motivation, Achievement, competition, prestige (esteem) and orderly time, will be missed on the research results, in addition to the collaboration between the teaching style audition with, the development of a model audition that of the entertainment program on television. This research study is to do a collaboration between teaching style audition to audition models program television.The study the authors chose a model using fenomenology, in an effort to further explore the internal factors and external factors of the participants individually, so not just displaying figures on the above calculation paper. Findings From the results obtained from processing of data and calculation of the amount of value as well as the interview shows the results of the acquisition value the better of each meeting seen this from the value that was obtained, at a meeting of the audition stage three (3), already visible once the values are moving fluctuating. Significance those who scored high and moderate increased while the low score decreased, indicating a significant change, after combining teaching methods and audition models such as television programs (talent shows)., There was a significant increase.

The latest media, which is called the “fifth media”, was a only show that brought about changes in the media age once upon a time. But in the modern and contemporary media development, it is leading the media integration upon other types. Traditional newspapers, outdoor media, radio and television known as the four major media are also steadily moving forward with compatibility, reform and innovation. French social science scientist, Halbwachs, first proposed the concept of collective memory. Of course, many elements that constitute and form collective memory can be taken into consideration, while this article only cuts through from the perspective of the media, and hopes that a more positive collective memory framework will be formed. The cultural self-confidence, and explore new methods and outlets for cultural self-confidence.

In this paper, we develop a real-time intelligent transportation system (ITS) to detect vehicles traveling the wrong way on the road. The concept of this wrong-way system is to detect such vehicles as soon as they enter an area covered by a single closed-circuit television (CCTV) camera. After detection, the program alerts the monitoring center and triggers a warning signal to the drivers. The developed system is based on video imaging and covers three aspects: detection, tracking, and validation. To locate a car in a video frame, we use a deep learning method known as you only look once version 3 (YOLOv3). Therefore, we use a custom dataset for training to create a deep learning model. After estimating a car’s position, we implement linear quadratic estimation (also known as Kalman filtering) to track the detected vehicle during a certain period. Lastly, we apply an “entry-exit” algorithm to identify the car’s trajectory, achieving 91.98% accuracy in wrong-way driver detection.

Abstract This paper deals with computer application procedures for the evaluation of the causal consistency between anomalous phenomena manifested in electrical networks, along with the physical damage associated with electrical equipment and possible reimbursement requests. The focus is on the development of an air conditioner appliance model of the type known as split founded upon a representation, in the time domain, in accordance with the Alternative Transients Program (ATP) simulator requirements. This approach permits investigations concerning the performance of the product when submitted to ideal and non-ideal supply conditions. Once the equipment model is implemented in the program, a set of investigative studies are carried out to show the device performance under specific energy quality disturbance conditions. In addition, there are still the results for the validation of the process established through the correlation between computational performance of the air conditioner with corresponding studies carried out experimentally, which are presented herein. Moreover, once the effectiveness of the developed model is verified, it is implemented into the Requests for Reimbursement Software. Investigations related to the correlation between disturbances and the levels of thermal and dielectric tolerance are then performed aiming at illustrating the use of the research results for the reimbursement analyzes purposes.

Once upon a time, it was almost impossible for a person of colour to get produced on Canada’s main stages. After all, it was only a few years ago (2006) when Djanet Sears made history at the Stratford Festival. Her play Harlem Duet was not only the first Black work produced in Stratford’s fifty-four-year history; it was also the first play directed by a Black woman (Sears herself) and the first all-Black cast. I, too, understand what it means to be the first of firsts. In 2002, I was the first member of a visible minority to graduate from the National Theatre School’s (NTS) Playwriting Program – a program that has been in existence since 1982.

This communication focus on an analysis of the contextual factors that facilitate or constrain collaborative processes in intersectoral multilevel governance. How is this collaboration built? What are the brakes and the levers for? To answer these questions, we will rely on comparative research conducted between 2019 and 2021 of two initiatives in two regions of Quebec (Canada): a local care team set up in 2013 and a day-center opened in 2021. This case study between two initiatives invites us to take a look at distinct and local systems, both based on collaboration between health and social services, institutional and community services in the homelessness. To carry out this research, we conducted 18 semi-directed interviews and 85 hours of participant observations. Within this communication, we will compare the intersectoral collaboration of the two initiatives by the initial conditions driven the emergence, the characteristics of the organization (internal complexity), and the characteristics of the environments (external complexity) to the organization. Finally, and directly related to these initial conditions of implementation and the context, governance structures and collaboration processes (formal and informal) will be analyzed to understand the current modalities and forms of collaboration within the team (Bryson, Crosby and Stone framework). In this way, we will therefore present the articulation between clinical, strategic and tactical levels that allows (or not) organized governance. This communication is part of an extensive research program since December 2016 to develop a systemic understanding of integrated collaborative processes and local intersectoral initiatives with people experiencing homelessness.

The Internet as a fearful place is a theme apparent in numerous film and television presentations whereby fears and anxieties about new technology are exploited and new ethical challenges are mounted. The idea that the Internet can make a person, particularly a young person, vulnerable has much traction on screen: in the context of bullying, narratives frequently demonstrate that while it was once restricted to the parameters of school—the school grounds and the school day—the Internet enables such behavior to happen at any time and for it to occur repeatedly with an infinite audience. Anybody with Internet access—be it via their laptop or smartphone—can be bullied; equally, anyone with access to such technology can become the bully. Revictimization is the starting point for this discussion and is a key factor in distinguishing cyberbullying from the schoolyard terror of the pre–Web era. The public nature of many online attacks means that victims experience abuse in an ongoing fashion in turn, exacerbating and prolonging the trauma. Other themes explored include the flexibility of roles: whereas in schoolyard bullying the victim is frequently the weaker kid preyed upon by someone older and stronger; online the weaker kid can effortlessly become the bully themselves in a world where physical brawn is less important than computer prowess. Age and gender are also examined, along with emerging social concerns such as slut-shaming and revenge porn. These themes are each explored to expose the ways film and television depict social concerns exacerbated by new technology.

Abstract: After COVID 19 the nearly ninety percentage global have become completely relies upon on internet, and from very smallest matters to large smatters most humans take assist from Google to locate their answer in clean manner subsequently the once more simplest manner to attain our thoughts inside a seconds to phrases Google assistant thru microphone for keep away from now no longer handiest keyboard, tipping error show ever additionally keep the time which we spent for kind our thoughts in Google seek bar. Hence we studied on Internet of Things (IOT) and we were given fulfilment to locate simplest manner to show on advert flip off any styles of outside load which we use in our domestic like Bulb, Fan, Ac, Television, etc. Here we are able to proportion simple information of Google assistant based completely home automation system, as consistent with mission we take 4 channel relay module to attach outside output supply as 4 extra ordinary coloration of bulb to reveal 4 extra ordinary outputs the use of ESP8266 microcontroller and arduino IDE software. Keywords: Bulbs, 4 channel Relay, IoT, and ESP 8266 Controller

Abstract The objective was to compare the fertility (pregnancy and farrowing rates, total number of piglets born) of gilts enrolled in the Batch Farrowing OvuGel Breeding Program to control gilts receiving multiple inseminations upon expression of estrus. Four breeding groups of DNA F1 gilts were blocked by heat-no-service date, body weight and age. Altrenogest was fed (15 mg/gilt/day) to gilts for 14 days. Gilts not expressing estrus prior to altrenogest (n = 16) were divided equally between treatments. The last altrenogest feeding (LAF) was designated day 0. Treatment groups were: Control (n = 182) and Batch Farrowing OvuGel Breeding Program (OG, n = 182). Control gilts were inseminated upon detection of estrus and received additional inseminations at 24-hour intervals for the duration of estrus. Treatment OG gilts that first expressed strong signs of pre-estrus and/or standing estrus on day 6 post-LAF (n = 143) were administered OvuGel and received a single insemination 20 hours post-OvuGel regardless of estrus status. Treatment OG gilts that expressed standing estrus prior to day 6 (n = 10) and for the first time on days 7–8 (n = 22) post-LAF did not receive OvuGel, but were inseminated upon detection of estrus and received additional inseminations at 24-hour intervals for the duration of estrus. Treatment OG gilts that had not expressed estrus by day 8 (n = 7) were administered OvuGel and inseminated once 20 hours later. There were no differences in pregnancy rate (P > 0.89, 94.0% for both OG and control), farrowing rate (P > 0.34), or total number of piglets born per litter (P > 0.83, OG = 16.3, control = 16.2) between OG and control gilts. These data indicate gilts placed on the Batch Farrowing OvuGel Breeding Program had similar fertility as gilts that received multiple inseminations upon the detection of estrus.

Since the outbreak of the virus, several countries including the Philippines was greatly affected, forcing the national government to implement various categories of quarantine protocols and drastic measures to ensure the containment of the disease. Among the greatly affected sectors of industry, educational system grieved immensely because of the suspension of classes and forcing several basic education schools as well as several colleges and universities to terminate the semester. As this global pandemic continue to threaten the basic education system in the Philippines, and with the unsecured and unsafe environment due to this health crisis, the possibility of resuming physical classes is very unlikely. Hence, the implementation of Emergency Remote Teaching (ERT) plays a crucial role in the Philippine educational context during this crisis. As a supervisory intervention, ERT is a temporary solution of reinforcing the lack of face-to-face interaction of learning through various platforms – digital media, radio, television learning and the likes. This paper adapts literature-based methodology using literature review as its method of presenting the nature and characteristics of ERT and its implications to Philippine educational system through various literatures found in the digital. More so, it presents an overview of the challenges the Philippine education system faced upon its implementation. Further empirical researches on the impact of implementing ERT among Philippine public and private educational institutions in the basic and higher education program is recommended.

The article highlights the application of the principle of achieving the best guaranteed result in the tasks of assessing the qualifications of the ship crew members in performing their official duties (based on the use of a program for monitoring the actions of ship specialists aimed at solving navigation problems, under the influence of various negative factors - disturbances) are discussed. The case is considered when the disturbance acts on several controlled indicators at once (current constraints, final conditions, quality criterion). During the implementation of the monitoring program, the reaction of the crew members to a specific disturbance is evaluated (at the same time, only a set of possible disturbances is assumed to be known). The developed management program is able to guarantee a reliable assessment of the compliance of the current state of a specialist's competence with all the required parameters for the entire time interval under consideration. To do this, we have to assume that each indicator will have its own worst perturbation (even if the same perturbation should take different values at the same time). At the same time, upon completion of monitoring, the program outputs the results in the form of a report, which indicates the time interval of observations of the actions of a particular crew member, records the facts of errors, and displays information about the degree of influence of the error on the final result (provided there are no corrective actions on the part of both the specialist and other crew members). The report ends with a two-point competent/incompetent rating system. The disadvantage of the program is its inability to indicate the degree of influence of external factors on the results obtained, but at the same time all the information contained in the report allows the expert who checks the competence of this specialist to conclude about the degree of safety of the actions taken by the employee in a particular situation. The results of the work of the guaranteeing program in the task of operating the GMSSB ship complex are given as illustrations.

Utilization of narrow land is a trend that needs to be developed at this time in supporting family food self-sufficiency. The role and use of yard land varies greatly from one area to another, depending on the level of need, socio-cultural, community education, as well as physical and ecological factors of the local area. Agriculture with aquaponics techniques can provide many benefits to farmers and the community, including being able to produce two products at once, namely fresh organic vegetables and fish. Real Work Lectures (KKN) by Sebelas Maret University students, carry out programs that have been agreed upon and adapted to the needs of the community at the KKN location. The activity was carried out at the home of the head of the Brenggolo hamlet with the work program of Extension on the Utilization of Vertical Farming and Workshop on Appropriate Aquaponic Technology in Narrow Land. Through this program, he hopes to be able to give the role of independence to the community in the use of narrow land in the yard of the house.

Context Many study abroad experiences are difficult for athletic training students to attend because of the prescriptive nature of the athletic training curriculum. Short-term study abroad programs allow students to participate in an international educational experience without the time commitment of semester-long or yearlong programs. Objective To report the students' perspective of a short-term study abroad experience. Background In January 2019 a short-term study abroad program was offered for athletic training students. The program included attendance at a sports medicine conference, networking opportunities, and cultural activities. Synthesis Through a group debriefing session and guided reflection questions, four athletic training students who attended the short-term study abroad program in London reflected on their preparations for the international travel and their experiences while abroad. Recommendation(s) Continued research should be conducted to objectively assess how short-term study abroad programs influence students' cultural awareness and cultural competency upon return. Conclusion(s) Short-term study abroad programs are one way for students to increase cultural awareness while staying on track with their athletic training curriculum. From the students' perspective, once they overcame the perceived barriers to international travel, the experience was positive, and they would recommend it to other athletic training students.

This article provides a case study of the ecology of British independent film, as illustrated through the continuing career of Shane Meadows. I focus on the intersection between the practices of economic independence and creative independence, ameliorated by low-budget, local films that exploit festival showcasing and critical buzz to achieve international exhibition in a range of markets. While Meadows’ earlier films exemplify the reliance on television funding that has characterised British and continental European cinema since the 1980s, and the emerging significance of regional and Lottery-based funding in the 1990s, they also correspond to the local/international model of much low-budget European realist art cinema, best identified with the Dogme 95 films or those of the Dardenne brothers. Yet since Once Upon a Time in the Midlands (2002), Meadows has deviated from the established trajectory of recognised British auteurs, Mike Leigh and Ken Loach, instead utilising co-production funding to reduce his budgets to ensure maintaining artistic control. Akin to post-Dogme rule-based production manifestoes such as ‘Industrial Film DK’, Meadows has developed and revisited his own rules: film what you know – focusing on a particular local community, localised identities, and restricted locations – in addition to improvisational approaches to acting. Consequently Meadows has achieved recognition as a local but global film-maker.

The Audit process conducted by the Directorate of Local Fund Audit (DLFA) was manually driven and involved a lot of paper works with a high probability of error. The overall process had phases like planning, execution and post-audit process. It used to take approx. 54 days at least to plan the Annual Audit Program for various auditee institutions in its purview, which is more than 2 months when it comes with weekends and holidays. The entire planning was done with the active participation of Dr Sadangi and his team. But manual entry and verification at each step made it strenuous as well as mundane. Once the audit plan was approved by the headquarters, it was executed by the District Office Officials in parts. There were a lot of manual efforts to draft the report and the time taken to draft the report was completely dependent upon the size of the report. It required a lot of time to fetch data, prepare statements and then verify it. The present case deals with how automation has not only helped in reducing audit cycle time but also in future, technology can help in Analytics, Analysis and decision making process.

Abstract Background The electronic health record (EHR) has historically been known to be a source of stress and dissatisfaction, leading to reduced efficiency and productivity for providers. This issue is complicated by constant changes in EHRs that are necessary to keep systems current with evolving functionality. Knowing the existence of this problem, an evidenced-based solution, known as an efficiency workshop, was developed by our information technology training and optimization team for providers as a means of ongoing professional development. Objectives The objectives of this project were to identify EHR optimization needs for providers in various clinical departments and improve their EHR satisfaction. The development of a program focused on provider efficiency tools and personalization was key and, once piloted, how to measure program success. Methods Efficiency workshops comprised members of the IT training team who set up on site training sessions during reserved time with providers during departmental meetings. Sessions focused on reviewing EHR efficiency tools using demonstration of existing system functionality. Participating providers were given continuing medical education (CME) credits upon completion of evaluations used as a quality improvement tool for the program. Results Descriptive results showed that providers were satisfied with this method of EHR instruction. Subjective feedback yielded positive themes such as informative, well done, organized, and helpful. Conclusion This initiative began as a pilot program and successfully expanded across clinical departments at our academic medical center. Future plans are to sustain and further invest in this program by using EHR reporting features to further customize these sessions and evaluate impact on system use.

