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Journal articles on the topic 'Opposition patronale'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Hughes, Caroline. "Cambodia in 2008: Consolidation in the Midst of Crisis." Asian Survey 49, no. 1 (2009): 206–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.1.206.

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The Cambodian People's Party (CPP) consolidated legislative control with a decisive election victory in 2008. Four contributing factors are identified: CPP control of local authorities who can deliver the vote, its marginalization of the opposition, the mass patronage enabled by an economic boom, and exploitation of a border dispute with Thailand.

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Arriola, Leonardo R. "Capital and Opposition in Africa: Coalition Building in Multiethnic Societies." World Politics 65, no. 2 (2013): 233–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887113000051.

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Under what conditions can opposition politicians with ethnic constituencies form electoral coalitions? In Africa's patronage-based political systems, incumbents form coalitions by using state resources to secure the endorsement of politicians from other ethnic groups. Opposition politicians, however, must rely on private resources to do the same. This article presents a political economy theory to explain how the relative autonomy of business from state-controlled capital influences the formation of multiethnic opposition coalitions. It shows that the opposition is unlikely to coalesce across

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Goode, J. Paul. "Patriotism without Patriots? Perm΄-36 and Patriotic Legitimation in Russia." Slavic Review 79, no. 2 (2020): 390–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2020.89.

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This article examines the takeover of the Perm’-36 Gulag museum as emblematic of the dynamics of patriotic legitimation in Russia. The museum was dedicated to preserving the memory of the victims of Soviet political repression and it grew in popularity into the 2000s, emerging as an opposition platform and target for self-styled patriots who accused it of distorting Soviet history. The regional government soon joined the battle, finally forcing the museum's takeover and transforming it into a site honoring the Gulag rather than its victims. Drawing on interviews conducted with the museum's for

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Hein, Patrick. "The patterns of Chinese authoritarian patronage and implications for foreign policy: Lessons from Sri Lanka, Myanmar and Cambodia." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, no. 4 (2020): 385–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891119878517.

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This study compares Chinese autocracy promotion in Sri Lanka, Myanmar and Cambodia from the perspective of mass atrocities. Theory posits that foreign powers influence the thinking and behaviour of domestic elites through external incentives. It is the purpose of the article to identify the incentives that link Chinese foreign policy to repressive outcomes as they unintentionally and indirectly reinforce domestic ethno-nationalist narratives and therefore the likelihood and risk of mass atrocities. What are the implications? The so-called “black knight” is not as powerful as some scholars wish

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Hicken, Allen, and Netina Tan. "Factionalism in Southeast Asia: Types, Causes, and Effects." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 1 (2020): 187–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420925928.

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In this article we present an overview of the arguments contained in the articles of this special issue. We first catalogue the varieties or types of factionalism present across Southeast Asia—namely, programmatic, clientelistic, and personalist/charismatic. We then explore the question of why the degree and type of factionalism varies across countries, across time, and across parties. We first focus on differences between factionalism in governing and opposition parties, arguing that factionalism across dominant and opposition parties differs in terms of the origin, type, and effect. We find

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Bridges, Amy. "Creating Cultures of Reform." Studies in American Political Development 8, no. 1 (1994): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000031.

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Beginning in the late 1840s advocates of municipal reform in the United States campaigned to throw rascals out of public office, reconstruct the legal foundations of municipal government, and install regimes of at least modest virtue in place of local government's shameless vice. More profoundly, reformers hoped to replace municipal political cultures of partisanship and patronage with different values and expectations. In these efforts reformers met with the militant opposition of party leaders and their constituents; party leaders too had a vision of what local political life ought to be, an

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Selinger, William. "Patronage and Revolution: Edmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France and His Theory of Legislative Corruption." Review of Politics 76, no. 1 (2014): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670513000880.

