Journal articles: 'One-party dominance'

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Sato, Seizaburo. "Is one‐party dominance reemerging in Japan?" Asia-Pacific Review 4, no. 1 (March 1997): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13439009708719941.

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Solinger, Dorothy J. "Ending One-Party Dominance: Korea, Taiwan, Mexico." Journal of Democracy 12, no. 1 (2001): 30–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2001.0017.

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Butler, Anthony. "CONSIDERATIONS ON THE EROSION OF ONE‐PARTY DOMINANCE." Representation 45, no. 2 (July 2009): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344890902945681.

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Ostroverkhov, A. A. "In Searching for Theory of One-Party Dominance: World Experience of Studying Dominant-Party Systems (I)." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 86, no. 3 (2017): 136–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2017-86-3-136-153.

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Ostroverkhov, A. A. "In Searching for Theory of One-Party Dominance: World Experience of Studying Dominant-Party Systems (II)." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 87, no. 4 (2017): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2017-87-4-133-149.

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Ilonszki, Gabriella, and Réka Várnagy. "From party cartel to one-party dominance. The case of institutional failure." East European Politics 30, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 412–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2014.938739.

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Matisonn, Heidi Leigh. "Beyond Party Politics: Unexpected Democracydeepening Consequences of One-party Dominance in South Africa." Theoria 51, no. 105 (January 1, 2004): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/004058104782267006.

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Kuhonta, Erik Martinez, and Alex M. Mutebi. "Thaksin Triumphant: The Implications of One-party Dominance in Thailand." Asian Affairs: An American Review 33, no. 1 (March 2006): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/aafs.33.1.39-51.

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Carlin, Ryan E., Gregory J. Love, and Daniel J. Young. "Political Competition, Partisanship, and Interpersonal Trust Under Party Dominance: Evidence from Post-Apartheid South Africa." Journal of Experimental Political Science 7, no. 2 (June 17, 2019): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2019.17.

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AbstractHow does single-party dominance influence interpersonal trust? We draw on evidence from trust games played by more than 2,000 subjects in South Africa, where, since Apartheid, race-based social enmity has persisted under democratic competition characterized by single-party dominance. We find that partisan-based trust discrimination is most pronounced for those who identify with the main opposition party and is driven by strong distrust of rival partisans. These findings underscore how electoral competition, in general, shapes trust across party lines and suggests one-sided competition, in particular, has asymmetrical effects between parties in dominant party systems. Moreover, this study provides additional evidence regarding the relative weights of trustworthiness stereotypes tied to partisanship and race.

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Van Dyck, Brandon. "External Appeal, Internal Dominance: How Party Leaders Contribute to Successful Party Building." Latin American Politics and Society 60, no. 1 (January 15, 2018): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2017.3.

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AbstractMany successful political parties depend for their initial popularity and cohesion, and even for their long-term brand strength, on a leader. Nevertheless, literature on successful party building downplays the role of leaders. Thus, the question, what type of leader is good for party building?, remains undertheorized. This article presents and provides initial evidence for a leadership-centered theory of successful party building. It argues that externally appealing, internally dominant leaders facilitate party building by lifting new parties to electoral prominence and helping to prevent debilitating schisms. The article provides evidence for this argument through a most similar cases comparison of three new left parties in Latin America: two that took root (Brazil’s Workers’ Party, Mexico’s Party of the Democratic Revolution), and one that collapsed (Peru’s United Left).

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Johnson, Frank, Thomas H. Spreen, and Timothy Hewitt. "A Stochastic Dominance Analysis of Contract Grazing Feeder Cattle." Journal of Agricultural and Applied Economics 19, no. 2 (December 1987): 11–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0081305200025280.

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AbstractContract grazing feeder cattle is an arrangement where cattle owned by one party graze forage produced on land owned by another party. The forage producer is paid a fixed price per pound gained. Stochastic dominance analysis is used to compare contract grazing and the more traditional system in which the same individual owns both the cattle and land.

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KATO, JUNKO, and YUTO KANNON. "Coalition Governments, Party Switching, and the Rise and Decline of Parties: Changing Japanese Party Politics since 1993." Japanese Journal of Political Science 9, no. 3 (December 2008): 341–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109908003174.

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AbstractSince 1993, coalition governments have replaced the 38-year-long, one-party dominance of the Liberal Democratic Party (the LDP) in Japan. Except for one year, from 1993 to 1994, the LDP has remained a key party in successive governing coalitions, but the dynamics of party competition has been completely transformed since the period of the LDP's dominance. Although the LDP has survived to form a variety of coalitions ranging from a minority to an over-sized majority, since 1998 the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has continued to counter the LDP governments. The transformation of party systems in Japan accompanies the party switching of legislators and the mergers, breakups, extinctions, and formations of parties. In this regard, the Japanese case provides an interesting example to show how parties attempt to change the dynamics of policy competition by switching and reorganizing. Parties also attempt to shift their policy positions to attract public support and to gain a competitive edge in government formation. Using expert survey data about the policy positions of parties, this study explicates the dynamics involved in the reorganization of parties and the formation of governments.