Abstract Introduction The period immediately following an awakening is characterized by sleepiness, poor cognitive performance, and disorientation known as sleep inertia. In an exploratory analysis, we investigated the accuracy of perceived sleep-wake state after being abruptly awoken. Methods Thirty-six participants (18 female; 26.6 years ± 6.1) slept in their own homes and were called on a pre-set cell phone three times: twice during their habitual sleep period (approximately 45 min and 135 min after habitual bedtime) and once at their habitual waketime the next morning (n = 108 awakenings). Sleep stage prior to waking was measured by polysomnography. Researchers observed participants remotely via an infrared camera. Participants were asked whether they thought they had been ‘asleep’, ‘awake’, or ‘unsure’ immediately prior to receiving the phone call. Results Polysomnography determined that participants were asleep prior to the call for 88.0% (n = 99) of the awakenings (Wake: 8.3%, N1: 10.2%, N2: 27.8%, N3: 38.9%, REM: 11.1%, Undefined: 3.7%). Participants were asleep for all instances in which the self-perceived state prior to awakening was ‘asleep’. When state was self-perceived as ‘awake’ or ‘unsure’, participants were awake 25% of the time and in N3 sleep 19% of the time (sensitivity: 71.6%; specificity: 100%). One-fifth (n = 7) of the cohort were unable to correctly identify being asleep on multiple awakenings. Conclusion Participants correctly identified themselves as being asleep with moderately low sensitivity, but high specificity. Interestingly, even participants in deep sleep stages (N3) sometimes perceived themselves to be awake before the call. A portion of participants were consistently poor at identifying being asleep. These misperceptions of sleep-wake state upon awakening may contribute to the disorientation experienced during the sleep inertia period and may be influenced by individual differences. Although the uneven distribution of sleep-wake states in this sample limits us to descriptive statistics, our exploratory analysis suggests that a systematic assessment of perception during the sleep-wake transition and its subsequent effect on alertness, cognitive performance, and decision making is warranted. Support (if any) Naval Postgraduate School, via the Naval Medical Research Center's Naval Advanced Medical Development Department (MIPR N3239820WXHN007). NASA Airspace Operations and Safety Program, System-Wide Safety.

The original formulation of the firefighter problem defines a discrete-time process where a fire starts at a designated subset of the vertices of a graph G. At each subsequent discrete time unit, the fire propagates from each burnt vertex to all of its neighbors unless they are defended by a firefighter that can move between any pair of vertices in a single time unit. Once a vertex is burnt or defended, it remains in that state, and the process terminates when the fire can no longer spread. In this work, we present the moving firefighter problem, which is a generalization of the firefighter problem where the time it takes a firefighter to move from a vertex u to defend vertex v is determined by a function τ. This new formulation models situations such as a wildfire or a flood, where firefighters have to physically move from their current position to the location of an entity they intend to defend. It also incorporates the notion that entities modeled by the vertices are not necessarily instantaneously defended upon the arrival of a firefighter. We present a mixed-integer quadratically constrained program (MIQCP) for the optimization version of the moving firefighter problem that minimizes the number of burnt vertices for the case of general finite graphs, an arbitrary set F⊂V of vertices where the fire breaks out, a single firefighter, and metric time functions τ.

21036 Background: Notwithstanding some recent declines, breast cancer incidence rates have risen for decades, though not equally for all age groups. We used the National Cancer Institute's SEER program to further explore the effect of aging upon breast cancer incidence. Materials and Methods: The SEER program collected data on n=494,543 in-situ + invasive female breast cancer cases, newly diagnosed during 1974–2003. Temporal trends by race, stage, and grade were stratified by age at diagnosis in decades: 20–29 to 80+ years. Results: We observed age interactions over time. For example, as the specification of grade improved from 1974–2003, temporal trends for high and low grade tumors varied with age. Among women ages <40 years, high grade lesions were more common than low grade tumors for all time periods. Among women ages 40+ years, high grade lesions were more common during the early years, and then rates crossed, after which low-grade tumors were more common than high grade lesions. Conclusion: Age at diagnosis was both a quantitative (non- crossover) and qualitative (crossover) effect modifier. The crossing of rates from high to low grade tumors among women ages 40+ years in the 1980s is consistent with more aggressive breast cancer screening, with mammography preferentially detecting low grade tumors among women targeted for screening, i.e., ages 40–80 years. Though once thought to be rare or artifactual, qualitative interactions or effect modification suggest etiologic heterogeneity in an otherwise homogeneous disease process. Indeed, if true, qualitative age interactions imply divergent pathways for early-onset and late-onset breast cancers. No significant financial relationships to disclose.

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> National Institute of Education (NIE), Singapore is a national teacher education institute with a mission to excel in teacher education and educational research. It is where student teachers in Singapore are trained. Its program consists of undergraduate, higher degrees and professional learning. Geography as a discipline is offered under the Humanities and Social Studies Education (HSSE) an academic group at NIE.</p><p>An Introduction to GIS course has been offered to second-year pre-service undergraduate and the higher degree level in-service Geography student teachers (STs) at HSSE/NIE. There are a total of 14 STs (eight pre-service and six in-service) aged between 19 and 32 years old. Pre-service STs will become a primary school, secondary school or junior college teachers once they graduate from the undergraduate program from NIE. In-service STs are currently teachers at the above-mentioned education institutions. They are returning to NIE for the higher degree program. They all had no prior experience with GIS. Key GIS theories and techniques including data models, map projection and GPS, spatial join, geo-processing, geo-referencing and digitizing were introduced to them throughout the course.</p><p>Assignments were given to students to work individually as part of the assessment components. Assignments asked them to create thematic maps showing spatial and temporal distribution of the world’s total fertility rates (TFR), issues in Economic Geography and Education related issues by applying GIS theories and techniques learned during the lectures. Upon submitting each assignment, STs were asked to indicate the challenges encountered while completing the assignments and suggestions to solve their problems.</p><p>The major set challenge for STs was downloading, cleaning, joining table and understanding the attribute tables. STs, especially those who had limited prior experience working with the dataset, found the above-mentioned tasks to be problematic and confusing all together. Those STs had a hard time applying those steps when they need to do the assignment, which required starting the process from scratch.</p><p>In order to avoid under or over-representation, almost all STs expressed major challenges when it comes to choosing color and number of classes for choropleth maps. STs further emphasized that it required them to know beyond GIS skills in order to make thematic maps meaningfully. For instance, in order to showcase TFR, one needs to understand that TFR of 2.1 is the replacement rate, TFR of 1.5 or below is considered low or in danger in terms of population growth. Therefore, one needs to take those factors into consideration when choosing the cutoff points and the total number of classes.</p><p>To overcome those challenges, a series of suggestions were provided by STs. For instance, more practices and more exercises of the same nature, pair or group work instead of individual work, allocate more time for each assignment, both instruction manual and video tutorials are needed.</p><p>This exercise pedagogically provides both STs and me, the instructor, a fresh perspective when it comes to teaching GIS to students. As an instructor, I need to strike the balance between concepts and practices. Furthermore, I need to take student’s profiles and prior knowledge into account when planning my lectures in order to leave no one behind. Understanding both concepts and practices of GIS in crucial for STs because they will be teaching GIS upon completing the course. Integration of GIS into primary school, secondary school and junior college will be part of Singapore’s smart nation initiative.</p>

Once upon a time there was a computer music system called GROOVE (Generating Realtime Operations On Voltage-controlled Equipment, Bell Telephone Laboratories, Murray Hill, New Jersey) which outputted in the realm of sound, and was a wonderful and still-unique tool for the composition thereof. At that time a then-young composer who was using GROOVE for music got the harebrained idea that if she made a few minor changes here and there she could use it to compose images as well. This she did in 1974-6, and though the untimely demise of the system prevented creation of much documentation in the form of aesthetic works of its output, the system did function sufficiently to make some description worthwhile. While it is true that the mid-1960s DDP-224 computer on which GROOVE became a VAMPIRE (Video And Music Program for Interactive Realtime Exploration/Experimentation) was a massive room-sized computer, it has by now long been eclipsed in power by the constantly improving home computer. It is worth describing the concepts involved in part because there are by now many small computers capable of emulating its musical methods. Besides, I had a deep personal relationship with that computer, and wish to commemorate it. Here then follows the tale of Graphical GROOVE, aka the VAMPIRE.

Ripretinib, a novel tyrosine kinase inhibitor used in advanced gastrointestinal stromal tumors (GIST) resistant to standard therapies, was assessed in the United Kingdom (UK) within an Expanded Access Program (EAP). A retrospective review of patients treated between January 2020 and October 2021 within the ripretinib EAP in our Institution was conducted. Clinician-documented and mRECIST 1.1 assessments were collected. The primary endpoints were progression-free survival (PFS) and time to treatment discontinuation (TTD). Treatment beyond progression (TBP), overall survival (OS), objective response rates and safety data were also analyzed. Survival curves were constructed using the Kaplan–Meier method, and univariate and multivariate Cox regression analyses were performed. All analyses were performed with R software. Overall, forty-five patients were included. After a median follow-up of 24.2 (95% CI 19.7–29.7) months, the median PFS of the group receiving 150 mg ripretinib once daily (OD) was 7.9 (95% CI 5.6–19.3) months. In the cohort of 22 patients with dose escalation upon tumor progression to 150 mg ripretinib twice daily (BD), the median PFS from BD was 5.4 (95% CI 2.8–9.3) months. Overall, median PFS and OS values for patients on ripretinib were 9.7 (95% CI 8.3–18.1) and 14.0 (95% CI 9.9–NA) months, respectively. TTD was similar to PFS. TBP was observed in about one third of all patients. Objective responses to ripretinib OD and BD treatments were observed in 16.7% and 10.0% of the patients, respectively. No new safety signals were identified. In conclusion, patients with advanced GIST receiving ripretinib in the UK within the EAP reported prolonged benefits, in line with the recent phase III clinical trials.

e13503 Background: Approximately 90,000 adolescents and young adults (AYA) are diagnosed with cancer annually. Poor outcomes are associated with decreased access to specialized care, limited opportunities for clinical trial participation, treatment protocol variations, and limited psychosocial resources. Fortunately, there has been an increased awareness of the unique challenges faced by AYA patients with the establishment of AYA programs around the world. In order to maximize management opportunities for this marginalized population, our academic healthcare system embarked to establish an effective AYA Oncology Program to serve within the continuum of Pediatric and Medical Oncology and survivorship. Herein, we report the outcomes from this important quality improvement initiative. Methods: In May 2018, the AYA program was established within Pediatric Oncology. We were able to hire a dedicated social worker in March 2020. At this time, growth of the program was limited due to the COVID pandemic. In January 2021, the consult order was updated to enhance tracking metrics. We aimed to increase AYA program consult orders by 20% from 2021 to 2022. In June 2021, we presented the AYA program to Medical Oncology and Malignant Hematology to increase program awareness. We implemented several other educational activities with the Department of Pediatrics, Department of Medicine (including Medical Oncology and Malignant Hematology), and the community via multiple Plan-Do-Study-Act (PDSA) cycles. Results: Since 2020, the AYA program has tracked 91 answered consults – 86 in the last 2 years. In 2022, there were 50 total consults placed compared to 36 in 2021, a 38.9% increase. Since 2021, the AYA program was consulted on 17.2% of newly diagnosed AYA patients. Inpatient consults were more common at 62.6%. Thirteen total consults were ordered for patients ≥30yo, of which only 2 were for patients older than 32. The AYA program was consulted on only 3.5% of newly diagnosed adults ≥30yo compared to 28.7% for the younger AYA patients. Upon surveying medical oncologists at our institution, most providers simply forget to order consults to the AYA program. Conclusions: Total AYA program consult numbers are increasing, however, there is opportunity for growth, especially in reaching the older AYA patients. Our healthcare system has recently approved the establishment of a Best Practice Advisory (BPA) in our electronic medical record to remind providers to order AYA program consults, if appropriate. Once the BPA is established, subsequent PDSA cycles will emphasize reaching older AYA patients by re-circulating educational resources and activities to providers and social workers in Medical Oncology and Malignant Hematology. Future objectives will evaluate outcomes in quality of life, overall survival, healthcare utilization, and clinical trial enrollment amongst other metrics.

Introduction: Immune thrombotic thrombocytopenic purpura (iTTP) is a life-threatening thrombotic microangiopathy caused by the severe deficiency of ADAMTS13 ( a disintegrin and metalloproteinase with a thrombo spondin type 1 motif, member 13). The rapid recognition of a patient with iTTP is critical to starting effective treatment 1, with ADAMTS13 testing results in &lt;72 hours considered “ideal” for diagnosing TTP 2 and is cost-effective when performed at a laboratory that can turn-around testing in &lt;24 hours 3. In a patient in remission from iTTP, recommendations for surveillance ADAMTS13 testing are unclear, with ISTH guidelines offering no explicit time frame 1 but the USTMA (United States Thrombotic Microangiopathy Alliance) recommending testing every 3 months once in remission 4. However, many hospitals are unable to provide ADAMTS13 testing in-house and patients may not have access to regular out-patient ADAMTS13 monitoring. As part of the USMTA's grassroots efforts to serve patients with TMA, a first-ever program was launched to provide a free and rapid ADAMTS13 testing, i.e., &lt;24-hours upon sample receipt. Both hospitalized and out-patients are eligible, including an option for mobile phlebotomy for patients unable to have testing performed through a laboratory. This abstract represents the preliminary results of this ground-breaking program. Methods: The USTMA was founded in 2019 and is currently the only organization serving patients with TMA, composed of 20 academic research sites. Following a survey of member patients asking if free ADAMTS13 testing would be beneficial that was overwhelmingly positive, a collaborative partnership with Machaon Diagnostics was established. ADAMTS13 activity with reflex inhibitor and antibody testing occurs the same day upon sample receipt, with results made immediately available to the ordering physician. Out-patient testing is performed either through the request of an iTTP patient (and ordered through their treating physician) or made by an ordering physician. In the out-patient setting, either a kit is mailed to the patient to be drawn at their local laboratory, or in cases of iTTP patients who are unable to travel to a laboratory, a mobile phlebotomy unit can be dispatched to their residence. Results: An initial survey asking, “If you could get ADAMTS13 drawn at home, for free, would you?” elicited a response of “Yes” from 90% of respondents (n=104/130) within 72 hours. Following the creation of the “FAST4TMA” (Fast, Accurate, Simple Testing for TMA) program, it was announced on the USTMA website and through social media. Currently n=22 patients have requested out-patient ADAMTS13 testing, n=20/22 already diagnosed with iTTP, consisting of 5/22 males, 14/22 females, 3/22 declining to answer, with n=9/22 requests occurring on the first day of the FAST4TMA program (06/25/23). The majority of patients, n-17/22, requested ADAMTS13 testing via a mobile phlebotomy unit. Discussion: In this initial analysis of the FAST4TMA program, we show that a patient-centered out-patient program that is free and able to provide testing at home is eagerly desired by patients. This will have the potential to detect early immunologic relapses, preventing clinical relapses. While in-patient testing has not yet been performed at the time of writing, it is anticipated that this will also provide benefits to TMA patients, particularly in removing barriers to rapid ADAMTS13 testing. References: J Thromb Haemost. 2020;18:2496-2502.Blood (2020) 136 (Supplement 1): 5-6Vox Sang. 2020 Jul;115(5):433-442.USTMA. Out-patient management of TTP. https://www.ustma.org/outpatient-management-ofttp.