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AbstractEdmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France is most famous and controversial for Burke's opposition to the philosophy behind the Revolution. This essay examines Burke's more practical criticisms of the French National Assembly which pervade the pamphlet, and shows their connection to his earlier arguments about corruption in the House of Commons. Burke's insight into the future course of the French Revolution is based in his distinctive approach to thinking about the pathologies of legislative assemblies, which he initially developed in the House of Commons, and later applie

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Mckinley, Dale T. "Democracy, Power and Patronage: Debate and Opposition within the African National Congress and the Tripartite Alliance since 1994." Democratization 8, no. 1 (2001): 183–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714000177.

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Fells, Ray. "Labour-Management Negotiation : Some Insights into Strategy and Language." Articles 55, no. 4 (2005): 583–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/051350ar.

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Les négociateurs tant du côté patronal que du côté syndical ont le choix d'adopter une stratégie d'opposition ou de solution de problèmes pour mettre fin à un litige, mais il se peut fort bien qu'ils aient à faire des concessions, et c'est là un processus qui est moins clairement compris. On peut s'attendre à ce que des négociateurs en situation d'opposition, par exemple, annoncent leur position, fournissent peu d'information et accompagnent le tout de menaces. Les négociateurs qui utilisent l'approche « solution de problèmes » vont aussi faire part de leurs besoins, mais en termes d'intérêts

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Reed, William Cyrus. "Protracted Patronage, Truncated Armed Struggle, and Political Consolidation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 1 (1998): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502789.

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Like many analyses of African politics, much of the criticism of Laurent Kabila, president of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC, formerly Zaire), examines his personal use of power. His policies as president reflect his track record as a “leader”—some would say a warlord—in the eastern part of the country who based his activities on smuggling and an occasional kidnapping. His policies as president include banning political activities, banishing prominent opposition leaders—such as Etienne Tshisekedi, who led the fight against Mobutu longer than anyone else—and detaining journalists who

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Teehankee, Julio Cabral, and Yuko Kasuya. "The 2019 midterm elections in the Philippines: Party system pathologies and Duterte’s populist mobilization." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, no. 1 (2019): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891119896425.

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The May 13, 2019 midterm elections were generally seen as a referendum on the first three years of the presidency of Rodrigo R Duterte. The elections tested and consolidated the political strength of Duterte as the country’s populist strongman president. Most of the national and local candidates he endorsed won their contests for the 18,066 national and local positions. The election also resulted in a victory for the administration’s nine senatorial candidates (out of 12 seats) and a majority of its governors, mayors, and local legislators. The results follow the historical patterns of midterm

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Levitsky, Steven R., and Lucan A. Way. "Beyond Patronage: Violent Struggle, Ruling Party Cohesion, and Authoritarian Durability." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 4 (2012): 869–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712002861.

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We explore the sources of durability of party-based authoritarian regimes in the face of crisis. Recent scholarship on authoritarianism suggests that ruling parties enhance elite cohesion—and consequently, regime durability—by providing institutionalized access the spoils of power. We argue, by contrast, that while elite access to power and spoils may ensure elite cooperation during normal times, it often fails to do so during crises. Instead, the identities, norms, and organizational structures forged during periods of sustained, violent, and ideologically-driven conflict are a critical sourc

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Bryce, George K., and Pran Manga. "The Effectiveness of Health and Safety Committees." Articles 40, no. 2 (2005): 257–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/050133ar.

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Dans tous les pays industrialises occidentaux, les reformes de la législation et des politiques gouvernementales ont commence à insister sur l'importance d'assurer la participation active des travailleurs à la planification et à la mise en œuvre de programmes et de politiques de santé et de sécurité aux lieux du travail. Les comites paritaires de santé et de sécurité au Canada sont devenus la manifestation la plus valable de la participation ouvrière à de tels programmes. Ces comités confèrent aux travailleurs et également aux employeurs une façon importante de collaborer à la prévention et à

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Glatthorn, Austin. "In the Name of the Emperor." Journal of Musicology 35, no. 1 (2018): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2018.35.1.1.

