Relevant bibliographies by topics / Opposition patronale

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Opposition patronale'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 12 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Opposition patronale"

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Hughes, Caroline. "Cambodia in 2008: Consolidation in the Midst of Crisis." Asian Survey 49, no. 1 (2009): 206–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.1.206.

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The Cambodian People's Party (CPP) consolidated legislative control with a decisive election victory in 2008. Four contributing factors are identified: CPP control of local authorities who can deliver the vote, its marginalization of the opposition, the mass patronage enabled by an economic boom, and exploitation of a border dispute with Thailand.
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Arriola, Leonardo R. "Capital and Opposition in Africa: Coalition Building in Multiethnic Societies." World Politics 65, no. 2 (2013): 233–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887113000051.

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Under what conditions can opposition politicians with ethnic constituencies form electoral coalitions? In Africa's patronage-based political systems, incumbents form coalitions by using state resources to secure the endorsement of politicians from other ethnic groups. Opposition politicians, however, must rely on private resources to do the same. This article presents a political economy theory to explain how the relative autonomy of business from state-controlled capital influences the formation of multiethnic opposition coalitions. It shows that the opposition is unlikely to coalesce across
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Goode, J. Paul. "Patriotism without Patriots? Perm΄-36 and Patriotic Legitimation in Russia." Slavic Review 79, no. 2 (2020): 390–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2020.89.

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This article examines the takeover of the Perm’-36 Gulag museum as emblematic of the dynamics of patriotic legitimation in Russia. The museum was dedicated to preserving the memory of the victims of Soviet political repression and it grew in popularity into the 2000s, emerging as an opposition platform and target for self-styled patriots who accused it of distorting Soviet history. The regional government soon joined the battle, finally forcing the museum's takeover and transforming it into a site honoring the Gulag rather than its victims. Drawing on interviews conducted with the museum's for
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Hein, Patrick. "The patterns of Chinese authoritarian patronage and implications for foreign policy: Lessons from Sri Lanka, Myanmar and Cambodia." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, no. 4 (2020): 385–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891119878517.

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This study compares Chinese autocracy promotion in Sri Lanka, Myanmar and Cambodia from the perspective of mass atrocities. Theory posits that foreign powers influence the thinking and behaviour of domestic elites through external incentives. It is the purpose of the article to identify the incentives that link Chinese foreign policy to repressive outcomes as they unintentionally and indirectly reinforce domestic ethno-nationalist narratives and therefore the likelihood and risk of mass atrocities. What are the implications? The so-called “black knight” is not as powerful as some scholars wish
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Hicken, Allen, and Netina Tan. "Factionalism in Southeast Asia: Types, Causes, and Effects." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 1 (2020): 187–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420925928.

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In this article we present an overview of the arguments contained in the articles of this special issue. We first catalogue the varieties or types of factionalism present across Southeast Asia—namely, programmatic, clientelistic, and personalist/charismatic. We then explore the question of why the degree and type of factionalism varies across countries, across time, and across parties. We first focus on differences between factionalism in governing and opposition parties, arguing that factionalism across dominant and opposition parties differs in terms of the origin, type, and effect. We find
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Bridges, Amy. "Creating Cultures of Reform." Studies in American Political Development 8, no. 1 (1994): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000031.

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Beginning in the late 1840s advocates of municipal reform in the United States campaigned to throw rascals out of public office, reconstruct the legal foundations of municipal government, and install regimes of at least modest virtue in place of local government's shameless vice. More profoundly, reformers hoped to replace municipal political cultures of partisanship and patronage with different values and expectations. In these efforts reformers met with the militant opposition of party leaders and their constituents; party leaders too had a vision of what local political life ought to be, an
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Selinger, William. "Patronage and Revolution: Edmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France and His Theory of Legislative Corruption." Review of Politics 76, no. 1 (2014): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670513000880.