Introduction: The application of specific instructions significantly improves energy, performance, and code size of configurable processors. The design of these instructions is performed by the conversion of patterns related to application-specific operations into effective complex instructions. This research was presented at the icitkm Conference, University of Delhi, India in 2017.Methods: Static analysis was a prominent research method during late the 1980’s. However, end-to-end measurements consist of a standard approach in industrial settings. Both static analysis tools perform at a high-level in order to determine the program structure, which works on source code, or is executable in a disassembled binary. It is possible to work at a low-level if the real hardware timing information for the executable task has the desired features.Results: We experimented, tested and evaluated using a H.264 encoder application that uses nine cis, covering most of the computation intensive kernels. Multimedia applications are frequently subject to hard real time constraints in the field of computer vision. The H.264 encoder consists of complicated control flow with more number of decisions and nested loops. The parameters evaluated were different numbers of A partitions (300 slices on a Xilinx Virtex 7each), reconfiguration bandwidths, as well as relations of cpu frequency and fabric frequency fCPU/ffabric. ffabric remains constant at 100MHz, and we selected a multiplicity of its values for fCPU that resemble realistic units. Note that while we anticipate the wcet in seconds (wcetcycles/ f CPU) to be lower (better) with higher fCPU, the wcet cycles increase (at a constant ffabric) because hardware cis perform less computations on the reconfigurable fabric within one cpu cycle.Conclusions: The method is similar to tree hybridization and path-based methods which are less precise, and to the global ipet method, which is more precise. Optimization is evaluated with the Discrete Particle Swarm Optimization (dpso) algorithm for wcet. For several real-world applications involving embedded processors, the proposed technique develops improved instruction sets in comparison to native instruction sets.Originality: For wcet estimation, flow analysis, low-level analysis and calculation phases of the program need to be considered. Flow analysis phase or the high-level of analysis helps to extract the program’s dynamic behavior that gives information on functions being called, number of loop iteration, dependencies among if-statements, etc. This is due to the fact that the analysis is unaware of the execution path corresponding to the longest execution time.Limitations: This path is executed within a kernel iteration that relies upon the nature of mb, either i-mb or p-mb, determined by the motion estimation kernel, that is, its’ input depends on the i-mb and p-mb paths ,which also contain separate cis leading to the instability of the worst-case path, that is, adding more partitions to the current worst-case path can result in the other path becoming the worst case. The pipeline stalls for the reconfiguration delay and continues when entering the kernel once the reconfiguration process finishes.

Ovarian cancer (OC) is one of the most diagnosed gynecological cancers in women. Due to the lack of effective early stage screening, women are more often diagnosed at an advanced stage; therefore, it is associated with poor patient outcomes. There are a lack of tools to identify patients at the highest risk of developing this cancer. Moreover, early detection strategies, therapeutic approaches, and real-time monitoring of responses to treatment to improve survival and quality of life are also inadequate. Tumor development and progression are dependent upon cell-to-cell communication, allowing cancer cells to re-program cells not only within the surrounding tumor microenvironment, but also at distant sites. Recent studies established that extracellular vesicles (EVs) mediate bi-directional communication between normal and cancerous cells. EVs are highly stable membrane vesicles that are released from a wide range of cells, including healthy and cancer cells. They contain tissue-specific signaling molecules (e.g., proteins and miRNA) and, once released, regulate target cell phenotypes, inducing a pro-tumorigenic and immunosuppressive phenotype to contribute to tumor growth and metastasis as well as proximal and distal cell function. Thus, EVs are a “fingerprint” of their cell of origin and reflect the metabolic status. Additionally, via the capacity to evade the immune system and remain stable over long periods in circulation, EVs can be potent therapeutic agents. This review examines the potential role of EVs in the different aspects of the tumor microenvironment in OC, as well as their application in diagnosis, delivery of therapeutic agents, and disease monitoring.

The healthcare sector is considered to be one of the largest and fast-growing industries in the world. Innovations and novel approaches have always remained the prime aims in order to bring massive development. Before the emergence of technology, all the sectors, including the healthcare sector was dependant dependent on man power, which was time-consuming, and less accurate with lack of efficiency. With the recent advancements in machine learning, the condition is has been steadily revolutionizing. in the practice of the health care industry. Artificial Intelligence intelligence (AI) lies in the computer science department, which stresses on the intelligent machines’ creation, that work and react just like human beings. In simple words, AI is the capability of a computer program to think and learn, almost satisfying natural intelligence. It is the ability of a system to interpret the external data correctly, learn from it and finally use those learnings to execute some particular goals and tasks through adaptation. It utilizes multiple technologies to comprehend, act and understand from past experiences. Involving AI is not a science fiction that was once a very long time ago. It AI being an emerging technology has been adopted in various facets of healthcare ranging from drug discovery to patient monitoring. rapidly penetrated its wings developed itself into almost all the industries. Irrespective of the person’s background, whether he/she is a student, industry worker, an entrepreneur, or a scientist, having basic knowledge about the importance and applications of AI would be impactful. Currently, the applications of AI has have been expanding into those fields, which was once thought to be the only domain of human expertise such as health care sector. In this review article, we have shedthrown light on the present usage of AI in the healthcare sector, such as its working, and the way this system is being implemented in different domains, such as drug discovery, diagnosis of diseases, clinical trials, remote patient monitoring, and nanotechnology. We have also slightlybriefly touched upon its applications in touching other sectors as well. The public opinions have also been analyszed and discussed along with the future prospects.The main goals have been briefed. prospects. We have discussed the Along with the merits, we have also discussed about and the other side of AI, i.e. the disadvantages of this as wellin the last part of the manuscript.

In the context of climate change and the inevitable future of climate change refugees, there is the need to explore the intrinsic connection between migrants and their connection to the environment, particularly when they are changing environments (their biogregion), and homelands. This paper uses case study methodology in its examination of Agent Orange within the waters of Vietnam and Australia; it attempts to understand the haunting and the affects of water contamination within lived experiences of (un)belonging. Agent Orange was used by the U.S military in Vietnam as part of the herbicidal warfare program called Operation Ranch Hand. The Union Carbide Corporation chemical plant, which had produced Agent Orange for the Vietnam War, had one plant situated in Sydney, Australia by the Parramatta River. Parramatta River is a river in Western Sydney where many Vietnamese migrants, including my family, live. It is a popular landmark for picnics and events for Vietnamese families. The haunting upon my family, once they realised the presence of Agent Orange within the waters of their new homeland, has brought strong visceral and sensory memories of their experiences of the war and of migration. Their migration experience has taken a circular route, akin to the water contamination: Agent Orange has been produced in Australia, released in Vietnam and contaminated (and continues to contaminate) both Australia and Vietnam. Although they escaped Vietnam as refugees sailing on a boat across the waters, Agent Orange also has travelled, present within the waters in the river systems of both countries. Agent Orange's deadly legacy, ecocide, haunts Australian Vietnamese beyond physical and geographical space and time.

Upon arrival to Canada, government assisted refugees typically can access settlement services and universally funded health care; health care may be delivered through refugee health clinics, which are meant offer temporary care until patients are stable and able to transition to a permanent primary care practice (PCP). In Southern Ontario, Canada, we evaluated the development and implementation of an integrated care team (ICT-Refugee) that supports refugee patients and receiving clinics in this transition. Several refugee health and service organizations partnered with the local Ontario Health Team (the regional health administrative body) to offer this program. All Ontario Health Teams have patient partners who attend strategic planning sessions and approve programming. This initiative was also guided by ICT members (see below), some of whom are refugees themselves, and who shared their perspectives on what would and would not work in their respective communities. Launched in January 2022, the ICT-Refugee program includes access to an on-demand interpretation service, and the interdisciplinary ICT. Members of the team include: two discharge and intake coordinators (at refugee health clinics), a case manager, a pharmacist, three “newcomer system navigators”, and representatives from home and community care services and a refugee settlement agency. To date (the program and evaluation are ongoing), the ICT has transitioned 499 patients to 15 primary care practices. All 499 patients were offered access to the ICT, and 41 self-selected or were referred by their new practice to receive more intensive, interdisciplinary support from the ICT (8%). Our evaluation team has observed 22 ICT meetings, composed field notes, and consolidated program statistics. To understand the development and impact of the program, we interviewed all ICT staff (n=9), and six patients (in three languages, with interpreters) . Interviews were digitally recorded, then anonymized and uploaded into NVivo 12 for thematic analysis. The 41 patients requiring ICT supports in 2022 (Jan-Nov.) received 396 hours of interdisciplinary care/supports over 833 sessions. Patients had high and diverse needs. Approximately 20% of these hours were spent directly linking or referring patients to community resources. In addition to navigating the medical transition, the ICT supported patients with education, employment, finances, mental health, transportation, social isolation, and other needs. Staff noted that it was easier to attend to the patients’ medical needs (e.g. getting to their appointments), once the basics of survival (e.g. food, housing) were addressed. The evaluation identified many lessons learned in the first year, including: expect the development and refinement of an ICT program to take time (it cannot be designed, refined, and implemented with demonstrated impact in one year); embedding interpretation services into all aspects of the program was essential; it can be challenging to find clinics willing to accept refugee patients; patients are unique and will required a tailored approach and care plan; and, these types of programs are essential for bridging health and social care services, which in our region had previously been operating in silos. ICT support of refugee patients is ongoing. PCPs will be interviewed in the next phase of the evaluation.

Over the last decade, forest tree breeders have become aware of the need for gene conservation, but have struggled with methods that would meaningfully integrate breeding and conservation populations. Gene Namkoong has provided the most guidance in this area by defining the role of in- and ex-situ populations in forest tree gene resource management and, particularly, the need for this to be dynamic in time and space. However, once conservation plans for individual species in British Columbia were considered, it became clear that more quantitative structure was needed to provide a framework for attaining practical management objectives. This paper attempts to provide such a framework and show how breeding and conservation populations can be integrated into a continuum of genetic resources. First, capturing only one copy of an allele is likely not satisfactory to meet conservation objectives, and sampling targets should be set higher (e.g., 20) so as to avoid potential problems of inbreeding at later stages in the program. Second, there seems to be a large problem with conserving very low frequency alleles that are recessive, but this occurs in nature as well. Third, in situ populations should be large enough and in a state to persist on their own over several generations, so the more recent effective population size numbers proposed by Lynch (1996) (i.e., ~1000) need to be considered. Fourth, while breeding populations of moderate size (~80) will contain adequate amounts of quantitative genetic variation, they will also contain 20 copies of dominant alleles at frequencies of ~0.20 or higher. Fifth, maintaining and rejuvenating strategic ex-situ test populations now seems to be the only way to conserve low- to mid-frequency alleles that will (i) be reduced in progressive breeding populations by drift and, (ii) over time, not be in desirable genetic backgrounds in in situ populations. Sixth, any reliance on locating mutants in production populations seems generally remote and cannot be relied upon except in a very few situations, although mutation will be important in breeding and in reserves in situ.

BACKGROUND: The success of prosthetic rehabilitation in patients with removable dentures depends on the achievement of the aesthetics, phonetics and most of all, proper use in the mastication process. All the patients that receive removable prostheses need a feeding education program. They must cut the food into smaller pieces, extend the length of time necessary for chewing and place the food upon both the right and left sides of the mouth at once. Bilaterally chewing with dentures will contribute to increased efficiency and denture stability during mastication. Using the anterior teeth for biting, as a result of increased pressure on the anterior ridge may lead to the anterior hyperfunction syndrome.CASE REPORT: The patient requested dental rehabilitation in our clinic for prosthetic dentistry two and a half years ago. We examined him and made therapy plan, for complete removable maxillary denture and partial mandibular denture. Besides our instructions for proper use of dentures and necessity for regular controls, his next visit was after two and a half years. He came with enlarged tuberosity and papillary hyperplasia in the pre-maxillary region. After oral surgery treatment (laser removing of hyperplastic tissue) and a healing period of four weeks, we made indirect relining on the upper denture, re-occlusion and re-articulation achieving weak contacts between the lower natural teeth and upper teeth of the complete denture. The patient was advised not to bite food with his anterior teeth, and avoid chewing very hard food which tends to imprint and displace dentures.CONCLUSION: Anterior hyperfunction syndrome with its high incidence is a disease with the need of interdisciplinary therapy approach. Fast diagnosis, thorough clinical examination using all available diagnostic tools, and choosing the right treatment is very challenging.

The loss of biological diversity has become a global concern during the last decade (Wilson, 1988; Reid and Miller, 1989). The need to predict those species of concern and areas of high species richness is even more pressing as we enter an era of potential global climate change. Prerequisites to good decision-making with regard to the management of biological diversity are adequate floral and faunal inventories for the lands in question and a rigorous understanding of species-habitat relationships (e.g., Noss, 1983; Davis et al., 1990; Scott et al., 1990; Scott et al., 1993). The emergence of landscape ecology as a discipline has been instrumental in helping scientists understand spatial patterns of species distribution (Noss, 1983; Urban et al., 1987; Turner, 1989). Once these relationships are understood, it may be possible to predict species diversity based upon landscape level habitat analysis using geographic information systems (GIS) and remotely sensed data (Urban et al., 1987; Turner, 1989) at fine-scale resolutions (e.g., 20 - 50 meter sampling sites). Conversely, such analyses can help optimize sampling strategies or allow us to test hypotheses regarding the spatial correspondence of species diversity "hotspots" among taxonomic groups (e.g. Prendergast et al., 1993). The debate over global climate change has created renewed interest in documenting baseline variability in biodiversity. Goals of the Committee on Earth Sciences (1989) regarding the U.S. Global Change Research Program focus on the development of sound scientific strategies for monitoring and predicting environmental change. Key priorities, as noted by the committee, are as follows: "Systematic sampling and monitoring are essential to document critical natural versus human-induced change in the structure and function of globally relevant biological systems on various time scales." (Committee on Earth Sciences, 1989).