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In July 1786 Prince Carl Anselm of Thurn und Taxis concluded that he had no choice but to dissolve his Italian court opera. This owed in part to the success of the German theater, which had been established in 1784 to rival the Prince’s Hoftheater and contest his position as the Holy Roman Emperor’s representative to the Reichstag in Regensburg. New evidence challenges the prevailing view that the dissolution of the Taxis’s court opera marked the end of the family’s musical patronage and involvement in Regensburg’s cultural life. In the face of opposition from other Reichstag officials, the Th

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Chen, Dan. "REVIEW ESSAY: THE SAFETY VALVE ANALOGY IN CHINESE POLITICS." Journal of East Asian Studies 16, no. 2 (2016): 281–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2016.4.

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AbstractStudies on Chinese politics frequently utilize the safety valve analogy to describe various political decisions that allow space for feedback and challenges. Drawing upon these empirical studies and the theoretical literature on institution, authoritarianism, and democratization, this review essay delineates the logic of the safety valve strategy and how it fits into the scheme of prolonging authoritarian rule. It identifies the use of informal and temporary measures to appease aggrieved citizens as the central feature of the safety valve strategy, complementing formal means such as in

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Suberu, Rotimi T. "Strategies for Advancing Anticorruption Reform in Nigeria." Daedalus 147, no. 3 (2018): 184–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00510.

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A vast literature documenting the structural embeddedness, grotesque scale, and devastating consequences of political corruption in Nigeria threatens to overshadow the tenacity of the country's anti-corruption “wars,” the recent gains in controlling electoral corruption, the development of a robust national discourse about improving the effectiveness of anticorruption reform, and the crystallization of potentially viable legislative and constitutional reform agendas for promoting good governance. Especially remarkable was the 2015 election of opposition presidential candidate Muhammadu Buhari,

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Hagen, Joshua. "Shaping Public Opinion through Architecture and Urban Design: Perspectives on Ludwig I and His Building Program for a “New Munich”." Central European History 48, no. 1 (2015): 4–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938915000011.

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AbstractAs the sovereign of a newly fashioned kingdom facing uncertain prospects, King Ludwig I of Bavaria launched a sprawling building program to transform his capital city, Munich. Ludwig believed that the patronage of art and architecture would enhance his political authority and foster a sense of historical legitimacy in his kingdom. He regarded this building program as a way of expressing and impressing on the public his own views of politics, culture, and history, but the associated financial burden became a source of public discontent, a focal point for political opposition, and, ultim

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van Ham, Carolien, and Staffan I. Lindberg. "From Sticks to Carrots: Electoral Manipulation in Africa, 1986–2012." Government and Opposition 50, no. 3 (2015): 521–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.6.

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Over 90 per cent of the world’s states currently select their national leaders through multiparty elections. However, in Africa the quality of elections still varies widely, ranging from elections plagued by violence and fraud to elections that are relatively ‘free and fair’. Yet, little is known about trade-offs between different strategies of electoral manipulation and the differences between incumbent and opposition actors’ strategies. We theorize that choices for specific types of manipulation are driven by available resources and cost considerations for both incumbents and opposition acto

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Sun, Xin, Jiangnan Zhu, and Yiping Wu. "Organizational Clientelism: An Analysis of Private Entrepreneurs in Chinese Local Legislatures." Journal of East Asian Studies 14, no. 1 (2014): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800009565.

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Extant literature on authoritarian legislatures argues that dictators set up quasi-democratic institutions to co-opt opposition and attract investors. We argue that dictators also nurture clientelistic ties with social groups useful to their rule, a previously overlooked function of authoritarian legislatures. Drawing on the case of Chinese local legislatures—namely, the local People's Congress and the local People's Political Consultative Conference—we find that Chinese local governments use these institutions to channel patronage to and gain political support from the private sector. Field i

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Hunter, Wendy. "The Normalization of an Anomaly: The Workers' Party in Brazil." World Politics 59, no. 3 (2007): 440–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100020888.

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Drawing on historical and rational choice institutionalism, this article seeks to explain the evolution of the Workers' Party as it moved from opposition to government between 1989 and 2002. The Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), a once radical and programmatic party, came to look more like its catchall competitors over time. This shift resulted from the heightened emphasis placed on immediate vote maximization after Brazil's adoption of market reforms rendered the party's socialist project unviable. Vote maximization made the PT more susceptible to the institutional incentives for building elect

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Jenkins, Philip. "Party Conflict and Political Stability in Monmouthshire, 1690–1740." Historical Journal 29, no. 3 (1986): 557–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00018914.