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AbstractEdmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France is most famous and controversial for Burke's opposition to the philosophy behind the Revolution. This essay examines Burke's more practical criticisms of the French National Assembly which pervade the pamphlet, and shows their connection to his earlier arguments about corruption in the House of Commons. Burke's insight into the future course of the French Revolution is based in his distinctive approach to thinking about the pathologies of legislative assemblies, which he initially developed in the House of Commons, and later applie
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Mckinley, Dale T. "Democracy, Power and Patronage: Debate and Opposition within the African National Congress and the Tripartite Alliance since 1994." Democratization 8, no. 1 (2001): 183–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714000177.

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Fells, Ray. "Labour-Management Negotiation : Some Insights into Strategy and Language." Articles 55, no. 4 (2005): 583–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/051350ar.

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Les négociateurs tant du côté patronal que du côté syndical ont le choix d'adopter une stratégie d'opposition ou de solution de problèmes pour mettre fin à un litige, mais il se peut fort bien qu'ils aient à faire des concessions, et c'est là un processus qui est moins clairement compris. On peut s'attendre à ce que des négociateurs en situation d'opposition, par exemple, annoncent leur position, fournissent peu d'information et accompagnent le tout de menaces. Les négociateurs qui utilisent l'approche « solution de problèmes » vont aussi faire part de leurs besoins, mais en termes d'intérêts
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Reed, William Cyrus. "Protracted Patronage, Truncated Armed Struggle, and Political Consolidation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 1 (1998): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502789.

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Like many analyses of African politics, much of the criticism of Laurent Kabila, president of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC, formerly Zaire), examines his personal use of power. His policies as president reflect his track record as a “leader”—some would say a warlord—in the eastern part of the country who based his activities on smuggling and an occasional kidnapping. His policies as president include banning political activities, banishing prominent opposition leaders—such as Etienne Tshisekedi, who led the fight against Mobutu longer than anyone else—and detaining journalists who
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Opposition patronale"

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Cuillerier, Joelle. "Les stratégies d'organisation syndicale dans les multinationales du secteur des services traditionnels : le cas de Wal-Mart Canada Inc." Thèse, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/4819.

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Ce mémoire tente d’identifier la nature du lien entre les stratégies d’organisation syndicale et le résultat des campagnes de syndicalisation. À l’aide d’une étude du cas des campagnes d’organisation menées par les Travailleurs et travailleuses unis de l’alimentation et du commerce (TUAC) chez Wal-Mart au Québec, nous avons examiné l’impact que peuvent avoir différentes variables sur le succès d’une campagne. La littérature sur le renouveau syndical nous a permis d’identifier trois types de campagnes, soit la campagne traditionnelle, la campagne intégrale et la campagne de mouvement social, et
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Books on the topic "Opposition patronale"

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lil-Iṣlāḥ, Tajammuʻ al-Yamanī, ed. Yemen's democratic experiment in regional perspective: Patronage and pluralized authoritarianism. Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.

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Democracy without competition in Japan: Opposition failure in a one-party dominant state. Cambridge University Press, 2006.

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Wilks, Timothy. Poets, Patronage, and the Prince’s Court. Edited by Malcolm Smuts. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199660841.013.10.

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This chapter examines Prince Henry’s emergent court during the years 1603 to 1612. It traces the development of a court culture that drew upon the contingent spheres of London publishing and public theatre to express the interests and ambitions of the prince’s circle. Both the patronage of writers and the establishment of libraries are presented as priorities of the court in its formative years. Shakespeare’s tragicomedies, all written in this period, respond to the interests in exploration, colonization, British identity and heritage being strongly advanced at Henry’s court; though unlike Jon
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Scheiner, Ethan. Democracy without Competition in Japan: Opposition Failure in a One-Party Dominant State. Cambridge University Press, 2005.

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Scheiner, Ethan. Democracy without Competition in Japan: Opposition Failure in a One-Party Dominant State. Cambridge University Press, 2005.

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Kenny, Paul D. Broker Autonomy and the End of Indian National Congress Party Dominance. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807872.003.0005.

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This chapter examines how India’s patronage-based system became unstable, connecting the increase in broker autonomy that followed Nehru’s death in 1964 to a shift in partisan control away from the Congress at the subnational level. The increase in broker autonomy following Nehru’s death was subtle but highly significant. With the separation of the dual government and party authority that had allowed Nehru to arbitrate between competing factions at the state level, Congress factions could compete more openly and prosper as distinct parties, resulting in the fragmentation of the patronage netwo
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Lippiatt, G. E. M. Viscount of Béziers and Carcassonne. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198805137.003.0006.