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Sharma, Chanchal Kumar, and Wilfried Swenden. "Economic governance: Does it make or break a dominant party equilibrium? The case of India." International Political Science Review 41, no. 3 (August 5, 2019): 451–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119866845.

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Why do voters re-elect the same party for prolonged periods of time even when there are reasonable alternatives available? When and why do they stop doing so? Based on a quantitative analysis of elections between 1972 and 2014, we test the significance of ‘economic governance’ for the continuance and fall of one-party dominance. With data from India we show that, under a command economy paradigm, a national incumbent party sustains its dominance by playing politics of patronage, but in a marketized economy, state governments gain considerable scope in managing their economic affairs. This enables different state parties to create a stable pattern of support in states. As state-level effects cease to aggregate at the national level, the party system fragments. However, such an aggregation can re-emerge if a single party consistently delivers in the states which it governs.

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HISKEY, JONATHAN, and DAMARYS CANACHE. "The Demise of One-Party Politics in Mexican Municipal Elections." British Journal of Political Science 35, no. 2 (February 21, 2005): 257–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123405000141.

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The third wave of democratization has profoundly affected national political institutions and procedures throughout the developing world. In many nations, however, local political institutions and actors also hold considerable power. Democratic reforms at the national level are not necessarily replicated at the local level, yet democratization is inherently incomplete if a nation is speckled with scores of authoritarian local political enclaves. It follows that the process of subnational political change is of vital importance. In this article this process is examined, focusing on Mexico. The question is what dynamic has led to the erosion of the PRI's dominance at the municipal level since the mid-1980s. Two theoretical models, a diffusion model and a realignment model, are proposed. Empirical tests centre on data from municipal elections in four states for the period 1985 to 1998. Using event history analysis, substantial support for the diffusion model is discovered. In contrast, evidence consistent with the realignment model emerges in only one context – a state in which a new opposition party enjoyed unusual strength.

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Meighoo, Kirk. "Trinidad and Tobago General Elections 2007: One-Party Dominance and Lessons for the Long View." Round Table 98, no. 400 (February 2009): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358530802598460.

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Sim, Soek-Fang. "Obliterating The Political: One-party ideological dominance and the personalization of news in Singapore 21." Journalism Studies 7, no. 4 (August 2006): 575–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616700600758009.

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Nikolenyi, Csaba. "When the Central Player Fails: Constraints on Cabinet Formation in Contemporary India." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 2 (June 2004): 395–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904040181.

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From the first post–independence election in 1952 until the general elections of 1989, the Indian National Congress party won a plurality of the votes and a majority of the legislative seats in every national parliamentary election except for the one that was held in 1977. Although the party maintained its dominant position in the national party system for almost four decades, starting in 1967 it gradually lost it at the subnational level. Finally, the 1989 national election brought Congress dominance to a definite end in the national party system as well. Since 1989, Congress has neither remained the consistently strongest electoral party nor has it won a parliamentary majority in any single election.

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Jain, Purnendra. "Japan’s 2019 upper house election: Solidifying Abe, the LDP, and return to a one-party dominant political system." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, no. 1 (October 15, 2019): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891119880267.

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Japan’s upper house, the House of Councillors, is a less powerful body than the House of Representatives, the lower house of the national Diet. Yet, electoral results of the upper house can have a significant impact on the government of the day, both for legislative purposes and for judging the credibility of the ruling party and its leader. This article analyses the July 2019 election and its likely impact on the Abe administration, and implications for Japan’s parliamentary democracy and party politics. The article argues that opposition forces are highly fragmented and weak, sustaining the LDP’s dominance in Japanese politics. Such a political landscape is welcomed by the ruling party and its leader, but continuing to entrench the hold on national governance by one dominant party is unhealthy for Japanese democracy.

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Mason, Steve. "Pharisaic Dominance Before 70 CE and the Gospels' Hypocrisy Charge (Matt 23:2–3)." Harvard Theological Review 83, no. 4 (October 1990): 363–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000023841.

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The following study treats two distinct but related questions. First, were the Pharisees the dominant party in Palestinian Judaism before the destruction of the temple? And second, did Jesus of Nazareth engage in controversy with them? Many scholars today would answer one or both of these questions negatively. My thesis, however, is that both should be answered affirmatively and, further, that it was precisely the status of the Pharisees as the dominant party that makes intelligible Jesus' charge of hypocrisy.

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Dobell, W. M. "Updating Duverger's Law." Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, no. 3 (September 1986): 585–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900054603.

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AbstractThis note traces the reasoning behind Riker's addenda to Duverger's law, which exempts Canada and India from its general determinism. Characteristics common to Canada and India, but not to other countries using the plurality electoral system, are examined. The study finds that the uniqueness of those two federal nations employing the simple-majority system lies in the dominance of one national party, the weakness of the conventional alternative governing party, and the persistence of ideological parties of the left.