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In the 1960s Professor Plumb discussedThe growth of political stability in England 1675–1725. In the seventeenth century, he noted, party violence and political conflict were frequent events, resulting in open civil war in the 1640s and several perilous crises in later years. Stability (he argued) developed from the 1720s by means of the ubiquitous use of political patronage by the Whig government, and Sir Robert Walpole's judicious ability to avoid too many controversies that stirred political passions. The government simply offered too many tempting jobs and places for any but the staunchest

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Way, Lucan A. "Rapacious individualism and political competition in Ukraine, 1992—2004." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38, no. 2 (2005): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2005.03.004.

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This article examines one reason for the failure of full-scale authoritarianism in Ukraine, 1992e2004. The monopolization of political control in Ukraine was partially thwarted by the disorganization of Ukraine’s ex-nomenklatura elite that dominated the country after the Cold War. Elite Ukrainian politics in the 1990s can best be understood as an example of ‘‘rapacious individualism.’’ This term was used by Martin Shefter to describe pre-machine New York city politics in the 19th century, dominated by a non-ideological and unstructured competition for power and rents. Rapacious individualism i

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Moxham, Noah. "Edward Tyson's Phocaena : a case study in the institutional context of scientific publishing." Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 66, no. 3 (2012): 235–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2012.0014.

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This article argues that the prefatory essay to Edward Tyson's 1680 pamphlet Phocaena deliberately sets in opposition English and French institutional models of scientific investigation and publication. Tyson took account of Mémoires pour Servir à l'Histoire Naturelle des Animaux , produced by the Académie Royale des Sciences in Paris, which was implicitly contrasted with Tyson's own investigations and his plans to extend them. Tyson used the contrast both to frame the Royal Society in terms of an ideal of open collaboration and as a means of demonstrating his independence of action. I suggest

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Fulford, Tim. "The Role of Patronage in early nineteenth-century science, as evidenced in letters from Humphry Davy to Joseph Banks." Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 73, no. 4 (2019): 457–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2018.0057.

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The recently published Collected edition of Davy's letters throws new light on the importance and modus operandi of Banksian patronage as a means of organizing and promoting science. It demonstrates how dependent on, and manipulative of, Banks's favour Davy's careerism was, despite his later fame as an original genius. Here, I select from the edition some examples that offer new perspectives on how the patronage relationship worked—how Davy fashioned himself to be patronized, as well as how Banks operated as patron. Discussing Davy's activities at the Royal Institution, at the Royal Society an

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Friesinger, Julian. "Patronage, Repression, and Co-Optation: Bobi Wine and the Political Economy of Activist Musicians in Uganda." Africa Spectrum 56, no. 2 (2021): 127–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00020397211025986.

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In recent decades, musicians have figured prominently on Africa’s political stage. Popular Ugandan musician Bobi Wine moved beyond protest singer and ventured into politics by entering parliament in 2017 and challenging long-term President Yoweri Museveni at the presidential polls in 2021. To push for social change, Wine created the People Power movement and built an alliance with fellow musicians. This article studies Wine’s movement and his alliance with musicians by taking a political economy approach. I posit that the political activism of musicians reaches its limits when a sitting govern

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Fearon, James D. "State Failure and Challenges to Democratization in Africa." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 2 (2009): 361–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759270922086x.

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When Things Fell Apart manages to be wonderfully concise but still compelling. The thing Robert Bates seeks to explain is the secular trend in sub-Saharan Africa toward civil war, although he often characterizes this in broader terms, as a trend toward “political conflict” or “political disorder.” He explains the trend as follows: Public revenues fell in the 1970s and 1980s as a result of commodity price declines, effects of the second oil shock, and bad economic policy choices that overtaxed farmers so that politicians could dispense patronage to smaller, politically more important urban cons

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Salam, Abd. "Sejarah dan Dinamika Sosial Fiqih Reformis dan Fiqih Tradisionalis di Indonesia." ISLAMICA: Jurnal Studi Keislaman 4, no. 1 (2014): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/islamica.2009.4.1.49-64.