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Unlike in France, Simon’s possessions in the south were obtained by conquest rather than inheritance. Moreover, that conquest was ideologically justified by a characterization of the previous lords as deficiently Christian governors. Therefore, the image and patronage cultivated by Simon in the viscounties of Béziers and Carcassonne made little effort to reflect Trencavel traditions. This negative difference was supplemented by the positive distinction enshrined in the Statutes of Pamiers, which implemented the reform programme embraced by Simon and neglected by his predecessors. Simon counter
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Singh, Danny. Investigating Corruption in the Afghan Police Force. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447354666.001.0001.

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This book provides a unique study on the lower ranks of the Afghan police force due to the lack of empirical evidence of what attributes to the causes, practices and consequences of corruption in this institution. The book is divided into a number of sections. It commences with an understanding of how corruption, and narrowly police corruption, impact on the police force, state legitimacy and the strategies in place to mitigate such problems as part of broader security and post-conflict reconstruction initiatives. The theoretical framework comprises political, economic and cultural drivers of
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A plain and popular exposition of the principles of voluntaryism in opposition to the misapprehensions of those who have imputed to them an infidel tendency: Being an humble essay to mediate between the advocates and antagonists of the establishment principle, and to promote generally the catholic unity of evangelical churches. s.n.], 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "Opposition patronale"

1

Doolotkeldieva, Asel. "The 2020 Violent Change in Government in Kyrgyzstan Amid the Covid-19 Pandemic: Three Distinct Stories in One." In Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77489-9_8.

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AbstractThe day after the election night, on October 5th of 2020, several thousand Kyrgyz citizens poured in the direction of the main square of the capital Bishkek to denounce fraudulent elections. An estimated 1,250 people were injured, and one young person died. This third violent change of government in Kyrgyzstan’s short history of independence can be best understood as a combination of three distinct stories coming together under an unprecedented external shock produced by the coronavirus. First, a genuine citizen mobilization was triggered by the pandemic-related economic decline and rigged elections. Second, the initial peaceful protest was hijacked, to the surprise of the many, by a populist leader capitalizing on long-existing societal polarization. Third, the spectacular unfolding of the intra-opposition struggle downplays an important process of oligarchization, underlying the shaky grounds of patronal presidentialism in pluralist systems.
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Pappas, Takis S. "How do Populists Govern?" In Populism and Liberal Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198837886.003.0005.

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Chapter 5 deals with populists in office and exposes what the author terms the “populist blueprint.” Once again based on comparative empirical analysis, it explains how populist parties consolidate in power by means of grabbing the top state administration and depriving key liberal institutions of autonomy, especially the judiciary, state-independent authorities, and the media. Another common characteristic of all populist parties in office is their systematization of patronage politics under the logic of excluding the opposition from state-related benefits and other resources. Finally, the pieces of the illiberal and populist project are put together in an effort to think about it all in a systematic and rationalizing way.
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Weissman, Susan. "Bonds Between the Living and the Dead Part II." In Final Judgement and the Dead in Medieval Jewish Thought. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781906764975.003.0009.

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This chapter studies R. Judah the Pious's theories of sin and accountability in Divine judgement relative to contemporary Jewish views, and explores his conception of God as depicted in Sefer ḥasidim. In opposition to the new religious mood, R. Judah sees justice, not mercy, as the dominant Divine attribute in posthumous judgement. With the individual to stand on trial alone and with the odds more against him than in his favour, R. Judah's view of God's judgement departs sharply from midrashic and contemporary liturgical and artistic images. While Ashkenazi commentators on piyut and illuminators of maḥzorim depict a compassionate God who throws away one's sins or tilts the scales of judgement in one's favour, R. Judah paints an austere portrait of humankind overwhelmed by the gravity and inescapability of sin in front of an unforgiving and unswayable deity. His rejection of all models of patronage, both Jewish and Christian, his refusal to allow merit to cancel out sin — a view which he holds in opposition to other Jewish thinkers of his day — and his vision of posthumous judgement as absolute justice untempered by mercy serve to isolate him from members of his own Pietist circle and render his notions of accountability for sin exceptional in Jewish tradition.
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Morton, James. "Monastic Nomocanons I." In Byzantine Religious Law in Medieval Italy. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198861140.003.0006.