Abstract Background: Imatinib, nilotinib, and dasatinib are BCR-ABL tyrosine kinase inhibitors (TKIs), with different selectivity profiles, approved for the treatment of patients (pts) with Philadelphia positive chronic myeloid leukemia (Ph+ CML). Given the differences in their kinase selectivity profiles, the safety profiles of these agents also differ, particularly with regard to episodes of fluid retention. The incidence of pleural/pericardial effusions in resistant or intolerant CML pts who failed imatinib, or both imatinib and dasatinib, therapy was evaluated. Methods: The occurrence of pleural/pericardial effusions in resistant or intolerant CML pts following therapy with imatinib, or imatinib and dasatinib sequentially, was evaluated in 915 pts with Ph+ CML in chronic phase (CML-CP, 60%), accelerated phase (CML-AP, 23%), and blast crisis (CML-BC 17%) who entered the nilotinib compassionate use program between June 2006 and April 2008. At the time of medical review for compassionate use approval, safety information including the presence of or the history of pleural/pericardial effusions was collected along with dosing information for imatinib and dasatinib. Nearly all pts analyzed (94%) had not received nilotinib therapy prior to inclusion in the compassionate use program. Resistance and intolerance as well as CML phase were defined using similar criteria as previously reported in the nilotinib pivotal phase I/II study. Results: The median age was 52 years (range: 11 – 87 years); 22 pts (2%) were 18 years old or younger. Most pts (734; 80%) had received prior imatinib only (64% discontinued due to resistance, 20% with resistance and intolerance and 16% due to intolerance) and 170 pts received both imatinib and dasatinib (29% resistant; 17% with resistance and intolerance, 54% intolerant), with most dasatinib failures being due to toxicity. Information on past treatment is currently unavailable for 11 pts. Of pts who were pretreated with imatinib alone, less than 2% of pts (n = 11) had pleural and/or pericardial effusions reported. Among those pts pretreated with both imatinib and dasatinib, 51 pts (30%) had pleural and/or pericardial effusions, with 50 (98%) having pleural effusions, 10 of which were bilateral. Fifty-five percent of pts with pleural and/or pericardial effusions were in chronic phase. Of the pts with dasatinib-associated pleural/pericardial effusions; 11% were noted on daily doses &gt; 140 mg, 29% on doses of 140 mg, 20% on doses of 100 mg, and 10% on doses of &lt; 100 mg. There were 14 pts who developed pleural and/or pericardial effusions in which the dasatinib dose was not available. Of the 33 pts with pleural and/or pericardial effusions on daily 140 mg dasatinib, 16 pts (48%) discontinued dasatinib due to pleural effusion and 6 pts exhibited persistent pleural effusions despite dasatinib dose reductions. One pediatric patient (age 11 years) had a pleural effusion with once daily 80 mg dasatinib. Pleural/pericardial effusions occurred in all age groups: &gt;50 years old – 6 pts, 51–60 years old – 10 pts; 61–70 years old – 13 pts; 71–80 years old – 16 pts and &gt;81 years old – 4 pts (2 of unknown age). No pts who developed dasatinib-associated pleural/pericardial effusions had a history of pleural/pericardial effusions during imatinib therapy. Conclusions: This large dataset supports earlier reports that pleural/pericardial effusions are frequently reported among CML pts treated with dasatinib compared with imatinib. Furthermore, the occurrence of dasatinib-associated pleural/pericardial effusions may occur at any dose, even below the standard 140 mg/day dose and in some cases with doses less than 100 mg/day.

The 41st IUPAC World Chemistry Congress took place in Turin, Italy on 5-11 August 2007, under the patronage of the President of the Italian Republic. Local organization was carried out through active collaboration between the National Research Council (CNR), the Italian Chemical Society (SCI), the National Institute of Metrological Research (INRIM), the University of Turin (UNITO), the Turin Polytechnic (POLITO), and the University of Eastern Piedmont (UNIPMN).The Lingotto Conference Center in Turin served as the Congress venue. This recently modernized complex formerly housed what was once the largest motor car factory in the world, and is a fitting tribute to an industry that has played a major role in shaping the present-day city as an important industrial and cultural center. The Congress was well attended by more than 2000 delegates from all parts of the world, and they were rewarded with multidisciplinary insights and perspectives that catered for all aspects of the subject. At the same time, it was possible to enjoy the abundant hospitality of the local hosts and, when opportunity permitted, to explore some of the distinctive cultural, historical, and scenic features of Turin and its surroundings.The Congress theme of ‚ÄúChemistry Protecting Health, Natural Environment and Cultural Heritage‚Äù served to highlight topical and challenging issues, and presented a program that celebrated the societal relevance of the chemical sciences in modern times. The tone for the scientific proceedings was set by an outstanding program of plenary presentations that included three Nobel laureates, Profs. R. Hoffmann (Cornell University, USA), R. Hüber (Max-Planck Institute for Biochemistry, Münich, Germany), and K. Wüthrich (ETH, Zürich, Switzerland), along with Profs. V. Balzani (University of Bologna, Italy), A. Fujishima (Kanagawa Academy of Science and Technology, Japan), and Dr. J. Wouters (Royal Institute for Cultural Heritage, Belgium). Major program sessions were devoted to the title themes, exemplifying the positive role that chemistry plays in health, the natural environment, and cultural heritage. Six additional sessions were devoted to subdisciplinary themes and to chemical education. About 45 keynote lectures were delivered during parallel sessions, together with numerous contributed papers and posters. As always, poster sessions proved immensely popular amongst delegates and provided much opportunity for informal interaction, particularly with the large number of younger scientists who featured prominently in this part of the program.Publication of selected works based upon IUPAC Congress proceedings can be traced back to the origins of Pure and Applied Chemistry. It is therefore a pleasure to offer readers a representative glimpse of a diverse scientific program, and to continue a fine publication tradition that promises to enrich the archive. Congress papers are augmented in this issue by co-publication with those arising from the parallel event CHEM-BIO-TECH2007, a joint meeting of the IUPAC 1st Symposium on Chemical Biotechnology (ISCB-1) and the 8th Symposium on Bioorganic Chemistry (ISBOC-8). The organizers are grateful to all who contributed to a successful scientific program, and particularly thank those enthusiastic presenters who consented to contribute to this permanent record of a memorable Congress.James R. BullIUPAC Scientific EditorGiuseppe Della GattaConference Editor

Abstract Background In 2015, the microbiology laboratory introduced a multiplex PCR test (FilmArray™ Gastrointestinal Panel (GIP)), replacing traditional stool culture. The GIP is faster and more sensitive than traditional stool culture, detecting 22 common viral, bacterial, and parasitic pathogens; but is significantly more expensive. The antimicrobial stewardship program (ASP) developed guidelines on test use and interpretation, recommending inpatient use only once per admission and not after hospital day 5. C. difficile test results from the GIP were not reported at any time. Methods Inpatient GIP use was reviewed over one year and considered inappropriate if performed &gt;3 days after admission or repeated. Noncompliance with ASP recommendations was common; no meaningful pathogens were detected upon review of all inappropriate GIP use. An inpatient GIP electronic order restriction was implemented in April 2017 eliminating the ability to order tests inappropriately. GIP testing outside the restriction could be approved by the microbiology lab director. We captured separate C. difficile testing rates as a counterbalance measure. We used Poisson regression models to compare the rate of GIP and C. difficile tests per month between Period 1 (July 2015–March 2017) and Period 2 (April 2017–March 2018) per 1,000 patient-days (PD). Results The restriction resulted in a 26% reduction in GIP ordering rates between the two periods (Table 1, Figure 1). Direct cost savings was approximately $63,000. Table 1 shows changes in C. difficile test ordering rates during Periods 1 and 2. When including GIP tests that were ordered but not completed, potential GIP testing was reduced by 46% for a savings of $131,000 (Figure 2). Only 42 test overrides were approved by the microbiology director since the intervention; of those only two were positive (Cryptosporidium and Norovirus). Conclusion Diagnostic stewardship of GIP using guidelines and electronic ordering restrictions can lead to meaningful improvements in test appropriateness and reduction in cost and waste, demonstrating the value of ASP interacting with the microbiology laboratory. Disclosures All authors: No reported disclosures.

I approach the topic of queer female fandom through the television program Once Upon a Time (2011–) and its femslash fan fiction in order to investigate how fans explore queer scenarios and deal with narrative weaknesses of the canon story line.