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<p>This paper is aimed at describing the history and the social dynamics of the reformist and traditionalist fiqh in Indonesia. It first tries to show that since the 13<sup>th</sup> century Islam in Indonesia has largely been Sufi-oriented. It was only fairly recently that Islam in this country came into contact with figh especially after the return of Indonesian students from the Middle East toward the end of the 19th century. The puritan and reformist movements that prevailed in the Middle East at the time especially those under the patronage of Muhammad Abdul Wahhab and Ja

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Kandeh, Jimmy D. "Sierra Leone's post-conflict elections of 2002." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 2 (2003): 189–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x03004221.

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The landslide victory by the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) in the 2002 elections was due not to any ideological or policy differences with opposition parties, but to the perception among a plurality of voters that the party delivered on its promise to end the war and therefore deserved re-election. The elections were in effect a referendum on the incumbent president and his ruling SLPP, with voters overwhelmingly concluding that Ahmad Tejan Kabba, the SLPP leader, was preferable to the legion of certified scoundrels seeking to replace him. Signs of the All Peoples Congress (APC), the part

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Budaev, B., and T. Badmatsyrenov. "Political parties of the “new” subjects of the Far Eastern Federal District on the eve of the start of a new electoral cycle." Transbaikal State University Journal 27, no. 2 (2021): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2021-27-2-83-96.

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The article examines the main features of the development of regional party systems in the Republic of Buryatia and the Transbaikal Territory. The authors’ attention is drawn to the conditions for the development of the political system of these regions on the eve of their entry into the Far Eastern Federal District. From the point of view of the authors, the process of transition of the Republic of Buryatia and the Transbaikal Territory was determined not only by the desire to increase the number of residents of the Far Eastern Federal District, but also by the desire to reverse the deteriora

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Sobari, Wawan. "Reckoning Informal Politics: Expands the Logic of Survival and Failure of Regional Heads." Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 3, no. 1 (2018): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jpi.v3i1.12522.

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<p align="left">The qualitative research addresses the political logic of why and how the incumbents succeed and fail in direct election for regional heads (pilkada) in emerging democratic Indonesia. De Mesquita et al. (2003) believe that, to survive in office, a leader needs to offer a benefit at least equal to the greatest possible benefit offered by a potential challenger. Particular to the pilkada cases in Indonesia, Erb and Sulistiyanto (2009) elaborate several factors connected to “reward and punishment” logic that may lead to the incumbents’ survival and failure in re-election bid

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Silva, Ana Rosa Cloclet da, and Thaís da Rocha Carvalho. "Ultramountanism and Protestantism in the Regency period: an analyzes of priests Perereca and Tilbury critics of the Methodist mission in Brazil." Almanack, no. 15 (April 2017): 106–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2236-463320171505.

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Abstract: Under the royalist model - which perpetuated the right of patronage and the Catholicism condition as the official religion of the Brazilian Empire - the clergy and laity who entered the new constitutional phase, occupying a prominent place in the representative sphere, discussed plural issues, including the theme of ""religious freedom", differently treated by representatives of the regalist and ultra-mountain Catholicism. Considering the historicity behaved for appropriation of the doctrines and the institutionalized practices that structure the religious field, this article analyze

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Pakulski, Jan. "Putin’s Elite and the Legacies of Soviet Quasi-Modernisation in Contemporary Russia." Transcultural Studies 9, no. 1 (2013): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23751606-00901004.

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In spite of its rich energy resources and strategic location, and in spite of the declared commitment to further liberal reforms by politi-cal leaders, Russia seems to be experiencing some transition and de-velopmental problems. Economic growth is uneven and relatively slow (compared with other BRICS and oil/gas exporters). The Russian state remains centralistic, controlling, corrupt and inert. Russian politics is undergoing a retrogressive ‘authoritarian turn’ accompanied by a tightening of control over the media. The political competition for the top political offices is so skewed, the oppos

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Loh, Kah Seng. "Emergencities." Asian Journal of Social Science 44, no. 6 (2016): 684–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04406004.