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Khambule, Isaac, Amarone Nomdo, Babalwa Siswana, and Gilbert Fokou. "Coexistence as a Strategy for Opposition Parties in Challenging the African National Congress’ One-Party Dominance." Politikon 46, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 427–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2019.1682784.

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Soueidan, Mohamad Hasan. "Superpower Dominance: The Yum Kippur Case." Technium Social Sciences Journal 22 (August 9, 2021): 667–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v22i1.4288.

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The Yum Kippur War, or as the Egyptians call it The October War, is one of the most important wars in the history of the Middle East between the coalition of Egypt and Syria versus Israel. It occurred at a time when the two superpowers then, the Americans and the Soviet Union, were in engaging in what was called the Cold War. For that every Superpower used to support a certain party of conflict to assure the balance of global dominance isn't affected. This paper reviews American foreign policy during the war in 1973. It concentrates on how the American institutions and foreign policy activists acted and influenced the outcome of the war. The paper finally conducts a counter analysis on what could have happened if the Americans didn’t support the Israelis in the war.

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Lange, Peter, Cynthia Irvin, and Sidney Tarrow. "Mobilization, Social Movements and Party Recruitment: The Italian Communist Party since the 1960s." British Journal of Political Science 20, no. 1 (January 1990): 15–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005688.

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Political life in the advanced industrial democracies since the Second World War has been characterized by periods of mass mobilization and protest followed by years of relative quiescence and institutional dominance. The individual phases have prompted extensive reflection. Far less attention, however, has been devoted to how developments in one phase might influence the subsequent one. Using data from a 1979 survey of activists of the Italian Communist Party, this article examines how the cycle of protest which swept Italy in the late-1960s and early-1970s was reflected in the distribution of attitudes towards dissent within the different generations of party activists. Our findings clearly suggest that participation in social movements had independent effects on the presence of particular tolerance attitudes and that phases of mobilization affect the distribution of politically salient attitudes among party activists during a subsequent phase of institutionalization. This, in turn, has possible implications for processes of change in the Italian political system.

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Lee, Daniel J. "Take the Good With the Bad." American Politics Research 40, no. 2 (November 8, 2011): 267–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x11414118.

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Institutional barriers frustrate third-party challenges to major-party dominance in American politics. Conventional wisdom claims that the ballot access petitioning requirement hurts minor parties. This claim, however, conflates two dimensions of third-party success: (a) ability to get on the ballot and (b) ability of actual candidates to win votes. The requirement is hypothesized to have a negative effect on the first dimension but a positive effect on the second. Modeling these two dimensions separately gives evidence of cross-cutting effects. The first equation is a probit model of entry that shows third-party candidates are more likely to enter when the requirement is low. The second equation is an OLS regression, which only includes the subsample of districts where at least one third-party candidate gained ballot access, that shows third-party candidates win more votes in districts with a higher requirement.

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Onapajo, Hakeem. "Violence and Votes in Nigeria: The Dominance of Incumbents in the Use of Violence to Rig Elections." Africa Spectrum 49, no. 2 (August 2014): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971404900202.

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Which party uses violence to influence election outcomes? There are two existing perspectives that have offered responses to this critical question. One is a more popular position indicating that the incumbent party, more than the opposition party, makes use of violence with the aim of rigging elections; the other is a more radical perspective that suggests that electoral violence is more associated with the weakest party than with the incumbent. This paper seeks to contribute to the ongoing debate and to advance the argument suggesting the dominance of the incumbent in the use of violence to rig elections. With evidence sourced from well-trusted reports from independent election monitors, this paper shows with case studies from Nigeria at different electoral periods that, in terms of influencing election outcomes, the incumbent has been more associated with violence during elections than the opposition. It is further argued in the paper that the existing nature of executive power in Nigeria provides a plausible explanation for the incumbent's violence during elections.

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Basov, F. "Party System Transformation in Germany." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 2 (2021): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-2-29-36.

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This article is devoted to the changes of the party system of Germany. In recent years, the transformation of the party system has caused several political crises. Party spectrum is pluralized and polarized in Germany. Regional differences also increase. In this situation, the German parties are in search of new dynamics. The consequence of this is that all the main parties are now factional. The system that existed in Germany for more than half a century, with the dominance of two political forces (CDU/CSU and SPD), gradually evolved into the “one and a half” party system (only CDU/CSU dominates). The question is whether evolution will continue towards simple multi-party system, or the “one and a half” party system will remain. With a significant degree of certainty, one can say that a return to a “two and a half” party system is impossible. Changes in the party-political system lead to an increase in the diversity of the composition of the coalitions ruling in Germany. German political parties should learn how to create coalitions of three political forces, also at the federal level. The main trend of the coming years for CDU, CSU and SPD will be an attempt to return to their traditional platforms. However, a full return is impossible. More frequent red-red-green coalitions can be expected, including the federal level. But, nevertheless, serious changes in the German party system did not lead to its chronic incapacity – the system adapted to them.