IntroductionFor both consumers and creators, Web series have been viewed for some time as an appealing alternative to television series. As Alice explains, creating content for the Web was once seen as “a last resort” for projects that were unable to secure funding for television production (59). However, the Web has, in recent years, become a “legitimized” space, allowing Web series to be considered a media platform capable of presenting narratives of various genres (Alice 59). Moreover, due to the lack of restrictions and overheads placed on Web producers, it is argued that there is more capacity to take risks in Web series and thus depict “a broader array of stories” (Christian, “The Web” 352). Nevertheless, television still remains the traditional mode of storytelling, and for many producers, it is still an “object of desire” (Christian, “The Web” 352). Emerging producers still see television as the ultimate “end goal”, leaving the Web as a sufficient platform that will allow them to create something. Alternatively, for many established creators, the Web is understood to be a stage upon which they can tell stories television would perhaps never consider. Regardless of why creators are attracted to the Web, the platform has indeed cemented its place as an alternative in the television media landscape. For Abbi Jacobson and Ilana Glazer, the Web, or more specifically, YouTube, provided an unbridled space for their creativity when nowhere else would. The two comediennes co-wrote and starred in their Web series, Broad City, back in 2009, and it has since been picked up by Comedy Central and successfully turned into a television series. The fourth season is set to air in August 2017. Both versions of the series follow two twenty-something women, Abbi Abrams and Ilana Wexler (played by Jacobson and Glazer respectively), as they explore themselves, and New York City. Broad City is one of the few Web series to be picked up as a television series and maintain its success; an impressive accomplishment, no matter how legitimate Web series have become. However, the unwavering devotion maintained by the television series to continue depicting millennial women in the same fashion as the Web series is, arguably, more impressive. With a focus on Broad City’s depiction of its two eccentric protagonists, this article explores how the transitions from Web to television are negotiated. In the case of Broad City, I contend that its unconventional start as a web series is what allows the television series to continue depicting contemporary womanhood honestly. Taking the Alternate Path: YouTubeDefined as “scripted, episodic and experimental videos made for the internet”, Web episodes (or Webisodes) hold many advantages to the traditional television medium (Kornblum; Peirce 317). Aware of these advantages and struggling to be noticed naturally for their work in the sketch comedy group, Upright Citizens Brigade (UCB), Glazer and Jacobson took to the Internet to write and create their own series, Broad City. This trend arose in 2007 during the difficult phase American television when the Writers Guild of America began its fifteen-month strike (De Moraes). During this time, Peirce states that producing a new program for television proved “almost impossible” (315). There was a level of uncertainty plaguing the future of prime-time television, and with budgets being refashioned, reality programs were filling television line-ups more than any other genre of show (Peirce 315). Within this climate, it is unsurprising that the Google-owned video-sharing website, YouTube, quickly became the frontrunner in online video (Christian, “The Web” 351). YouTube is argued to be responsible for opening the doors to the next wave of entertainment media, after pledging to give users their own personal video network. Suddenly, amateurs, independents and corporations alike were, for the first time, able to compete against each other in shaping this post-network era of television (Christian, “The Web” 351). Moreover, the premise of “anyone can upload” meant that this era allowed for a new variety of television, in a range of genres and storytelling modes that were once considered untouchable to television networks (Christian, “The Web” 351). Evidently, such freedom is appealing to all kinds of online content creators, no matter their status. Established actor, comedian, and writer Louis C.K. most recently joined the Web series movement with his creation Horace and Pete (2016-). The dark comedy is written, directed, and produced entirely by C.K. and he plays the main protagonist, Horace. However, the appeal was not so much the control he would potentially have over the product, but more how the viewers could access it. Upon the release of the pilot episode, C.K. released a statement clarifying why he made a series outside of the television studio system. He explains that he was intrigued by the idea of providing viewers with the newly made show “directly and immediately”, with each episode being posted onto his Website as soon as it is shot. Additionally, C.K. also sought to create a show “without the usual promotion” that, he states, tells the viewer “what the show feels and looks like before you get to see it yourself” (C.K.). It is clear that the unique nature of the modern medium provides benefits to creators at all levels. For the Broad City duo, who unlike C.K., had yet to be noticed, YouTube was appealing because it provided them with an outlet through which they could control the product themselves. Jacobson states, “After a while, we thought, ‘why are we trying to be on something that someone else controls?’” (Paumgarten). The Web series commenced in late 2009 and ran until 2011, with each episode ranging anywhere between one and eight minutes. In the thirty-three episodes created, Abbi and Ilana consistently find themselves in awkward and comedic situations while they try to navigate their lives in New York City. These awkward situations vary in their complexity. One episode simply looks at the two protagonists trying to survive riding the subway, while another looks at the issue of being catcalled and objectified by strangers. There is no narrative arc in either season, the storylines are simply extracted from the lives of the creators. Glazer and Jacobson have discussed this in various interviews, explaining that these characters are essentially exaggerations of themselves and the show is a “heightened version” of their dynamic (Amy Poehler’s Smart Girls, 2014; Justin; Matthews). As such, Broad City contributes to a well-established trend of comedians impersonating younger, lazier, and poorer versions of themselves. However, since the Web series’ thematic relies so heavily on the experiences and personality traits of the writers, Glazer and Jacobson are more like the characters they portray than the likes of Tina Fey’s Liz Lemon (30 Rock, 2007-2013) or Lena Dunham’s Hannah Horvath (Girls, 2012-), for example. A result is that the Web series does not seek to provide its viewers with neat conclusions, or have the protagonists grow and evolve over the span of a season. This freedom is only designated to the Web series format, as television viewers – despite not always getting it – yearn for a heartier resolution (DeFino 99). Another attribute of video-sharing sites like YouTube is that they allow anyone to share anything they create, regardless of the budget. The two seasons of Broad City, the Web series, are written, created, and produced by Glazer and Jacobson primarily. As they were still undiscovered, both women were working on the series with very limited funds, and were therefore only able to have friends or family assist them in the production. This results in a series which feels authentically home-made in its aesthetic; features which eventually become characteristics essential to the transferral from Web to television. Glazer and Jacobson resolved to make the Web series from a more professional standpoint by the second season by following a production schedule and choosing to treat the vignettes as if they were real television shorts. As Glazer states, the pair “just had a new attitude”, and suddenly the aim shifted from producing webisodes as a creative outlet, to pitching the show in Los Angeles (Kameir). By the time the final episode was set to go into production, the two creators believed that the chances of having the series picked up by a network would increase if the episode featured a guest star. Because of their involvement in the UCB, Glazer and Jacobson approached one of the founders of the sketch group, Amy Poehler, to make a brief cameo. The Web series as a whole had garnered half a million hits, but the finale in which Poehler plays herself, received almost seventy-five thousand (Paumgarten). Poehler agreed to work with the Broad City duo following her appearance in the finale, and signed on to be Executive Producer should the show ever be made into a television series. The star power held by Poehler is undoubtedly a lead contributor to the success in Broad City’s transfer between the media. Poehler states that she felt a kinship towards the project because of her work in translating UCB sketches to television. In a roundtable interview, she says “Feeling very protective about the material, but wanting to bring it to a bigger audience…I related to that and understood it” (The Paley Centre for Media). On the difficult business of bringing Web series to television, Poehler compares it to that of an organ transplant, explaining “You have to move fast. You have to keep it on ice and be careful not to harm it in any way. A lot of things can go wrong. Sometimes the best way to get a heart or a kidney to a recipient is to get people to move out of the way” (Paumgarten). With Poehler’s assistance, the concept of Broad City as a television series was introduced to various networks before being successfully picked up by Comedy Central. From January of 2014, the network aired Broad City’s first season, comprised of ten, twenty-two-minute-long episodes. Averaging 1.2 million viewers per episode, season one of Broad City became one of Comedy Central’s highest rated shows since 2012 (Ng). From Web to TV: Alternative Ideas of Millennial Women in Broad CityThe factors behind why certain texts effectively transfer from Web to television and others fail continues to be debated within academic and popular culture circles. Series such as Quarterlife (2007), The CollegeHumor Show (2009), and the more recent Haters Back Off (2016-) - all texts which were originally made for online consumption only - were each met with criticism when translated for television (Peirce 317; Lowry; Christian, “How” ). This does not necessarily mean that a Web series is undeserving of a place in commercial or network television. Obviously, it comes down to multiple factors, but often it is because the television series comes across as out of touch, compared to its online version. As Alice points out, with the speed of online release, and the “virality” that accompanies this kind of media, writers have the ability to be “guided by and to capitalise on what and how the viewer public feels” (60). Television series are often seen commenting on outside criticism within episodes, but there is extensive lagging due to the time it takes to produce a season. Broad City was set to have an easier time on television, what with its impressive following, and “Celebrity Shepherd”, Amy Poehler - Poehler presented as a necessity when making the jump from Web to TV, according to Christian (“The Web”). But there appears to be a fine line when shifting between the platforms: in staying too close to the original, a series could come off as unoriginal and therefore unnecessary. Or, alternatively, a series could add too many other storylines in order to fill the time slot, and ruin the simplicity of the premise. Adaptation theorist, Linda Hutcheon, contends that a successful translation occurs when a text remains loyal to the original, but brings creativity to the reimagining (21). If investigating the transferral within the realm of adaptation theory, Broad City’s success as a television series is arguably due to it following this formula. Hutcheon writes that to adapt is not to slavishly copy, but rather, is the process of reclaiming the adapted material. “What one does with the text” is where the novelty is found (21). In looking at what Broad City, the television series, has done with Broad City, the Web series, there is clear loyalty shown to the original. This is seen most significantly in the treatment of the same two protagonists, and the dynamic of their friendship. In both versions of Broad City, Abbi is the older of the two and the more responsible one, to a degree. While she still enjoys smoking marijuana with Ilana, Abbi is also constantly striving to reach traditional goals in her life such as having a career she enjoys, or maintaining a healthy relationship. Ilana, on the other hand, is a proud marijuana enthusiast who occasionally shows up for her job, but cares more for smoking weed, enjoying casual sex, and being with her friends (primarily Abbi). Neither the Web series nor the television series explicitly states how the two characters met, but it is implied that they have built a strong, sister-like relationship with one another. Often Ilana comments on her sexual attraction to Abbi, but it is always seen as comedic rather than as a hint towards a possible coupling in future episodes. In the Web series’ second season, the episode Valentine’s Day, introduces this satirical take on female friendships for the first time. The three-minute episode shows brief cuts of Abbi and Ilana doing various activities in the city, all of which are stereotypically featured in films of the romantic comedy genre. As they play in the snow, ride a ferry, and watch couples ice-skate at the Rockefeller Centre, the clarinet music playing over the sequence builds momentum. However, the scene is suddenly halted as Ilana goes in to kiss Abbi and, unlike in said romantic film montages, Abbi quickly jolts back and cries “Ilana, what the fuck? How many times do I have to fucking tell you?” This is the first line of audible dialogue in the scene thus far, to which a frustrated Ilana responds, “I’m trying to seal the night with a kiss.” Following this is a heated debate regarding how each character viewed the intention of the day, with Ilana thinking it was a really “romantic day”, despite knowing that Abbi is decidedly heterosexual. This kind of satirical angle taken towards the trope of female friendship is carried over to the television series and made just as prominent, with almost every single episode making a joke at Ilana’s romantic desire for Abbi. Alongside the sexual attraction, the closeness of the two female leads remains unchanged between the two media. In the television series, for example, jokes about Ilana’s love for Abbi are scattered throughout, and as in the original series, they remain brief and inconsequential. In the television pilot, What a Wonderful World, the episode opens to a typical scene of the two characters having a V-chat (a nod to a favoured motif in the Web series). While chatting to Abbi, it initially appears as though Ilana is bopping up and down to the music of Lil Wayne. However, it is quickly revealed when Ilana shifts her laptop screen down, that she is actually having sex with her casual partner, Lincoln (Hannibal Buress). The sequence cuts to Abbi looking outraged at her laptop, asking “Oh my god, is that Lincoln?”. Lincoln then replies, “Yep”, just before the camera cuts to him lying on the bed, with Ilana’s laptop on his stomach. When Abbi asks if they are having sex, Ilana casually replies “I’m just keeping it warm”, forcing Abbi to once again have a discussion about boundaries. Once they close the V-chat, the scene stays on a low angle shot of Ilana as she says to Lincoln, “That was like a threesome”, reassuring the audience that she has learned nothing. This is a strong opening scene as it reinforces the understanding that the relationship between the two characters is unchanged. Furthermore, it proves to audiences that although Broad City has moved into a television landscape, it will not be tamed. The result of refusing to be tamed in its new environment is that Broad City can continue representing female friendship in more honest ways, as well as offer new ideas of what it is to be a millennial woman today.Conclusion In an interview, Glazer explains how television has a history of never being honest in its representation of women, arguing, “Nothing’s real on TV” (Miller). Jacobson follows on from this, stating “When we write for these characters… I think the thing we talk about the most is like, well, what would we really do? It’s just real” (Miller). In abiding by this sentiment throughout the web series and the television series, Broad City effectively offers the idea that depicting diversity is possible on both platforms. With various Web series still unable to successfully make the jump to television today, it becomes more obvious that Broad City’s decision to continue showcasing bold female narratives is what allows it to maintain its popularity. Starting in such an uninhibited environment has proven a burden for other texts when it comes to transferring creativity to the more traditional medium of television. For Broad City, however, the alternative storytelling platform allowed the show to create its strong foundation and dedicated fan base. One that has willingly followed Broad City across the platforms, but will only stay tuned if it stays true to representing millennial women honestly, regardless of whether mainstream television is ready.ReferencesAlice, Jessica. “Clicking with Audiences: Web Series and Diverse Representations.” Metro Magazine: Media and Education 187 (2016): 58-63.Angelo, Megan. “The Sneak Attack Feminism of Broad City.” Wall Street Journal, 2011. 17 Dec. 2016 <http://blogs.wsj.com/speakeasy/2011/02/14/the-sneak-attack-feminism-of-broad-city/>. Blay, Zeba, “How Feminist TV Became the New Normal.” Huffington Post, 2015. 15 Dec. 2016. <http://www.huffingtonpost.com.au/entry/how-feminist-tv-became-the-new-normal_n_7567898>. Broad City. Comedy Central. New York City. 22 Jan. 2014. Television.“Broad City: Smart Girls w/ Amy Poehler.” YouTube. Uploaded by Amy Poehler’s Smart Girls, 17 May 2013. 15 Dec. 2016 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gd0Lovd4Xv0>.Christian, Aymar Jean. “How Does a Web Series Jump to TV?” IndieWire 2014. 2 Dec. 2016. 15 Dec. 2016 <http://www.indiewire.com/2014/02/how-does-a-web-series-jump-to-tv-29618/>. ———. “The Web as Television Reimagined? Online Networks and the Pursuit of Legacy Media.” Journal of Communication Enquiry 36.4 (2012): 340-356.C.K., Louis. “On Horace and Pete.” LouisCK 2016. 2 Jan. 2017 <https://louisck.net/news/about-horace-and-pete>. DeFino, D.J. The HBO Effect. Sydney: Bloomsbury Academic, 2014. De Moraes, L. "Score One for Old Media." Washington Post, 27 Feb. 2008. 28 Dec. 2016 <www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/02/27/AR2008022703374.html>. Girls. HBO Time Warner. New York City. 15 Apr. 2012. Television. Haters Back Off. Netflix. Scotts Valley. 14 Oct. 2016. Television. Hutcheon, L. A Theory of Adaptation. 2nd ed. New York: Routledge, 2013. Kameir, R. “7 Tips for Making a Hit TV Show, According to the Creators of Broad City.” Fader 22 May 2015. 1 Aug. 2016 <http://www.thefader.com/2015/05/22/7-tips-for-making-a-hit-tv-show-according-to-the-creators-of-broad-city>. Kornblum, Janet, “Check Out These Episodes of Webisodes.” USA Today 12 Dec. 2007. 16 Dec. 2016 <http://www.usatoday.com/life/2007-11-12-webisodes-side_N.htm>.Lowry, Brian, “’Haters Back Off’ Doesn’t Earn Much Love on Netflix.” CNN 12 Oct. 2016. 2 Dec. 2016 <http://edition.cnn.com/2016/10/12/entertainment/haters-back-off-review/>.Miller, B. “Broad City Talks Friendship, Feminism, and F*ck/Marry/Kill.” Bust Magazine 2015. 17 Nov. 2016 <http://bust.com/tv/13755-broad-city-talks-friendship-feminism-and-f-ck-marry-kill.html>.Ng, P. “Comedy Central Renews ‘Broad City’ for Second Season.” Hollywood Reporter 2014. 1 Aug. 2016 <http://www.hollywoodreporter.com/live-feed/broad-city-renewed-season-2-683083>.Paley Center for Media. “Broad City – Ilana Glazer, Abbi Jacobson, Amy Poehler, and Seth Rogen.” YouTube. Uploaded by The Paley Center for Media, 16 Dec. 2014. 15 Dec. 2016 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4Ab9AmSk8Yg>.Pierce, Meghan L. “Remediation Theory: Analyzing What Made Quarterlife Successful as an Online Series and Not a Television Series.” Television & New Media 12.4 (2011): 314-325. Quarterlife. NBC. Los Angeles. 26 Feb. 2008. Television.The CollegeHumor Show. MTV. New York City. 8 Feb. 2009. Television. 30 Rock. NBC. Los Angeles. 3 Dec. 2007. Television. “Valentine’s Day.” YouTube. Uploaded by Broad City, 12 Feb. 2011. 15 Dec. 2016 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JcoJW2BOs6g&index=1&list=PLA51423997CDEA1DA>. “What a Wonderful World.” Broad City. Comedy Central, 22 Jan. 2014. Television.

The emergence of the sex positivity movement and increased attention to positive sexuality development in psychology (Harden, 2014) suggest the importance of considering messages that could enhance viewers' sexuality (i.e., positive sexuality messages). Despite this, prior studies have largely overlooked such potentially beneficial messages. Particularly, existing content analytical work on sexuality messages on television has primarily focused on identifying harmful content, such as the reinforcement of sexual gender stereotypes (Aubrey et al., 2021). However, this narrow focus may not fully capture viewers' actual experiences with television, especially in today's context. In response, we introduced a new instrument for analyzing the presence of positive sexuality (PS) messages on television, drawing on theoretical frameworks of positive sexuality development in the literature (Maes et al., 2023). Field of application/theoretical foundation: The measurement instrument for positive sexuality (PS) messages draws upon theoretical frameworks concerning the development of positive sexuality (Harden, 2014; Maes et al., 2023). It comprises four key components. Firstly, a positive approach to sexual relationships emphasizes ethical and responsible behavior towards a partner's sexuality, encompassing open and respectful communication about sexual topics, acceptance of sexual and emotional responsibilities, engagement in safe sexual practices, participation in mutually controllable interactions, and pursuit of mutually satisfying experiences. Secondly, acceptance of one's sexuality involves embracing one's own sexual feelings and desires. Thirdly, a respectful approach to the diverse sexual expressions of others entails responding respectfully to others' sexual feelings, desires, or abilities. Lastly, resilience to negative sexuality-related experiences involves viewing adverse relational or sexual encounters, such as breakups, as opportunities for learning and emotional growth (Maes et al., 2023). This instrument enables the examination of PS messages within television series and movies at both the scene and character levels, facilitating analysis of message presence per scene and identification of PS components within individual television characters. References/combination with other methods of data collection: Prior research exists that has departed from a negative perspective when exploring the presence of sexuality messages on television. For instance, research has coded the inattention to sexual risks, responsibilities, and inconveniences (Aubrey, 2004), the presence of gender-stereotypical roles and the heterosexual script (Terán et al., 2022), and the presence of sexualizing practices on television (Ward, 2016). Yet, the presence of negative sexuality messages is entirely different from the presence of positive sexuality messages, with the latter departing from the theoretical conceptualization of developing a positive sexuality (e.g., Harden, 2014; Maes et al., 2023). Hence, these codes are not comparable. As for positive sexuality messages, content analytical work remains scarce. Döring and Miller (2022) pay attention to consent communication, though in the context of pornography. When it comes to television, so far only the study of Maes and Vandenbosch (2022) developed and tested the measurement instrument of positive sexuality messages on television. This measurement instrument has been used in their content analytical work and has been used to code storylines written down by adolescents in a longitudinal study (Maes et al., 2023). Example study: Maes and Vandenbosch (2022) Information on Maes and Vandenbosch (2022) Authors: Chelly Maes, & Laura Vandenbosch Research questions: RQ1: How frequently are PS messages depicted in the scenes and portrayed by the characters in youth-oriented series? RQ2: Are there differences in male and female characters’ portrayals of PS messages in popular youth-oriented series? RQ3: Are there differences in heterosexual and non-heterosexual characters’ portrayals of PS messages in popular youth-oriented series? RQ4: Are there differences in the occurrence of PS message depictions in the scenes and portrayals by the characters in youth comedies and dramas? RQ5: Is there a relation between positive and negative sexuality messages in the scenes in youth-oriented series? Object of analysis: The codes were applied to explore the presence of PS messages in one season of six youth-oriented television series (Riverdale, 13 Reasons Why, Elite, Atypical, Sex Education, and Big Mouth). In total, 3,151 scenes and 126 characters were coded. Time frame of analysis: 2021 Info about variables Variables: For clarity: character level data were coded separately per character and thus does not rely on aggregated data from the scene level data. (1) For a positive approach to sexual relationships, four subcomponents can be coded in scenes. An open and mutually respectful communication style can be coded for the characters’ open and respectful dialogue about sexuality or relationships (e.g. absence of mocking or embarrassing another character). Safe sexual interactions can be coded for sexual behavior between sober partners (i.e. no illegal drug or excessive alcohol use) and contraceptive use. Mutually controllable sexual interactions can be coded for the occurrence of consensual sexual behavior. Mutually satisfying sexual interactions can be coded for the characters’ apparent enjoyment of or indications of consideration for their partner’s preferences regarding sexual behavior. At a character level, a character’s open and respectful dialogue about sexuality and relationships at least once during the season can be coded. Also, a character’s responsible behavior regarding their sexual health and/or others’ sexual health and feelings at least once during the entire season can be coded. (2) Acceptance of one’s sexuality can only be coded at character level and not at scene level. It can be coded for the character’s acceptance of their sexual feelings, desires and/or skills at least once during the entire season. (3) For a respectful approach to the different sexual expressions of others, the occurrence of a positive response to others’ expression of their sexual feelings, desires, or skills can be at a scene and character level (if the character showed this at least once throughout the season). (4) Resilience to negative sexual experiences can be coded for the characters’ responses to negative sexual experiences by revolting, rationalizing, ignoring, or creating distractions at a scene level. For characters, a character’s insusceptibility to negative sexual experiences at least once during the season can be coded. Insusceptibility was demonstrated in revolt, rationalizing, ignoring, or distraction in response to negative sexual experiences. Level of analysis: Television scenes and characters Values: 0 = no occurrence in scenes/absent in characters/not resilient in characters, 1 = occurrence in scenes/present in characters/ resilient in characters Reliability: The content analysis was conducted by four master’s students and the first author. Following established methods in content analysis (e.g., Jensen, 2010), the students underwent approximately three hours of rigorous training in coding before analyzing the sample. The first author provided comprehensive instruction on the components of the PS, elucidating their significance and the application of the codebook. Any queries or uncertainties regarding the categories were addressed and resolved during the training sessions. To refine their skills and troubleshoot issues within the codebook, the students collectively coded a separate episode, distinct from the sample. Adjustments to the codebook were made based on the encountered challenges and insights gained during this practice session. Following the training, each student independently coded the initial episode of every television series to assess inter-rater reliability. Krippendorff’s alpha was employed to evaluate inter-rater reliability for categorical variables, while accounting for chance (Krippendorff, 1980). Alpha values between .67 and .80 indicated substantial reliability, while values exceeding .80 indicated almost perfect reliability (Krippendorff, 1980). Across character and scene levels, Krippendorff’s alpha ranged from .7 to .9 for all categories, affirming the reliability of all coded variables. Codebook: can be found via OSF https://osf.io/kbej6/?view_only=4661f7a877e94271be064256a9172047 References Aubrey, J. S. (2004). Sex and punishment: An examination of sexual consequences and the sexual double standard in teen programming. Sex Roles, 50(7–8), 505–514. https://doi.org/10.1023/B: SERS.0000023070.87195.07 Döring, N., & Miller, D. J. (2021). Consent Communication (Portrayals of Sexuality in Pornography). DOCA-Database of Variables for Content Analysis. https://doi.org/10.34778/5s Harden, K. P. (2014). A sex-positive framework for research on adolescent sexuality. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 9(5), 455–469. https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691614535934 Jensen, R. E. (2010). A content analysis of youth sexualized language and imagery in adult film packaging, 1995–2007. Journal of Children and Media, 4(4), 371–386. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 17482798.2010.51000 Krippendorff, K. (1980). Validity in content analysis. In E. Mochmann (Ed.), Computerstrategien für die kommunikationsanalyse (pp. 69–112). Frankfurt, Germany: Campus. Retrieved November 9, 2020, from http://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers/291 Maes, C., Schwertberger, U., Rieger, D., & Vandenbosch, L. (2023). Adolescents’ Remembering of Sexual Television Narratives and Their Relations with Positive Sexuality Components: A Biographic Resonance Perspective. Mass Communication and Society, 1-26. https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2023.2256316 Maes, C., Trekels, J., Impett, E., & Vandenbosch, L. (2023). The development of the positive sexuality in adolescence scale (PSAS). The Journal of Sex Research, 60(1), 45-61. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2021.2011826 Terán, L., Roberts, L., Yan, K., & Aubrey, J. S. (2022). Are we past the heterosexual script? A content analysis of contextual cues within the heterosexual script in tween, teen, and young adult television programs. Mass Communication and Society, 25(3), 361-382. https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2021.1962912 Ward, L. M. (2016). Media and sexualization: State of empirical research, 1995–2015. The Journal of Sex Research, 53(4-5), 560-577. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2016.1142496