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Western planning experts, beginning with the United Nations Mission of Experts on Tropical Housing in 1950–1951, undertook major interventions in what they described as a zone of urban crisis across Southeast Asia after the Second World War. In various ‘emergencities’, allegedly threatened by expanding squatter settlements, the experts proposed robust and immediate state action to organise a comprehensive regime of planning to replace the unauthorised areas with regulated housing. Yet, despite its scientific appearance, the planning expertise constituted a political project that sought to tran

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Rolska, Irena. "Ferula świętego papieża Pawła VI – innowacja i symbol tradycji." Roczniki Humanistyczne 68, no. 4 Zeszyt specjalny (2020): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh20684-5s.

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Among the topics of the Second Vatican Council were issues related to art. Pope Paul VI wanted contemporary art to open up to a new post-Conciliar era in the history of the Church. Artistic events and the works of modern art themselves, under the patronage of the Pope, in conservative environments, provoked discussions on contemporary religious art, and even the lack of consent for artists to depart from accepted canons of art. Perhaps the greatest opposition of conservatives was caused by the papal ferula, a centuries-old sign of the pope’s religious authority given by God. Paul VI ordered a

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Ufen, Andreas. "Clientelist and Programmatic Factionalism Within Malaysian Political Parties." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 1 (2020): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420916047.

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This article analyses factionalism within ruling and opposition parties in Malaysia, with a focus on party splits and/or the toppling or near-toppling of dominant factions at the national level. Political parties are either composed of clientelist or programmatic factions or represent hybrids that combine clientelist and programmatic factionalism. The strength and the type of factionalism depend upon policy space and the intensity of control over party groups. Programmatic factionalism is more probable if policy space is wide. Policy space is an effect of the positioning (relatively dependent

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Dorje, Rinchen. "Establishing Lineage Legitimacy and Building Labrang Monastery as “the Source of Dharma”: Jikmed Wangpo (1728–1791) Taking the Helm." Religions 12, no. 7 (2021): 491. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12070491.

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The eighteenth century witnessed the continuity of Geluk growth in Amdo from the preceding century. Geluk inspiration and legacy from Central Tibet and the accompanying political patronage emanating from the Manchus, Mongols, and local Tibetans figured prominently as the engine behind the Geluk influence that swept Amdo. The Geluk rise in the region resulted from contributions made by native Geluk Buddhists. Amdo native monks are, however, rarely treated with as much attention as they deserve for cultivating extensive networks of intellectual transmission, reorienting and shaping the school’s

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Mackintosh, Alan. "Warfare and the launch of medical reform in Britain, 1793–1811." Medical History 65, no. 3 (2021): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2021.18.

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AbstractUntil the beginning of the nineteenth century, registering and regulating the training of any medical practitioners in Britain had rarely been attempted, unlike in many other European countries. During the Revolutionary War with France, fevers swept through British armies, leading to numerous fatalities and crushing military defeats, especially in the disastrous expedition to St Domingo. The problem, as forcibly advocated by Robert Jackson, the leading expert on military fevers, seemed to be poor medical care due to both lack of compulsory medical training and the unsuitability of what

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LEWTHWAITE, STEPHANIE. "Reworking the Spanish Colonial Paradigm: Mestizaje and Spirituality in Contemporary New Mexican Art." Journal of American Studies 47, no. 2 (2013): 339–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187581300011x.

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During the early 1900s, Anglo-Americans in search of an indigenous modernism found inspiration in the Hispano and Native American arts of New Mexico. The elevation of Spanish colonial-style art through associations such as the Anglo-led Spanish Colonial Arts Society (SCAS, 1925) placed Hispano aesthetic production within the realm of tradition, as the product of geographic and cultural isolation rather than innovation. The revival of the SCAS in 1952 and Spanish Market in 1965 helped perpetuate the view of Hispanos either as “traditional” artists who replicate an “authentic” Spanish colonial s

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Malawski, Seweryn. "The style of ‘regular irregularities’ – rococo gardens and their reception in Polish garden art of the 18th century." Roczniki Humanistyczne 67, no. 4 (2019): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh.2019.67.4-3.