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Mtimkulu, Phillip. "The Key to One-Party Dominance: A Comparative Analysis of Selected States: Some Lessons for South Africa?" Journal of African elections 8, no. 2 (October 1, 2009): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2009/v8i2a2.

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Paret, Marcel. "Beyond post-apartheid politics? Cleavages, protest and elections in South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 56, no. 3 (August 6, 2018): 471–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x18000319.

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AbstractDeclining electoral support for South Africa's ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), suggests a potential weakening of the anti-apartheid nationalism that defined the immediate post-apartheid period. Using two surveys of voters in primarily poor and working-class black areas, conducted during the 2014 (national) and 2016 (local) elections, as well as three case studies of protest by workers, poor communities and students, this article examines the social cleavages and political dynamics that underpinned deepening political competition. Results show that voting decisions varied according to gender, age, ethnicity and receipt of welfare benefits. Different public provisions mattered most during national versus local elections, demonstrating that voters paid close attention to government operations. Underscoring political fluidity, some instances of protest reinforced ANC dominance while others fed into support for the opposition. The findings challenge notions of uncontested one party dominance, revealing instead that some poor black voters are critically evaluating the ANC's performance and developing oppositional political identities.

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Grossback, Lawrence, and Allan Hammock. "Overcoming One-Party Dominance: How Contextual Politics and West Virginia Helped Put George Bush in the White House." Politics & Policy 31, no. 3 (September 2003): 406–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2003.tb00155.x.

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Maškarinec, Pavel. "The 2016 Electoral Reform in Mongolia: From Mixed System and Multiparty Competition to FPTP and One-Party Dominance." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 4 (March 25, 2017): 511–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909617698841.

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This article tests the effects of a new electoral system that was introduced in Mongolia for the June 2016 elections. The decision to implement a first-past-the-post (FPTP) system instead of a mixed-member majoritarian (MMM) system, which was first and last used in the previous elections of 2012, was due to the April 2016 ruling of the Mongolian Constitutional Court on unconstitutionality of the list tier as one of the mechanisms for distributing seats within MMM. Through an analysis of national- and district-level results, this article addresses the question whether electoral competition at the district level was consistent with Duverger’s law and resulted in the restoration of bipartism, which had been disrupted in 2012 due to the use of MMM.

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STRELTSOV, D. V. "The Party System in Contemporary Japan: from the LDP Dominance to a Real Multiparty System." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 3 (August 17, 2018): 120–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-3-120-136.

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In the political system of post-war Japan there emerged a unique phenomenon of the ‘1955 system’, which contradicted, in its form and in its essence, to the principle of the changeability of power inherent for the democratic systems. The Liberal-Democratic Party retained majority in the lower house of Diet for the 38-year period, which allowed it to form the government without joining coalitions with any other parties. “The 1955 system” was a form of adaptation of the political power to the specific conditions of cold war era. In the sphere of foreign policy, the bipolar model of the Japanese political system reflected the ideological choice between the capitalist system led by the United States and the socialist system led by the USSR. In the economic sphere, the dominant party system was the most appropriate response to the specific needs of the mobilization economic model, in which first fiddle was played by bureaucracy, whilst the political power performed rather decorative functions. The authoritarian features in the LDP power system that can be imagined to be the result of its monopolistic rule, in reality did not have a distinct manifestation because of the de facto absence of unity in its top management and the preservation of a viable faction system well adapted to the electoral model of the multimember districts. The end of ‘the 1955 system’, associated with the end of the cold war, manifested itself in the loss of the LDP’s dominant position in the party system and in the beginning of the era of coalition governments. The issues of ideology in the post-bipolar period lost their significance as a form of axis in the inter-party division. Currently, the LDP holds the leading positions in the political arena as the main political force in the Diet. The ruling party faces serious problems, among which one can mention the decline of the LDP authority in the Japanese society against the background of resonant political scandals, the absence of intra-party democracy and the authoritarian style of Abe’s rule which raises the risks of political mistakes, as well as the lack of reliable mechanisms of succession of senior positions in the party hierarchy. However, the specificity of the electoral system, as well as the chronic state of split and the absence of strong political leaders in the opposition camp, give the LDP substantial advantages against other parties, feeding the conclusion that the LDP will remain the dominant political force of Japan in the foreseeable future.

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Kefford, Glenn, and Duncan McDonnell. "Inside the personal party: Leader-owners, light organizations and limited lifespans." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no. 2 (February 6, 2018): 379–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117750819.