I can remember setting up the dish, all the excitement of assembling it [...] and then putting the motor on. And in the late afternoon, you position the dish and kind of turn it, to find the right spot, and all of a sudden on this blank television screen there was an image that came on. And it was shocking knowing that this noise and this thing would be there, and begin to infiltrate – because I see it as an infiltration, I see it as invasion – I’m not mad on television, very choosy really about what I watch – and I see it as an invasion, and there was GWN as well as the ABC. I just thought ‘by golly, I’m in the process of brain-washing people to accept stuff without thinking about it, like consciously considering either side of any case’ [...] The one thing that protected you from having it on at all times was the need to put on the generator in order to power it. I felt a bit sad actually. (Savannah Kingston, Female, 55+ – name changed – homestead respondent) This paper addresses the huge communications changes that occurred over the past fifty years in outback Western Australia. (What happened in WA also has parallels with equivalent events in the Northern Territory, Queensland, in the larger properties in western New South Wales and northern South Australia.) Although the ‘coming of television’ – associated in remote areas with using a satellite dish to scan for the incoming signal – is typically associated with a major shift in community and cultural life, the evidence suggests that the advent of the telephone had an equivalent or greater impact in remote areas. With the introduction of the telephone, the homestead family no longer had to tune into (or scan) the radio frequencies to check on predicted weather conditions, to respond to emergencies, to engage in roll call or to hold a ‘public meeting’. As the scanning of the radio frequencies ended, so the scanning of the satellite signals began. As Sandstone resident Grant Coleridge (pseudonym, male, 40-54) said, only half ironically, “We got the telephone and the telly at the same time, so civilisation sort of hit altogether actually.” The scale and importance of changes to the technological communications infrastructure in remote WA within a single life-time spans pre-2-way radio to video livestock auctions by satellite. It comes as a surprise to most Australians that these changes have occurred in the past generation. As recent viewers of the unexpectedly-successful Mongolian film The Story of the Weeping Camel (2004) would know, one of the themes of the Oscar-nominated movie is the coming of television and its impact upon a traditional rural life. The comparative availability of television outside the rural areas of Mongolia – and its attraction to, particularly, the younger family members in the Weeping Camel household – is a motif that is explored throughout the narrative, with an unspoken question about the price to be paid for including television in the cultural mix. It’s easy to construct this story as a fable about the ‘exotic other’, but the same theme was played out comparatively recently in remote Western Australia, where the domestic satellite service AUSSAT first made television an affordable option just under twenty years ago. This paper is about the people in remote Western Australia who started scanning for the satellite signal in 1986, and stopped scanning for the RFDS (Royal Flying Doctor Service) 2-way radio phone messages at about the same time. Savannah Kingston (name changed), who in 1989 generously agreed to an in-depth interview discussing the impact of satellite broadcasting upon her outback life, was a matriarch on a rural property with four grown children. She had clear views upon ways in which life had changed dramatically in the generation before the satellite allowed the scanning of the television signal. Her recollection of the weft and warp of the tapestry of life in outback WA started thirty-five years previously, with her arrival on the station as a young wife: When I went there [mid-1950s], we had a cook and we ate in the dining room. The cook and anyone who worked in the house ate in the kitchen and the men outside ate in the outside. So, with the progress of labour away from the bush, and the cost of labour becoming [prohibitive] for a lot of people, we got down to having governesses or house-girls. If the house-girls were white, they ate at the table with us and the governesses ate with us. If the house-girls were Aboriginal, they didn’t like eating with us, and they preferred to eat in the kitchen. The kids ate with them. Which wasn’t a good idea because two of my children have good manners and two of them have appalling manners. The availability of domestic help supported a culture of hospitality reminiscent of British between-the-wars country house parties, recreated in Agatha Christie novels and historically-based films such as The Remains of the Day (1993): In those early days, we still had lots of visitors [...] People visited a lot and stayed, so that you had people coming to stay for maybe two or three days, five days, a week, two weeks at a time and that required a lot of organisation. [int:] WHERE DID YOUR VISITORS COME FROM? City, or from the Eastern states, occasionally from overseas. [Int:] WOULD THEY BE RELATIVES? Sometimes relatives, friends or someone passing through who’d been, you know, someone would say ‘do visit’ and they’d say ‘they’d love to see you’. But it was lovely, it was good. It’s a way of learning what’s going on. (Savannah Kingston.) The ‘exotic other’ of the fabled hospitality of station life obscures the fact that visitors from the towns, cities and overseas were a major source of news and information in a society where radio broadcasts were unpredictable and there was no post or newspaper delivery. Visitors were supplemented by a busy calendar of social events that tied together a community of settlements in gymkhanas, cricket fixtures and golf tournaments (on a dirt course). Shifts in the communications environment – the introduction of television and telephone – followed a generation of social change witnessing the metamorphosis of the homestead from the hub of a gentrified lifestyle (with servants, governesses, polo and weekends away) to compact, efficient business-units, usually run by a skeleton staff with labour hired in at the peak times of year. Over the years between the 1960s-1980s isolation became a growing problem. Once Indigenous people won the fight for award-rate wages their (essentially) unpaid labour could no longer support the lifestyle of the station owners and the absence of support staff constrained opportunities for socialising off the property, and entertaining on it, and the communication environment became progressively poorer. Life on the homestead was conceived of as being more fragile than that in the city, and more economically vulnerable to a poor harvest or calamities such as wildfire. The differences wrought by the introduction of newer communication technologies were acknowledged by those in the country, but there was a clear resistance to city-dwellers constructing the changes as an attack upon the romance of the outback lifestyle. When the then Communications Minister Tony Staley suggested in 1979 that a satellite could help “dispel the distance – mental as well as geographical – between urban and regional dwellers, between the haves and the have-nots in a communication society”, he was buying into a discourse of rural life which effectively disempowered those who lived in rural and remote areas. He was also ignoring the reality of a situation where the Australian outback was provided with satellite communication a decade after it was made available to Canadians, and where the king-maker in the story – Kerry Packer – stood to reap a financial windfall. There was a mythological dimension to Australia (finally) having a domestic satellite. Cameron Hazelhurst’s article on ‘The Dawn of the Satellite Era in Australia’ includes a colourful account of Kerry Packer’s explanation to Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser of the capacity of domestic satellites to bring television, radio and telephone services to isolated communities in arctic Canada: And I [Packer] went and saw the Prime Minister and I explained to him my understanding of what was happening in those areas, and to his undying credit he grasped on to it immediately and said ‘Of course, it’s what we want. It’s exactly the sort of thing we need to stop the drift of people into urban areas. We can keep them informed. We can allow them to participate in whatever’s happening around the nation (Day 7, cited in Hazelhurst). Fraser here, as someone with experience of running a rural property in Victoria, propounds a pro-country rhetoric as a rationale for deployment of the satellite in terms of the Australian national policy agenda. (The desire of Packer to network his television stations and couple efficiency with reach is not addressed in this mythological reconstruction.) It is difficult, sometimes, to appreciate the level of isolation experienced on outback properties at the time. As Bryan Docker (male, 40-54), a resident of Broome at the time of the interviews, commented, “Telegrams, in those days, were the life-blood of the stations, through the Flying Doctor Service. But at certain times of the year the sun spots would interfere with the microwave links and we were still on morse from Broome to Derby during those periods.” Without reliable shortwave radio; with no television, newspapers or telephone; and with the demands of keeping the RFDS (Royal Flying Doctor Service) 2-way radio channel open for emergencies visitors were one of the ways in which station-dwellers could maintain an awareness of current events. Even at the time of the interviews, after the start of satellite broadcasting, I never travelled to an outback property without taking recent papers and offering to pick up post. (Many of the stations were over an hour’s journey from their nearest post office.) The RFDS 2-way radio service offered a social-lifeline as well as an emergency communication system: [Int:] DO YOU MISS THE ROYAL FLYING DOCTOR SERVICE AT ALL? Yes, I do actually. It’s – I think it’s probably more lonely now because you used to switch it on and – you know if you’re here on your own like I am a lot – and you’d hear voices talking, and you used to know what everybody was doing – sort of all their dramas and all their [...] Now you don’t know anything that’s going on and unless somebody rings you, you don’t have that communication, where before you used to just hop over to another channel and have a chat [...] I think it is lonelier on the telephone because it costs so much to ring up. (Felicity Rohrer, female, 40-54, homestead.) Coupled with the lack of privacy of 2-way radio communication, and the lack of broadcasting, was the particular dynamic of a traditional station family. Schooled at home, and integrated within their homestead lifestyle, station children spent most of their formative years in the company of one or other of their parents (or, in previous decades, the station staff). This all changed at secondary school age when the children of station-owners and managers tended to be sent away to boarding school in the city. Exposure of the next generation to the ways of city life was seen as a necessary background to future business competence, but the transitions from ‘all’ to ‘next-to-nothing’ in terms of children’s integration within family life had a huge socio-emotional cost which was aggravated, until the introduction of the phone service, by the lack of private communication channels. Public Relations and news theory talk about the importance of the ‘environmental scan’ to understand how current events are going to impact upon a business and a family: for many years in outback Australia the environmental scan occurred when families got together (typically in the social and sporting rounds), on the RFDS radio broadcasts and ‘meetings’, in infrequent visits to the closest towns and through the giving and receiving of hospitality. Felicity Rohrer, who commented (above) about how she missed the RFDS had noted earlier in her interview: “It’s made a big difference, telephone. That was the most isolating thing, especially when your children were away at school or your parents are getting older [...] That was the worst thing, not having a phone.” Further, in terms of the economics of running a property, Troy Bowen (male, 25-39, homestead respondent) noted that the phone had made commercial life much easier: I can carry out business on the phone without anyone else hearing [...] On the radio you can’t do it, you more or less have to say ‘well, have you got it – over’. ‘Yeah – over’. ‘Well, I’ll take it – over’. That’s all you can do [...] Say if I was chasing something [...] the cheapest I might get it down to might be [...] $900. Well I can go to the next bloke and I can tell him I got it down to $850. If you can’t do any better than that, you miss out. ‘oh, yes, alright $849, that’s the best I can do.’ So I’ll say ‘alright, I’ll take it’. But how can you do that on the radio and say that your best quote is [$850] when the whole district knows that ‘no, it isn’t’. You can’t very well do it, can you? This dynamic occurs because, for many homestead families prior to the telephone, the RFDS broadcasts were continuously monitored by the women of the station as a way of keeping a finger on the pulse of the community. Even – sometimes, especially – when they were not part of the on-air conversation, the broadcast could be received for as far as reception was possible. The introduction of the phone led to a new level of privacy, particularly appreciated by parents who had children away at school, but also introduced new problems. Fran Coleridge, (female, 40-54, Sandstone) predicted that: The phone will lead to isolation. There’s an old lady down here, she’s about 80, and she housekeeps for her brother and she’s still wearing – her mother died 50 years ago – but she’s still wearing her clothes. She is so encapsulated in her life. And she used to have her [RFDS] transceiver. Any time, Myrtle would know anything that’s going on. Anything. Birthday party at [local station], she’d know about it. She knew everything. Because she used to have the transceiver on all the time. And now there’s hardly any people on, and she’s a poor little old lonely lady that doesn’t hear anything now. Can you see that? Given the nuances of the introduction of the telephone (and the loss of the RFDS 2-way), what was the perceived impact of satellite broadcasting? Savannah Kingston again: Where previously we might have sat around the table and talked about things – at least the kids and I would – with television there is now more of a habit of coming in, showering and changing for dinner, putting on the motor and the men go and sit in front of the television during [...] six o’clock onwards, news programs and whatnot and um, I find myself still in the kitchen, getting the meal and then whoever was going to eat it, wanting to watch whatever was on the television. So it changed quite appreciably. Felicity Rohrer agrees: [Int:] DO YOU THINK THERE HAVE BEEN CHANGES IN THE TIME THAT YOU SPEND WITH EACH OTHER? Yes, I think so. They [the homestead household] come home and they – we all sit down here and look at the news and have a drink before tea whereas people used to be off doing their own tea. [Int] SO YOU THINK IT’S INCREASED THE AMOUNT OF TIME YOU SPEND TOGETHER? Yes, I think so – well, as a family. They all try and be home by 6 to see the [GWN] news. If they miss that, we look at the 7 o’clock [ABC], but they like the Golden West because it’s got country news in it. But the realities of everyday life, as experienced in domestic contexts, are sometimes ignored by commentators and analysts, except insofar as they are raised by interviewees. Thus the advent of the satellite might have made Savannah Kingston feel “a bit sad actually”, but it had its compensations: It was definitely a bit of a peace-maker. It sort of meant there wasn’t the stress that we had previously when going through [...] at least people sitting and watching something, you’re not so likely to get into arguments or [...] It definitely had value there. In fact, when I think about it, that might be one of its major applications, ’cos a lot of men in the bush tend to come in – if they drink to excess they start drinking in the evening, and that can make for very uncomfortable company. For film-makers like the Weeping Camel crew – and for audiences and readers of historical accounts of life in outback Australia – the changes heralded by the end of scanning the RFDS channels, and the start of scanning for satellite channels, may seem like the end of an era. In some ways the rhythms of broadcasting helped to homogenise life in the country with life in the city. For many families in remote homes, as well as the metropolis, the evening news became a cue for the domestic rituals of ‘after work’. A superficial evaluation of communications changes might lead to a consideration of how some areas of life were threatened by improved broadcasting, while others were strengthened, and how some of the uniqueness of a lifestyle had been compromised by an absorption into the communication patterns of urban life. It is unwise for commentators to construct the pre-television past as an uncomplicated romantic prior-time, however. Interviews with those who live such changes as their reality become a more revealing indicator of the nuances and complexities of communications environments than a quick scan from the perspective of the city-dweller. References Day, C. “Packer: The Man and the Message.” The Video Age (February 1983): 7 (cited in Hazelhurst). Hazelhurst, Cameron. “The Dawn of the Satellite Era.” Media Information Australia 58 (November 1990): 9-22. Staley, Tony. Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates. Canberra: House of Representatives Hansard (18 October 1979): 2225, 2228-9. The Remains of the Day. 1993. The Story of the Weeping Camel. Thinkfilm and National Geographic, 2004. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Green, Lelia. "Scanning the Satellite Signal in Remote Western Australia." M/C Journal 8.4 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0508/01-green.php>. APA Style Green, L. (Aug. 2005) "Scanning the Satellite Signal in Remote Western Australia," M/C Journal, 8(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0508/01-green.php>.