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The stylish difference of the Rococo in the garden art is still the topic of the researchers’ discussion. The Rococo, which was in opposition to the formal and rhetorical art of the Baroque, brought a new value to the eighteenth-century gardens. This value was expressed primarily in the elements of the composition, asymmetry, irregularity, wavy line, fragmentation of form and ornamentation, as well as in relation to nature and specific mood.France is considered to be the fatherland of the Rococo style, from where this new, light style has spread to other European countries. The dissemination o

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Dönninghaus, V. "“We are not so Fuzzy to Build Riots and Rebellion...”: Attempt of Massive Exemption of German Population from the USSR to Canada in 1929." Problems of World History, no. 11 (March 26, 2020): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-11-4.

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The mass exodus of German peasants to Moscow in 1929 attracted international attention to the plight of Soviet Germans. The unexpectedly stubborn resistance of the German rural population to the policy of socialist transformations, his desire to leave the USSR for Canada, accompanied by appropriate calls for the West, reinforced the regime’s distrust of “disloyal” nationalities. As relations between the USSR and Germany worsened, prejudice grew in Moscow against the Germans as an extremely reactionary group of people that discredited the Soviet system in the eyes of the world community. The Po

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Ashcheulova, Irina V. "Diary as a Mystification of Reality in Vladimir Sharov’s Novels." Tekst. Kniga. Knigoizdanie, no. 23 (2020): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/23062061/23/3.

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In Vladimir Sharov’s novels, the text structure of the narrative is of crucial importance. The text structures of Sharov’s novels are diverse: letters, diaries, archives, notes, treatises, dissertations, etc. Sharov consciously chooses the diary as a form of narration, as a stylisation of the document of one’s personal presence in history. The diary allows Sharov to reveal the characters’ psychology, to identify their attitude to reality, its perception, and image. The article analyses the form of the diary in the novels The Rehearsals (1992), The Old Girl (1998), Raising Lazarus (2003). In Th

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Armesto, Alejandra, and Juan C. Olmeda. "Oposición legislativa y patronazgo político. Gasto en empleo público de los estados en México, 2001-2012." región y sociedad 30, no. 71 (2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.22198/rys.2018.71.a773.

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En el artículo se argumenta que el patronazgo político depende de la fuerza de negociación de la oposición en el Congreso. Esta hipótesis se pone a prueba a través del análisis del gasto público en salarios de los gobiernos estatales en México. Se combina información estadística sobre el salario del sector público por habitante para el periodo 2001-2012, con datos de la encuesta a expertos en política estatal en México, que considera la fortaleza e influencia de la oposición en las legislaturas estatales. El análisis especifica modelos jerárquicos lineales, y muestra que el nivel de patronazgo

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Oliveros, Virginia. "Working for the Machine: Patronage Jobs and Political Services in Argentina." Comparative Politics, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041521x15974977783469.

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Conventional wisdom posits that patronage jobs are distributed to supporters in exchange for political services. But why would public employees comply with the agreement and provide political services after receiving the job? Departing from existing explanations, I argue that patronage employees engage in political activities because their jobs are tied to their patrons’ political survival. Supporters’ jobs will be maintained by the incumbent, but not by the opposition. Supporters, then, have incentives to help the incumbent, which makes their original commitment to provide political services

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Malan, Gert J. "The kingdom of God: Utopian or existential?" HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 70, no. 3 (2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v70i3.2109.