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Scholars in recent decades have discussed the emergence of a new leader-dominated party type, variously described as ‘personal’, ‘personalistic’ and ‘personalist’. However, there has been no original comparative research examining whether (and how) such parties resemble one another organizationally and whether they constitute a distinct organizational type. This article does so by comparing the parties of Silvio Berlusconi in Italy and Clive Palmer in Australia. Based on interviews with those in the parties and party documents, we find our cases share two distinctive organizational features: (1) the founder-leader’s dominance of the party and perceived centrality to its survival and (2) the relationship between the party and members saw active members discouraged and organization at the local level was extremely limited/non-existent. Building on this analysis, we then propose three criteria for identifying other personal parties and point to the existence of a possible subtype. We conclude that the emergence of personal parties requires us to reconsider our understanding of contemporary party organizations in advanced democracies.

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Hadley, Charles D. "Comment: Problems Analyzing Congress, Chronological Age, and Critical Elections." American Review of Politics 14 (April 1, 1993): 119–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1993.14.0.119-121.

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The above analysis by Whicker and Jewell suffers, in part, because the authors bring an extensive and very diverse literature-elections, economics, and congressional studies-to bear on the phenomenon of partisan change among congresses measured by various manipulations of the age of members of congress. While “critical elections” (Key 1955) denote periods of sharp partisan change, the authors use this terminology interchangeably with “realigning elections” (e.g., Key 1959; Chambers & Burnham 1967, 1975; Burnham 1969, 1970), even though control of the political system (in this case, congress) does not shift from one political party to another. Pomper (1967), in fact, contributed an important distinction between two types of critical elections: realigning elections, in which political control shifts from one major political party to the other, and converting elections, in which political control remains with the same political party, but derives from a different base of voter support. Taken together, realignments followed by conversions where the same political party maintains political dominance define broader sociopolitical periods tied to economic change-periods classified as the rural republic, industrializing nation, and industrial state (Ladd 1970). Whicker and Jewell”s analysis, then, calls for consistency in the terminology describing elections.

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Pritchard, Anita, and Wayne Howard. "Divided Government: Parallel Trends in Legislative Elections." American Review of Politics 15 (November 1, 1994): 375–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1994.15.0.375-382.

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This research note identified a consistent trend in legislative elections at both the national and state levels. All but nine states can be classified by two criteria—one of the parties was a majority in both the U.S. House delegation and state legislature in the 1980s, and the same party gained seats in both legislative bodies following the 1950s. The Democratic Party gained or maintained a majority of seats in both U.S. House delegations and state legislatures in 32 states during the 30 years characterized by increases in divided government at both the national and state level. Explanations for Democratic dominance of legislatures that focus upon congressional elections only are too level specific.

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Newell, Jonathan. "‘A Moment of Truth’? The Church and Political Change in Malawi, 1992." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 2 (June 1995): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021054.

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The immediate origins of the democratic elections held in Malawi in 1994, which brought to an end over 30 years of political dominance by President Kamuzu Banda and the Malawi Congress Party (MCP), lie in the unprecedented events which shook the entire nation in 1992. Although that turbulent year was characterised by industrial action, serious urban riots, student demonstrations, the emergence of new domestic political groupings, and the Government's agreement to hold a national referendum on the future of the one-party system in the country, in retrospect perhaps what was most remarkable about these developments was that they were sparked off by the Catholic Church, and that their momentum was sustained at crucial stages by other Christian denominations in Malawi.1

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Leesland, Aslak. "The Norwegian Workers’ Education Association: A Midwife of Labor's Breakthrough in Norway." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 176–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000181.

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Norway in the year 1900 would be more easily recognizable to a person from the global South than to a citizen of present-day Norway. One of Europe's smallest countries, with a population of 2.2 million, it was also one of the poorest. Still a predominantly agrarian country, it suffered from the side effects of early industrialization that other European countries had known for decades. Under pressure from a growing labor movement and an increasingly restive citizenry, the Liberal Party was spearheading reformist social policies and further democratization in Norway, whereas the Conservative Party resisted such reforms. A third party—the Norwegian Labour party—was founded by some local trade unions in 1887, but remained a marginal influence at the turn of the century even if the party won sixteen percent of the votes cast in the election of 1900. However, it was about to begin its meteoric rise from obscurity to political dominance. In 1899 a number of trade unions came together to found a national superstructure—the LO—with 1,500 registered members. This prompted employers to do the same. The Employers’ Association dates back to the year 1900. Next, the right to vote was extended to new groups of voters. Before 1898 only men with an income above a certain minimum could participate in elections, but universal suffrage for men was introduced in 1898. Women were then given the right to vote in local elections in 1910 and in parliamentary elections in 1913. These reforms were introduced by the Liberal Party.

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Chu, Yun-han, and Larry Diamond. "Sizing Up Taiwan's Political Earthquake." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (February 2001): 211–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s159824080000028x.