Current feature programs broadcast on Indonesian television have begun to be of little interest to the public, because they have begun to be displaced by other television programs whose content is merely entertainment. Though the community needs various programs that are able to provide information, inspiration and education in order to provide and increase awareness of the potential of their own people. The creator of the work wants to create a program that has a lot of information, inspiration and education about culinary from both the dish and the place. This program is a culinary travel feature titled "TABLE STORY", a program that packages a variety of unique culinary found in Indonesia, this program not only discusses my food but also provides in-depth information about the theme of the food and the place itself which has the desires to be the hallmark of the place itself and also a place that provides education for its customers. This program has a total duration of 15 minutes. This program will be aired once a week on Saturdays at 09.30 WIB, on the private television station SCTV (Surya Citra Televisi). The creator of the work has consideration of choosing the time and placing this program on the SCTV television station, because the television station does not have a culinary program that discusses in depth the presentation and design of the culinary place, so that this program can provide information, inspiration, and education to audience at the station.

Television schedules are rife with Science Fiction, Fantasy and Horror. The re-launched Doctor Who and its prime-time Saturday night stablemate, Merlin spearhead the rise of contemporary British Telefantasy (Being Human, Misfits et al.). Meanwhile, their American equivalents attract audiences of millions, extensive media attention and, since Peter Dinklage’s Emmy and Golden Globe-winning performance in Game of Thrones, widespread critical acclaim through mainstream industry awards. Histories of “quality” television are awash with examples of American Telefantasy that have left an indelible impression on popular cultural (and even socio-political) imaginaries; Star Trek, The X-Files, Buffy the Vampire Slayer, Lost, and Battlestar Galactica all being enduringly popular examples. As American television networks prepare to launch their all-important “Fall” schedules, ushering in a new year of programming, it is evident that Telefantasy will continue to garner its fair share of TV viewers’ attention – whether due to hotly-anticipated debuts (666 Park Avenue, Arrow, The Neighbors, Revolution), finales (Fringe), provocative content (American Horror Story, True Blood, The Walking Dead, or a general capacity to entertain, bewitch or amuse (Community), Falling Skies, Grimm, Once Upon a Time, Supernatural).

The Community Service Team of the English Studies Programme, Universitas Gadjah Mada, organised a programme at SMA 5 Purworejo, with the theme ‘Developing Speaking Skills through Storytelling.’ This programme was designed in response to a request from the teachers and the Principal of the SMAN 5 Purworejo, who considered that the students urgently need assistance in improving the students' English-speaking proficiency. This year's programme was conducted using a hybrid approach (online and offline). The programme focused on using folklore as a means to develop students’ speaking competence. As an initial step, the team provided the students with theoretical frameworks on language features, particularly those pertaining to English speaking skills. In the subsequent phase, the team assisted the students in applying the previously discussed language theories in two tutorial sessions. The students enthusiastically and actively participated in the tutoring sessions. They succeeded in applying the theories introduced to them. After that, the students were evaluated based on their performance. All evaluation components indicated that the students achieved above-average scores. === Tim Pengabdian kepada Masyarakat (PkM) Prodi Sastra Inggris Universitas Gadjah Mada telah menyelenggarakan program di SMA Negeri 5 Purworejo, dengan tema ‘Mengembangkan Keterampilan Berbicara Melalui Storytelling.’ Program ini dirancang untuk menjawab permintaan dari para guru dan kepala sekolah SMA Negeri 5 Purworejo, yang menilai bahwa siswa mereka sangat membutuhkan bantuan dalam meningkatkan kemampuan berbicara dalam Bahasa Inggris. Program tahun ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan pendekatan bauran (daring dan luring) yang berfokus pada penggunaan cerita rakyat sebagai sarana untuk mengembangkan kompetensi berbicara siswa. Sebagai langkah awal, tim membekali para siswa dengan kerangka teori tentang fitur kebahasaan, terutama yang berkaitan dengan keterampilan berbicara dalam Bahasa Inggris. Pada tahap selanjutnya, tim PkM mendampingi siswa dalam menerapkan teori-teori bahasa yang telah dibahas sebelumnya dalam dua sesi tutorial. Para siswa sangat antusias dan aktif berpartisipasi dalam sesi bimbingan. Mereka berhasil menerapkan teori-teori yang diperkenalkan kepada mereka. Setelah itu, siswa dievaluasi berdasarkan kinerja mereka. Semua komponen evaluasi menunjukkan bahwa siswa mencapai nilai di atas rata-rata.