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The kingdom of God was a central theme in Jesus’ vision. Was it meant to be understood as utopian as Mary Ann Beavis views it, or existential? In 1st century CE Palestine, kingdom of God was a political term meaning theocracy suggesting God’s patronage. Jesus used the term metaphorically to construct a new symbolic universe to legitimate a radical new way of living with God in opposition to the temple ideology of exclusivist covenantal nomism. The analogies of father and king served as the root metaphors for this symbolic universe. They are existential root metaphors underpinning the contextua

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REED, Steven R. "Patronage and Predominance: How the LDP Maintains Its Hold on Power." Social Science Japan Journal, August 25, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ssjj/jyab033.

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Abstract The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) held power from 1955 until 1993. How did it manage to do so? In 1994 a political reform resulted in competitive elections but, starting in 2012, the LDP regained its predominant position, winning three consecutive landslide victories. How did it manage to do this even after the reform? In this paper I argue that a system of ‘party-organization patronage’, in which the patron is the LDP and the client is an interest group organization, played a significant role in maintaining LDP predominance in both periods. I further argue that the key to explaining

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Malik, Rabia. "(A)Political Constituency Development Funds: Evidence from Pakistan." British Journal of Political Science, December 13, 2019, 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123419000541.

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Most of the distributive politics literature focuses on how incumbent politicians allocate development resources in the absence of spending rules, and on the politicization of rules when they do determine distribution. What is less clear is whether politically neutral spending rules lead to neutral spending. Using new data on a long-running federal development fund and elections from Pakistan in a regression discontinuity design, the author presents strong evidence that the ruling party manipulated fund distribution to disproportionately benefit its co-partisans and punish the weakest oppositi

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Van Eck, Ernest. "When patrons are not patrons: A social-scientific reading of the rich man and Lazarus (Lk 16:19–26)." HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 65, no. 1 (2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v65i1.309.

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This article presents a social-scientific interpretation of the parable of the rich man and Lazarus. Attention is first given to the history of the interpretation of the parable and to the integrity and authenticity of this interpretation. A social-scientific reading of the parable is then presented in terms of the strategy and the situation of the parable. In terms of the latter, the parable is read against the backdrop of an advanced agrarian (aristocratic) society in which patronage and clientism played an important role. Regarding the parable’s strategy, it is argued that the different opp

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Rodríguez-Trenas, Fernando. "Las rectorías parroquiales en la ciudad de Córdoba durante el Antiguo Régimen: acercamiento a la cuestión." Historia y Genealogía, May 18, 2021, 273–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/hyg.v0i0.1185.

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ResumenSi poco estudiado ha sido el estrato más bajo del clero en la ciudad de Córdoba, el pequeño núcleo que formaban los rectores parroquiales aún menos. Estas rectorías, de importancia supina para la labor pastoral y la administración de sacramentos, parecen no tener una forma definida durante la época moderna en Córdoba. La cuestión de su definición es el objeto de este artículo, para lo que se han consultado las constituciones sinodales de la diócesis, así como diversa información de archivo. Su carácter beneficial o no, así como la concesión de la cura animarum centran el debate. La adap

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Omobowale, Ayokunle Olumuyiwa. "The Political Instrumentalization of Violence in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: The Case of Ibadan." Nigerian Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 6, no. 1 (2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/njsa/8002/60(0101).

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From May 29 1999, Nigeria joined the comity of ‘democratic’ nations once again, with the commencement of the Fourth Republic. Whereas, democracy is expected to be a platform for order, fairplay, justice, equality, the protection of human rights, etc., Nigeria’s democracy has, however, not been devoid of violence, which invariably seemingly negates its very essence. Focusing on happenings during the 2007 general elections, the paper investigates the political instrumentalization of violence in Ibadan, Nigeria. Both secondary and primary data were collected for the study through the review of re

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Melleuish, Greg. "Of 'Rage of Party' and the Coming of Civility." M/C Journal 22, no. 1 (2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1492.

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There is a disparity between expectations that the members of a community will work together for the common good — and the stark reality that human beings form into groups, or parties, to engage in conflict with each other. This is particularly the case in so-called popular governments that include some wider political involvement by the people. In ancient Greece stasis, or endemic conflict between the democratic and oligarchic elements of a city was very common. Likewise, the late Roman Republic maintained a division between the populares and the optimates. In both cases there was violence as

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