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On March 18, 2000, Taiwan experienced an electoral earthquake. After half a century in power on the island of Taiwan and eight decades of an undisrupted ruling position dating back to its heyday on the Chinese mainland, the Kuomintang (KMT) lost power in a free and fair presidential election. The power rotation at the close of the century is historic by any measure. It has closed an epoch of one-party dominance and inaugurated a period of party dealignment and realignment. It deflated Lee Teng-hui's charisma and brought his era to an abrupt and calamitous end. At the elite level, it has triggered a generational turnover, pushing the baby boomers to the forefront of governing responsibility. Most significantly, it pushed the island's political system for a major step forward toward the consolidation of democracy.

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Ehsan, Muhammad. "What Matters? Non-Electoral Youth Political Participation in Austerity Britain." Societies 8, no. 4 (October 17, 2018): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc8040101.

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Since the 2008 global financial crisis, Britain’s young people have been disproportionately affected by policies of welfare retrenchment. Youth disillusionment with austerity has been cited as a reason for the youthquake witnessed in the 2017 General Election, where the Labour Party’s better-than-expected performance resulted in the loss of the ruling Conservative Party government’s parliamentary majority. The degree of one-party dominance among younger voters was unprecedented, with Labour’s aggressively pro-youth agenda paying dividends. However, this paper takes the attention away from voting behaviour and towards non-electoral forms of youth political participation in the UK. What are the strongest predictors of non-electoral political participation among young British people? Three possible predictors are explored: educational attainment, level of trust in politicians, and party identification. Three forms of non-electoral participation are considered: signing a petition, taking part in a boycott and sharing political messages on social media. Using a bespoke representative survey commissioned by Hope Not Hate, this paper finds that educational attainment does not have a particularly strong effect on non-electoral participation, with Labour Party identification being significantly associated with all three forms. A strong relationship is also discovered between identifying with a ‘minor party’ and non-electoral political participation among Britain’s young people.

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Innocent, Eme O. "ADDRESSING EXECUTIVE-LEGISLATURE CONFLICT IN NIGERIA." Journal of Security Studies and Global Politics 1, no. 1 (December 15, 2016): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33865/jssgp.001.01.0024.

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This paper examined the phenomenon of executive dominance over the legislatures both at the national and state levels in Nigeria. The paper argues that legislatures in Nigeria generally are faced with the crisis of executive belligerence, which itself is a hangover of the military rule and decreed two party states between 1960 and 1999. This culture of executive dominance appears more endemic and destructive to democracy. The data for this study was generated from Focus Group Discussion, in-depth desk review and other documentary sources. The technique of content analysis will constitute our data analysis technique. The paper revealed that the legislatures in Nigeria are more or less one party dominated, influenced largely by the incumbent president and governors. Also the president and executive governors are overwhelmingly powerful and dominant because of their unlimited access to state resources, which give them control over party structures. The controls over candidates’ selection by the executives make legislators stooges of the former, which relegates the institution to mere rubber stamp of the executive. It is also found that control over legislative bureaucracy in the past and to some extent even now makes the legislature dependent on the executive. This undermines the capacity and independence of the legislatures to hold the executive accountable and to a large extent to function as co-equal of the executive arm of government. The paper concludes by positing that unless parties are funded independent of holders of executive power and moneybags, governors will continue to control the proceedings in the legislatures.

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Makhmudov, R. B. "THE CORONAVIRUS PANDEMIC AND THE TRANSITION TO THE ERA OF DIGITAL CAPITAL DOMINANCE." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 3 (September 20, 2021): 305–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-3-305-310.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has become one of the triggers for the further growth of the global influence of digital capital and high-tech companies. The market value of the world's largest technology giants, which set long-term trends in the development of the world economy within the framework of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, has sharply increased. During the pandemic, digital capital declared its claims to political dominance, as shown by the US presidential election in 2020. During the elections, there was a coordination of the actions of digital corporations and the "new elite" within the Democratic Party, whose ideological and economic views were formed by the values of the new technological era.

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Partin, William Clyde. "Bit by (Twitch) Bit: “Platform Capture” and the Evolution of Digital Platforms." Social Media + Society 6, no. 3 (July 2020): 205630512093398. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305120933981.

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This article considers the history of donation management tools on the livestreaming platform Twitch. In particular, it details the technical and economic contexts that led to the development of Twitch Bits, a first-party donation management service introduced in 2016. Two contributions to research on the platformization of cultural production are made. One, this article expands the empirical record regarding Twitch by chronicling the role of viewer donations in livestreaming since 2010, as well as the many tools that have facilitated this practice. It is argued that this history traces the complex and co-productive interactions between Twitch as a sociotechnical architecture and a political economy. Two, by considering how the first-party donation tool Twitch Bits has gradually challenged the dominance of the third-party tools that preceded it, this article theorizes the notion of platform capture, a critical rereading of platform envelopment, a popular concept in business studies. Ultimately, it is argued that platform capture demonstrates how platform owners leverage power asymmetries over dependents to aid in their platform’s technical evolution.

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Bakti, Indra Setia, and Khairul Amin. "Konstruksi kekuasaaan politik melalui program charity show media televisi." SOCIA: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Sosial 16, no. 1 (October 8, 2019): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/socia.v16i1.27003.