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Chapter 5 explores how, following the restoration of relative peace and stability after the Norman conquest, several newly founded and important Italo-Greek monasteries developed their own independent legal jurisdictions on their own property. The chapter argues that the Normans’ opposition to papal and episcopal interference created a laissez-faire atmosphere in which Italo-Greek monks could continue to follow Byzantine canon law. Many such monasteries enjoyed the patronage of the Norman nobility throughout the late eleventh and twelfth centuries. These monasteries were responsible for producing the majority of surviving nomocanons from medieval southern Italy. It divides them into two broad categories: the royal archimandritates (monastic federations) of Rossano and Messina; and lesser archimandritates and autodespotic (independent) monasteries such as SS Elias and Anastasios of Carbone and St Nicholas of Casole. It observes that the production of a monastic nomocanon was closely linked to a monastery’s acquisition of legal privileges from the kings of Sicily, indicating that they were produced to meet a practical legal need and not simply out of academic curiosity. Lastly, the chapter asks how Italo-Greek monks under Norman rule perceived their relationship to papal jurisdiction, using the examples of Bartholomew of Grottaferrata’s comments on papal legislation and Neilos Doxapatres’ work on the Order of the Patriarchal Thrones to show that they still felt themselves to be a part of the legal sphere of the Patriarchate of Constantinople.
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Ratiu, Pamela, Rareș Crăiuț, and Donald Sloan. "Transylvania Fest, An itinerant food and culture festival." In Food and Drink: the cultural context. Goodfellow Publishers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23912/978-1-908999-03-0-2331.

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Established in London in 1979 by Ion and Elizabeth Ratiu, the Ratiu Family Charitable Foundation initiates and supports educational and cultural projects across Transylvania. Ion Ratiu (1917 – 2000), the elected leader of the World Union of Free Romanians, was a journalist, broadcaster and author, as well as a successful businessman in shipping and property. After studying law and joining the army, he entered Romania’s Foreign Service, and his first posting was to London. He obtained political asylum in the UK after Romania’s alignment with the Axis powers – those who fought with Germany against the Allied Forces. After the communist regime came to power in 1947, Ratiu remained in exile in London, from where he became the most consistent voice of opposition to Nicolae Ceausescu. In 1990, after 50 years in the UK, he returned his homeland to contest the presidency. Despite widespread disappointment at his failure to secure power, there is no doubting his impact on political and cultural life in Romania. Transylvania Fest builds on Ion Ratiu’s legacy. Its aims are to empower Romanian citizens to shape a strong future, while also stimulating pride in their unique cultural heritage. By focusing on the traditional foods of Transylvania, albeit adapted for a contemporary audience, it promotes economic development that is inclusive and community-oriented, that respects the natural environment, and that is sustainable. Initially conceived as a means of attracting tourists to a region of Romania that still has relatively few visitors, it has grown to become the country’s most prominent food festival that now receives international press coverage and that enjoys the patronage of Her Royal Highness Crown Princess Margarita and of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales.
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"authority by female patrons. Patronage inevitably operated from a higher towards a lower rank in society. Only a woman of high social status could patronize a clergyman. The importance attached to exalted rank when it came to circumventing restrictions can be demonstrated by comparing any of these aristocrats with Hannah More, who just attained the lower ranks of the gentry. Although she achieved considerable moral authority through her own efforts, the opposition she faced was greater than anything Ladies Huntingdon or Glenorchy had to endure. The Blagdon controversy of 1800–3 was a serious challenge by a Church of England clergyman to More’s attempt to appoint her own schoolmaster within his parish on no authority but her own. It demonstrates the difficulty which a woman of lesser rank faced when she tried to exercise the kind of religious authority that Lady Glenorchy defended with such panache against the Edinburgh Presbytery." In The Rise of the Laity in Evangelical Protestantism. Routledge, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203166505-52.

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