Cyborgs already walk among us. (“Cures to Come” 76) This essay was begun as a reaction to a Hallmark Hall of Fame television movie called Sweet Nothing in My Ear (2008), which follows the lives of two parents, Dan, who is hearing (played by Jeff Daniels), and Laura, who is deaf (Marlee Matlin), as they struggle to make a decision about whether or not to give their 11-year-old son, Adam (late-deafened), a cochlear implant. Dan and Laura represent different perspectives, hearing and deaf perspectives. The film dramatizes the parents’ conflict and negotiation, exposing audiences to both sides of the cochlear implant debate, albeit in a fairly simplistic way. Nevertheless, it represents the lives of deaf people and gives voice to debates about cochlear implants with more accuracy and detail than most film and television dramas. One of the central scenes in the film is what I call the “activation scene”, quite common to cochlear implant narratives. In the scene, the protagonists witness a child having his implant activated or turned on. The depiction is reminiscent of the WATER scene in the film about Helen Keller, The Miracle Worker, employing a sentimental visual rhetoric. First, the two parents are shown seated near the child, clasping their hands as if in prayer. The audiologist, wielder of technology and therefore clearly the authority figure in the scene, types away furiously on her laptop. At the moment of being “turned on,” the child suddenly “hears” his father calling “David! David!” He gazes angelically toward heaven as piano music plays plaintively in the background. The parents all but fall to their knees and the protagonist of the film, Dan, watching through a window, weeps. It is a scene of cure, of healing, of “miracle,” a hyper-sentimentalised portrait of what is in reality often a rather anti-climactic event. It was certainly anti-climactic in my son, Michael’s case. I was taken aback by how this scene was presented and dismayed overall at some of the inaccuracies, small though they were, in the portrayal of cochlear implants in this film. It was, after all, according to the Nielsen ratings, seen by 8 million people. I began to wonder what kinds of misconceptions my son was going to face when he met people whose only exposure to implants was through media representations. Spurred by this question, I started to research other recent portrayals of people with implants on U.S. television in the past ten years, to see how cochlear implant (hereafter referred to as CI) identity has been portrayed by American media. For most of American history, deaf people have been portrayed in print and visual media as exotic “others,” and have long been the subject of an almost morbid cultural fascination. Christopher Krentz suggests that, particularly in the nineteenth century, scenes pairing sentimentality and deafness repressed an innate, Kristevan “abject” revulsion towards deaf people. Those who are deaf highlight and define, through their ‘lack’, the “unmarked” body. The fact of their deafness, understood as lack, conjures up an ideal that it does not attain, the ideal of the so-called “normal” or “whole” body. In recent years, however, the figure of the “deaf as Other” in the media, has shifted from what might be termed the “traditionally” deaf character, to what Brenda Jo Brueggeman (in her recent book Deaf Subjects: Between Identities and Places), calls “the new deaf cyborg” or the deaf person with a cochlear implant (4). N. Katharine Hailes states that cyborgs are now “the stage on which are performed contestations about the body boundaries that have often marked class, ethnic, and cultural differences” (85). In this essay, I claim that the character with a CI, as portrayed in the media, is now not only a strange, “marked” “Other,” but is also a screen upon which viewers project anxieties about technology, demonstrating both fascination fear. In her book, Brueggeman issues a call to action, saying that Deaf Studies must now begin to examine what she calls “implanting rhetorics,” or “the rhetorical relationships between our technologies and our identity” and therefore needs to attend to the construction of “the new deaf cyborg” (18). This short study will serve, I hope, as both a response to that injunction and as a jumping-off point for more in-depth studies of the construction of the CI identity and the implications of these constructions. First, we should consider what a cochlear implant is and how it functions. The National Association of the Deaf in the United States defines the cochlear implant as a device used to help the user perceive sound, i.e., the sensation of sound that is transmitted past the damaged cochlea to the brain. In this strictly sensorineural manner, the implant works: the sensation of sound is delivered to the brain. The stated goal of the implant is for it to function as a tool to enable deaf children to develop language based on spoken communication. (“NAD Position”) The external portion of the implant consists of the following parts: a microphone, which picks up sound from the environment, which is contained in the behind-the-ear device that resembles the standard BTE hearing aid; in this “hearing aid” there is also a speech processor, which selects and arranges sounds picked up by the microphone. The processor transmits signals to the transmitter/receiver, which then converts them into electric impulses. Part of the transmitter sits on the skin and attaches to the inner portion of the transmitter by means of a magnet. The inner portion of the receiver/stimulator sends the impulses down into the electrode array that lies inside the cochlea, which in turn stimulates the auditory nerve, giving the brain the impression of sound (“Cochlear Implants”). According to manufacturer’s statistics, there are now approximately 188,000 people worldwide who have obtained cochlear implants, though the number of these that are in use is not known (Nussbaum). That is what a cochlear implant is. Before we can look at how people with implants are portrayed in the media, before we examine constructions of identity, perhaps we should first ask what constitutes a “real” CI identity? This is, of course, laughable; pinning down a homogeneous CI identity is no more likely than finding a blanket definition of “deaf identity.” For example, at this point in time, there isn’t even a word or term in American culture for someone with an implant. I struggle with how to phrase it in this essay - “implantee?” “recipient?” - there are no neat labels. In the USA you can call a person deaf, Deaf (the “D” representing a specific cultural and political identity), hearing impaired, hard of hearing, and each gradation implies, for better or worse, some kind of subject position. There are no such terms for a person who gets an implant. Are people with implants, as suggested above, just deaf? Deaf? Are they hard of hearing? There is even debate in the ASL community as to what sign should be used to indicate “someone who has a cochlear implant.” If a “CI identity” cannot be located, then perhaps the rhetoric that is used to describe it may be. Paddy Ladd, in Understanding Deaf Culture, does a brilliant job of exploring the various discourses that have surrounded deaf culture throughout history. Stuart Blume borrows heavily from Ladd in his “The Rhetoric and Counter-Rhetoric of a 'Bionic' Technology”, where he points out that an “essential and deliberate feature” of the history of the CI from the 60s onward, was that it was constructed in an overwhelmingly positive light by the mass media, using what Ladd calls the “medical” rhetorical model. That is, that the CI is a kind of medical miracle that promised to cure deafness. Within this model one may find also the sentimental, “missionary” rhetoric that Krentz discusses, what Ladd claims is a revival of the evangelism of the nineteenth-century Oralist movement in America. Indeed, newspaper articles in the 1980s and 90s hailed the implant as a “breakthrough”, a “miracle”; even a quick survey of headlines shows evidence of this: “Upton Boy Can Hear at Last!”, “Girl with a New Song in Her Heart”, “Children Head Queue for Bionic Ears” (Lane). As recently as January 2010, an issue of National Geographic featured on its cover the headline Merging Man and Machine: The Bionic Age. Sure enough, the second photograph in the story is of a child’s bilateral cochlear implant, with the caption “within months of the surgery (the child) spoke the words his hearing parents longed for: Mama and Dada.” “You’re looking at a real bionic kid,” says Johns Hopkins University surgeon John Niparko, proudly (37). To counter this medical/corporate rhetoric of cure, Ladd and Blume claim, the deaf community devised a counter-rhetoric, a discourse in which the CI is not cast in the language of miracle and life, but instead in terms of death, mutilation, and cultural oppression. Here, the implant is depicted as the last in a long line of sadistic experiments using the deaf as guinea pigs. Often the CI is framed in the language of Nazism and genocide as seen in the title of an article in the British Deaf News: “Cochlear Implants: Oralism’s Final Solution.” So, which of these two “implanting rhetorics” is most visible in the current construction of the CI in American television? Is the CI identity presented by rendering people with CIs impossibly positive, happy characters? Is it delineated using the metaphors of the sentimental, of cure, of miracle? Or is the CI identity constructed using the counter-rhetorical references to death, oppression and cultural genocide? One might hypothesize that television, like other media, cultivating as it does the values of the hearing hegemony, would err on the side of promulgating the medicalised, positivist rhetoric of the “cure” for deafness. In an effort to find out, I conducted a general survey of American television shows from 2000 to now that featured characters with CIs. I did not include news shows or documentaries in my survey. Interestingly, some of the earliest television portrayals of CIs appeared in that bastion of American sentimentality, the daytime soap opera. In 2006, on the show “The Young and the Restless”, a “troubled college student who contracted meningitis” received an implant, and in 2007 “All My Children” aired a story arc about a “toddler who becomes deaf after a car crash.” It is interesting to note that both characters were portrayed as “late-deafened”, or suddenly inflicted with the loss of a sense they previously possessed, thus avoiding any whiff of controversy about early implantation. But one expects a hyper-sentimentalised portrayal of just about everything in daytime dramas like this. What is interesting is that when people with CIs have appeared on several “reality” programs, which purport to offer “real,” unadulterated glimpses into people’s lives, the rhetoric is no less sentimentalized than the soaps (perhaps because these shows are no less fabricated). A good example of this is the widely watched and, I think, ironically named show “True Life” which appears on MTV. This is a series that claims to tell the “remarkable real-life stories of young people and the unusual subcultures they inhabit.” In episode 42, “ True Life: I’m Deaf”, part of the show follows a young man, Chris, born deaf and proud of it (his words), who decides to get a cochlear implant because he wants to be involved in the hearing world. Through an interpreter Chris explains that he wants an implant so he can communicate with his friends, talk with girls, and ultimately fulfill his dreams of having a job and getting married (one has to ask: are these things he can’t do without an implant?). The show’s promo asks “how do you go from living a life in total silence to fully understanding the spoken language?” This statement alone contains two elements common to the “miracle” rhetoric, first that the “tragic” deaf victim will emerge from a completely lonely, silent place (not true; most deaf people have some residual hearing, and if you watch the show you see Chris signing, “speaking” voluminously) to seamlessly, miraculously, “fully” joining and understanding the hearing world. Chris, it seems, will only come into full being when he is able to join the hearing world. In this case, the CI will cure what ails him. According to “True Life.” Aside from “soap opera” drama and so-called reality programming, by far the largest dissemination of media constructions of the CI in the past ten years occurred on top-slot prime-time television shows, which consist primarily of the immensely popular genre of the medical and police procedural drama. Most of these shows have at one time or another had a “deaf” episode, in which there is a deaf character or characters involved, but between 2005 and 2008, it is interesting to note that most, if not all of the most popular of these have aired episodes devoted to the CI controversy, or have featured deaf characters with CIs. The shows include: CSI (both Miami and New York), Cold Case, Law and Order (both SVU and Criminal Intent), Scrubs, Gideon’s Crossing, and Bones. Below is a snippet of dialogue from Bones: Zach: {Holding a necklace} He was wearing this.Angela: Catholic boy.Brennan: One by two forceps.Angela {as Brennan pulls a small disc out from behind the victim’s ear} What is that?Brennan: Cochlear implant. Looks like the birds were trying to get it.Angela: That would set a boy apart from the others, being deaf.(Bones, “A Boy in the Tree”, 1.3, 2005) In this scene, the forensics experts are able to describe significant points of this victim’s identity using the only two solid artifacts left in the remains, a crucifix and a cochlear implant. I cite this scene because it serves, I believe, as a neat metaphor for how these shows, and indeed television media in general, are, like the investigators, constantly engaged in the business of cobbling together identity: in this particular case, a cochlear implant identity. It also shows how an audience can cultivate or interpret these kinds of identity constructions, here, the implant as an object serves as a tangible sign of deafness, and from this sign, or clue, the “audience” (represented by the spectator, Angela) immediately infers that the victim was lonely and isolated, “set apart from the others.” Such wrongheaded inferences, frivolous as they may seem coming from the realm of popular culture, have, I believe, a profound influence on the perceptions of larger society. The use of the CI in Bones is quite interesting, because although at the beginning of the show the implant is a key piece of evidence, that which marks and identifies the dead/deaf body, the character’s CI identity proves almost completely irrelevant to the unfolding of the murder-mystery. The only times the CI character’s deafness is emphasized are when an effort is made to prove that the he committed suicide (i.e., if you’re deaf you are therefore “isolated,” and therefore you must be miserable enough to kill yourself). Zak, one of the forensics officers says, “I didn’t talk to anyone in high school and I didn’t kill myself” and another officer comments that the boy was “alienated by culture, by language, and by his handicap” (odd statements, since most deaf children with or without implants have remarkably good language ability). Also, in another strange moment, the victim’s ambassador/mother shows a video clip of the child’s CI activation and says “a person who lived through this miracle would never take his own life” (emphasis mine). A girlfriend, implicated in the murder (the boy is killed because he threatened to “talk”, revealing a blackmail scheme), says “people didn’t notice him because of the way he talked but I liked him…” So at least in this show, both types of “implanting rhetoric” are employed; a person with a CI, though the recipient of a “miracle,” is also perceived as “isolated” and “alienated” and unfortunately, ends up dead. This kind of rather negative portrayal of a person with a CI also appears in the CSI: New York episode ”Silent Night” which aired in 2006. One of two plot lines features Marlee Matlin as the mother of a deaf family. At the beginning of the episode, after feeling some strange vibrations, Matlin’s character, Gina, checks on her little granddaughter, Elizabeth, who is crying hysterically in her crib. She finds her daughter, Alison, dead on the floor. In the course of the show, it is found that a former boyfriend, Cole, who may have been the father of the infant, struggled with and shot Alison as he was trying to kidnap the baby. Apparently Cole “got his hearing back” with a cochlear implant, no longer considered himself Deaf, and wanted the child so that she wouldn’t be raised “Deaf.” At the end of the show, Cole tries to abduct both grandmother and baby at gunpoint. As he has lost his external transmitter, he is unable to understand what the police are trying to tell him and threatens to kill his hostages. He is arrested in the end. In this case, the CI recipient is depicted as a violent, out of control figure, calmed (in this case) only by Matlin’s presence and her ability to communicate with him in ASL. The implication is that in getting the CI, Cole is “killing off” his Deaf identity, and as a result, is mentally unstable. Talking to Matlin, whose character is a stand-in for Deaf culture, is the only way to bring him back to his senses. The October 2007 episode of CSI: Miami entitled “Inside-Out” is another example of the counter-rhetoric at work in the form of another implant corpse. A police officer, trying to prevent the escape of a criminal en route to prison, thinks he has accidentally shot an innocent bystander, a deaf woman. An exchange between the coroner and a CSI goes as follows: (Alexx Woods): “This is as innocent as a victim gets.”(Calleigh Duquesne): “How so?”AW: Check this out.”CD: “I don’t understand. Her head is magnetized? Steel plate?”AW: “It’s a cochlear implant. Helps deaf people to receive and process speech and sounds.”(CSI dramatization) AW VO: “It’s surgically implanted into the inner ear. Consists of a receiver that decodes and transmits to an electrode array sending a signal to the brain.”CD: “Wouldn’t there be an external component?”AW: “Oh, she must have lost it before she was shot.”CD: “Well, that explains why she didn’t get out of there. She had no idea what was going on.” (TWIZ) Based on the evidence, the “sign” of the implant, the investigators are able to identify the victim as deaf, and they infer therefore that she is innocent. It is only at the end of the program that we learn that the deaf “innocent” was really the girlfriend of the criminal, and was on the scene aiding in his escape. So she is at first “as innocent” as they come, and then at the end, she is the most insidious of the criminals in the episode. The writers at least provide a nice twist on the more common deaf-innocent stereotype. Cold Case showcased a CI in the 2008 episode “Andy in C Minor,” in which the case of a 17-year-old deaf boy is reopened. The boy, Andy, had disappeared from his high school. In the investigation it is revealed that his hearing girlfriend, Emma, convinced him to get an implant, because it would help him play the piano, which he wanted to do in order to bond with her. His parents, deaf, were against the idea, and had him promise to break up with Emma and never bring up the CI again. His body is found on the campus, with a cochlear device next to his remains. Apparently Emma had convinced him to get the implant and, in the end, Andy’s father had reluctantly consented to the surgery. It is finally revealed that his Deaf best friend, Carlos, killed him with a blow to the back of the head while he was playing the piano, because he was “afraid to be alone.” This show uses the counter-rhetoric of Deaf genocide in an interesting way. In this case it is not just the CI device alone that renders the CI character symbolically “dead” to his Deaf identity, but it leads directly to his being literally executed by, or in a sense, excommunicated from, Deaf Culture, as it is represented by the character of Carlos. The “House Divided” episode of House (2009) provides the most problematic (or I should say absurd) representation of the CI process and of a CI identity. In the show, a fourteen-year-old deaf wrestler comes into the hospital after experiencing terrible head pain and hearing “imaginary explosions.” Doctors Foreman and Thirteen dutifully serve as representatives of both sides of the “implant debate”: when discussing why House hasn’t mocked the patient for not having a CI, Thirteen says “The patient doesn’t have a CI because he’s comfortable with who he is. That’s admirable.” Foreman says, “He’s deaf. It’s not an identity, it’s a disability.” 13: “It’s also a culture.” F: “Anything I can simulate with $3 earplugs isn’t a culture.” Later, House, talking to himself, thinks “he’s going to go through life deaf. He has no idea what he’s missing.” So, as usual, without permission, he orders Chase to implant a CI in the patient while he is under anesthesia for another procedure (a brain biopsy). After the surgery the team asks House why he did it and he responds, “Why would I give someone their hearing? Ask God the same question you’d get the same answer.” The shows writers endow House’s character, as they usually do, with the stereotypical “God complex” of the medical establishment, but in doing also they play beautifully into the Ladd and Blume’s rhetoric of medical miracle and cure. Immediately after the implant (which the hospital just happened to have on hand) the incision has, miraculously, healed overnight. Chase (who just happens to be a skilled CI surgeon and audiologist) activates the external processor (normally a months-long process). The sound is overwhelming, the boy hears everything. The mother is upset. “Once my son is stable,” the mom says, “I want that THING out of his head.” The patient also demands that the “thing” be removed. Right after this scene, House puts a Bluetooth in his ear so he can talk to himself without people thinking he’s crazy (an interesting reference to how we all are becoming cyborgs, more and more “implanted” with technology). Later, mother and son have the usual touching sentimental scene, where she speaks his name, he hears her voice for the first time and says, “Is that my name? S-E-T-H?” Mom cries. Seth’s deaf girlfriend later tells him she wishes she could get a CI, “It’s a great thing. It will open up a whole new world for you,” an idea he rejects. He hears his girlfriend vocalize, and asks Thirteen if he “sounds like that.” This for some reason clinches his decision about not wanting his CI and, rather than simply take off the external magnet, he rips the entire device right out of his head, which sends him into shock and system failure. Ultimately the team solves the mystery of the boy’s initial ailment and diagnoses him with sarcoidosis. In a final scene, the mother tells her son that she is having them replace the implant. She says it’s “my call.” This show, with its confusing use of both the sentimental and the counter-rhetoric, as well as its outrageous inaccuracies, is the most egregious example of how the CI is currently being constructed on television, but it, along with my other examples, clearly shows the Ladd/Blume rhetoric and counter rhetoric at work. The CI character is on one hand portrayed as an innocent, infantilized, tragic, or passive figure that is the recipient of a medical miracle kindly urged upon them (or forced upon them, as in the case of House). On the other hand, the CI character is depicted in the language of the counter-rhetoric: as deeply flawed, crazed, disturbed or damaged somehow by the incursions onto their Deaf identity, or, in the worst case scenario, they are dead, exterminated. Granted, it is the very premise of the forensic/crime drama to have a victim, and a dead victim, and it is the nature of the police drama to have a “bad,” criminal character; there is nothing wrong with having both good and bad CI characters, but my question is, in the end, why is it an either-or proposition? Why is CI identity only being portrayed in essentialist terms on these types of shows? Why are there no realistic portrayals of people with CIs (and for that matter, deaf people) as the richly varied individuals that they are? These questions aside, if these two types of “implanting rhetoric”, the sentimentalised and the terminated, are all we have at the moment, what does it mean? As I mentioned early in this essay, deaf people, along with many “others,” have long helped to highlight and define the hegemonic “norm.” The apparent cultural need for a Foucauldian “marked body” explains not only the popularity of crime dramas, but it also could explain the oddly proliferant use of characters with cochlear implants in these particular shows. A person with an implant on the side of their head is definitely a more “marked” body than the deaf person with no hearing aid. The CI character is more controversial, more shocking; it’s trendier, “sexier”, and this boosts ratings. But CI characters are, unlike their deaf predecessors, now serving an additional cultural function. I believe they are, as I claim in the beginning of this essay, screens upon which our culture is now projecting repressed anxieties about emergent technology. The two essentialist rhetorics of the cochlear implant, the rhetoric of the sentimental, medical model, and the rhetoric of genocide, ultimately represent our technophilia and our technophobia. The CI character embodies what Debra Shaw terms a current, “ontological insecurity that attends the interface between the human body and the datasphere” (85). We are growing more nervous “as new technologies shape our experiences, they blur the lines between the corporeal and incorporeal, between physical space and virtual space” (Selfe). Technology either threatens the integrity of the self, “the coherence of the body” (we are either dead or damaged) or technology allows us to transcend the limitations of the body: we are converted, “transformed”, the recipient of a happy modern miracle. In the end, I found that representations of CI on television (in the United States) are overwhelmingly sentimental and therefore essentialist. It seems that the conflicting nineteenth century tendency of attraction and revulsion toward the deaf is still, in the twenty-first century, evident. We are still mired in the rhetoric of “cure” and “control,” despite an active Deaf counter discourse that employs the language of the holocaust, warning of the extermination of yet another cultural minority. We are also daily becoming daily more “embedded in cybernetic systems,” with our laptops, emails, GPSs, PDAs, cell phones, Bluetooths, and the likes. We are becoming increasingly engaged in a “necessary relationship with machines” (Shaw 91). We are gradually becoming no longer “other” to the machine, and so our culturally constructed perceptions of ourselves are being threatened. In the nineteenth century, divisions and hierarchies between a white male majority and the “other” (women, African Americans, immigrants, Native Americans) began to blur. Now, the divisions between human and machine, as represented by a person with a CI, are starting to blur, creating anxiety. Perhaps this anxiety is why we are trying, at least in the media, symbolically to ‘cure’ the marked body or kill off the cyborg. Future examinations of the discourse should, I believe, use these media constructions as a lens through which to continue to examine and illuminate the complex subject position of the CI identity, and therefore, perhaps, also explore what the subject position of the post/human identity will be. References "A Boy in a Tree." Patrick Norris (dir.), Hart Hanson (by), Emily Deschanel (perf.). Bones, Fox Network, 7 Sep. 2005. “Andy in C Minor.” Jeannete Szwarc (dir.), Gavin Harris (by), Kathryn Morris (perf.). Cold Case, CBS Network, 30 March 2008. Blume, Stuart. “The Rhetoric and Counter Rhetoric of a “Bionic” Technology.” Science, Technology and Human Values 22.1 (1997): 31-56. Brueggemann, Brenda Jo. Deaf Subjects: Between Identities and Places. New York: New York UP, 2009. “Cochlear Implant Statistics.” ASL-Cochlear Implant Community. Blog. Citing Laurent Le Clerc National Deaf Education Center. Gallaudet University, 18 Mar. 2008. 29 Apr. 2010 ‹http:/ /aslci.blogspot.com/2008/03/cochlear-implant-statistics.html›. “Cures to Come.” Discover Presents the Brain (Spring 2010): 76. Fischman, Josh. “Bionics.” National Geographic Magazine 217 (2010). “House Divided.” Greg Yaitanes (dir.), Matthew V. Lewis (by), Hugh Laurie (perf.). House, Fox Network, 22 Apr. 2009. “Inside-Out.” Gina Lamar (dir.), Anthony Zuiker (by), David Caruso (perf.). CSI: Miami, CBS Network, 8 Oct. 2007. Krentz, Christopher. Writing Deafness: The Hearing Line in Nineteenth-Century American Literature. Chapel Hill: UNC P, 2007. Ladd, Paddy. Understanding Deaf Culture: In Search of Deafhood. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters Limited, 2002. Lane, Harlan. A Journey Into the Deaf-World. San Diego: DawnSignPress, 1996. “NAD Position Statement on the Cochlear Implant.” National Association of the Deaf. 6 Oct. 2000. 29 April 2010 ‹http://www.nad.org/issues/technology/assistive-listening/cochlear-implants›. Nussbaum, Debra. “Manufacturer Information.” Cochlear Implant Information Center. National Deaf Education Center. Gallaudet University. 29 Apr. 2010 < http://clerccenter.gallaudet.edu >. Shaw, Debra. Technoculture: The Key Concepts. Oxford: Berg, 2008. “Silent Night.” Rob Bailey (dir.), Anthony Zuiker (by), Gary Sinise (perf.). CSI: New York, CBS Network, 13 Dec. 2006. “Sweet Nothing in My Ear.” Joseph Sargent (dir.), Stephen Sachs (by), Jeff Daniels (perf.). Hallmark Hall of Fame Production, 20 Apr. 2008. TWIZ TV scripts. CSI: Miami, “Inside-Out.” “What Is the Surgery Like?” FAQ, University of Miami Cochlear Implant Center. 29 Apr. 2010 ‹http://cochlearimplants.med.miami.edu/faq/index.asp›.