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As a newcomer, the Perindo Party seeks to implement a specific strategy in order to compete with other parties that have already existed in the Indonesian political contestation. One of these is charity show programs. The high rating and concern societies watching the lives of poor people in various charity programs show besides creating profits also become a means of political communication. When political actors control the media, it is clear that there are interests also communicated, including the political powers of the funnel to get support from voters. When the Perindo Party is declared, the "scent" that HT and his party would use the media under their control is very clear. These signals can also be observed from the dominance of HT’s trusted people in the MNC Group in the composition of the Central Management Board Center, the Assembly of the Union Party and the court of Perindo party. That mean a charity program not only gives a very big business profit, but also the political media communication, enhance social branding in front of audiences, and build a base of loyal voters from poor family beneficiaries. To finishing this paper, the author uses a descriptive qualitative approach. The data in this article sourced from observations, studies of literature, and other sources considered relevant and then analyzed by the exchange theory of Peter Blau.

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Hyde, Sarah. "The Japanese 2009 House of Representatives elections: the beginning of real change and the end of one-party dominance in Japan?" Japan Forum 23, no. 2 (June 2011): 157–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09555803.2011.598770.

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Trantidis, Aris. "Is government contestability an integral part of the definition of democracy?" Politics 37, no. 1 (June 23, 2016): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395715619635.

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Is government contestability an integral part of the definition of democracy? The answer to this question affects the way we classify political systems in which, despite a formally open political structure, a dominant political group faces weak opposition from other political parties and civil society organizations – an indication of a low degree of government contestability. In Robert Dahl’s polyarchy, contestability is an essential dimension of democracy and, consequently, one-party dominance is classified as an ‘inclusive hegemony’ outside his conception of democracy. For procedural definitions of democracy, however, dominant party systems are legitimate outcomes of electoral competition provided that there have been no formal restrictions to the exercise of civil and political rights. The article examines the boundaries between democracy and authoritarianism, broadens the notion of authoritarian controls to include soft manipulative practices and explains why government contestability should be regarded as a constitutive property of democracy.

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Biaseto, Bruno Henz. "A white men’s agony: the rise and fall of the Reagan coalition through the perspective of american scholars (1940-2016) * A agonia do homem branco: a ascensão e queda da coalizão Reagan através da perspectiva dos intelectuais norte-americanos (1940-2016)." História e Cultura 5, no. 3 (December 14, 2016): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v5i3.2006.

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The American Conservative movement saw a huge rise following Reagan’s ascent to the residency. The Reagan Coalition managed to make the Republican Party the dominating force for almost thirty years, empowering certain social groups that supported its rise since its beginning, during the New Deal era. Following deep economic and social changes seen in the early 21st century, Barack Obama managed to craft a new political coalition, one that managed to end the Republican dominance. As the Democrats were able to craft a new coalition, the answer came in the rise of an authoritarian/populist right embodied by Donald Trump and the Tea Party. The goal of this essay is to understand this political process through the lens of American scholars, focusing on their analysis of how the rise and fall of the Reagan Revolution shaped the troubled political scenario seen in America today.

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Williams, Paul D. "How Did They Do It? Explaining Queensland Labor's Second Electoral Hegemony." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.112.

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Australia's entrenched liberal democratic traditions of a free media, fair and frequent elections and robust public debate might encourage outside observers to assume Australia is subject to frequent changes in government. The reality is very different: Australian politics have instead been ‘largely unchanged’ since the beginning of our bipolar party system in 1910 (Aitkin 1977, p. 1), with Australians re-electing incumbents on numerous occasions for decades on end. The obvious federal example is the 23-year dominance of the Liberal-Country Party Coalition, first elected in 1949 and re-endorsed at the following eight House of Representatives elections. Even more protracted electoral hegemonies have been found at state level, including Labor's control of Tasmania (1934–82, except for 1969–72) and New South Wales (1941–65), and the Liberals' hold on Victoria (1952–82) and South Australia (1938–65, most unusually under one Premier, Thomas Playford). It is therefore not a question of whether parties can enjoy excessively long hegemonies in Australia; it is instead one of how they achieve it.

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Sukur, Mukhamad, and Nurush Shobahah. "SYIQAQ SEBAGAI ALASAN PERCERAIAN DI PENGADILAN AGAMA TULUNGAGUNG." Ahkam: Jurnal Hukum Islam 9, no. 1 (July 31, 2021): 175–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21274/ahkam.2021.9.1.175-192.

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Marriage is an inner and outer bond based on the rules of religion and the laws between a man and a woman to constitute both inner and outer happy family. However, the high number of failing cases and divorce decisions in the Religious Court shows that there are various factors that might be a trigger to the failure of a marriage. A number of divorce cases data in Tulungagung Regency shows 225 divorce cases per month with an average of 20 lawsuits every day. The data in 2017 show that out of 3,114 divorce cases 2,150 cases were filed by women. The results of the analysis show that the high divorce rate is one of the dominance factor of dispute or quarrel (syiqoq) which was triggered by the following reasons; economy, one party leaves another party, continuous disputes, domestic violence, adultery, drunkenness and gambling. The high interest of the people of Tulungagung Regency who work as both Indonesian workers and female workers (TKI/ TKW) allegedly contributed to high divorce rate by the reason of syiqoq.

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Kuester, Jutta, Andreas Paul, and Signe Preuschoft. "Dominance Styles of Female and Male Barbary Macaques (Macaca Sylvanus)." Behaviour 135, no. 6 (1998): 731–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853998792640477.

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AbstractDominance styles can be understood as consequences of different competition regimes imposed by socio-ecological conditions. As vital resources differ for males and females of the same species, one might expect different competitive tactics, hence differential dominance styles in both sexes. This was investigated on the basis of dyadic competition over a food resource (peanut) or mating partner (estrous female) in the semifree ranging colony of Barbary macaques at 'Affenberg Salem'. Both, females and males competed over nuts. The dominant typically won the nut by eliciting the retreat of the subordinate with a ritualised assertive signal, the 'rounded-mouth threat face'. The competitive style in adult male dyads (AM-AM) differed from that of all other age-sex class combinations, including adult versus subadult males, and did not change with the kind of incentive: Use of threat faces and retreat was replaced by ignoring, tension, or recruitment behaviour, and in 115of AM-AM dyads at least one nut was taken by a third party. In the few cases where a male did perform a threat face his rival responded by counter aggression, recruitment or appeasement/affiliation, or by taking the nut nevertheless. It is concluded that (1) dominance relations among adult females are stricter than those between males, indicating different dominance styles for the two sexes; (2) the 'egalitarian' competitive style of adult males was compatible with an absence of formalisation of dominance-subordination relations and did not indicate an absence of competition among them; (3) Adult males behaved as dominance oriented as females if the risk of injury was small (as in AM-SM dyads). The 'egalitarian' behaviour in AM-AM dyads is best understood as the result of a stalemate where the risks of escalation are high relative to the value of the resource. In sum, the results suggest that variance in power asymmetries and differential cost-benefit ratios of escalated competition may produce different dominance styles even within the same species.

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Haiting, Fei. "Regime and state breakdown: dissolution of the Soviet Union." Political Science (RU), no. 4 (2020): 309–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.04.15.

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The mechanism of causality between the breakdown of political regime and the disintegration of a state is an important topic in political science. The dissolution of the Soviet Union is a typical example. The aim of perestroika was the transformation of the political regime by renewing the top elite and inclusion of mass groups in the system of government. The initiators of the reform planned to achieve their goals through the general reconstruction of relations between the CPSU and the Soviet state, the redistribution of power from the party elite to the Soviet one concentrated in the Councils of People’s Deputies at various levels. In practice, the implementation of two reforms at once (distancing the party from the authorities and optimizing governance) led to the split of the entire political elite. The struggle of opposing elite groups for dominance led to the paralysis of state power, the loss of control over what was happening in the country. As a result, the interests of elite groups began to prevail over the national interests and ultimately led to the destruction of the state. Thus the authorsubstantiates the thesis that the destabilization of a regime as a result of the inter-elite struggle leads to the destruction of a state. The problem of elite renewal and consolidation and the transfer powers from the party elite to the state one becomes important.

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Lubenow, W. C. "Irish Home Rule and the Social Basis of the Great Separation in the Liberal Party in 1886." Historical Journal 28, no. 1 (March 1985): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00002247.

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Though Mr Gladstone was speaking of the opposition to home rule in the country, rather than in the parliamentary Liberal party alone in the statement quoted above, this has become the rather standard interpretation of the great separation in the Liberal party in 1886. As one modern historian of the Liberal disruption puts it, ‘a striking characteristic of modern British history has been the class alignment of political parties… The Liberal Unionist party (those who seceded on the home rule question) was a half-way house, which entertained for a time much of the wealth and territorial influence which had been Liberal and was to be Conservative.’ One of the most influential historians of late-nineteenth-century Britain puts the issue in broader terms. The origins of Conservative dominance as well as the leakage of the landed and business classes to the Conservative party, Sir Robert Ensor argues, are to be found in the undermining of English and Irish agriculture by the invasion of North American wheat. This produced, in turn, agrarian revolution in Ireland, the rise of violent nationalism in Ireland, the growth of social and political conflict, and, ultimately, the rejection of Irish political demands by the English. Yet another attributes the fall of Gladstone's third ministry to a general revolt against the Liberal party by railway directors and other businessmen who had been alerted to the dangers to property which the government's railway policies implied. This theme has been taken up and many have come to argue that class voting emerged in 1886 when the upper – and middle-class Liberals, taking home rule as an excuse, departed to the Conservatives in a reaction against growing social radicalism.

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Journal articles on the topic 'One-party dominance'

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