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Journal articles on the topic 'Opposition whip'

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Published: 26 July 2024
Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Harahap, Asriani Zuriah, Yulianus Harefa, and M. Syafie’ie Siregar. "VIRTUAL DEBATE IN EFL CLASSROOM: IMPACTS ON THE STUDENTS’ SPEAKING SKILL." ELP (Journal of English Language Pedagogy) 6, no. 2 (2021): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.36665/elp.v6i2.410.

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The main objective of this study was to describe the implementation of virtual debate in teaching speaking and to identify students’ speaking skill improvement after being taught by using virtual debate. To achieve the objective of the study, a qualitative descriptive method was used. The data was gathered through debate speeches given by eight debaters from SMA Muhammadiyah 9 Kualuh Hulu. It includes the Opening Government team (Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister), the Opening Opposition team (Leader of the Opposition and Deputy Leader of the Opposition), Closing Government (Government
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2

Brentford, Viscount. "In Favour of Keeping Sunday “Special”." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 2, no. 6 (1990): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x0000079x.

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When the Shops Bill was defeated at its Second Reading in the House of Commons in the early hours of 15 April 1986, Mrs Thatcher is believed to have said that a “mercy killing” had been performed. The Bill had run into considerable difficulty under a weight of public opposition, coming at the time of some disarray in the Government, following the Westland and Leyland controversies and the resignation of two Cabinet Ministers. It was only the second time since 1924 that a Government Bill had been defeated at Second Reading, and was caused by 72 Government backbenchers defying a three-line whip
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3

Ching, Leo. "Champion of Justice: How Asian Heroes Saved Japanese Imperialism." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 126, no. 3 (2011): 644–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2011.126.3.644.

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With a catchy theme song and exotic scenery from the South, Kaiketsu Harimao (“Fast Thief Harimao”) made its debut in Japan on 5 April 1960. The first domestically produced television movie broadcast in color and the first to have locations overseas (notably in Angkor Wat), Harimao ran until June 1961, with a total of sixty-five episodes. Harimao opens with a procession of native men—their nativeness marked by their sarongs and painted dark skin—walking warily along the beach. They are vigilantly guarded by British soldiers with guns and whips to enforce the march. The opening scene not only e
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Orozova, A. K. "Phraseological units with the semantics of “evil” in Russian and Kyrgyz languages." Neophilology 11, no. 1 (2025): 183–93. https://doi.org/10.20310/2587-6953-2025-11-1-183-193.

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INTRODUCTION. The basic ethical idea of evil, which comes into opposition with good, is noted in human communities in different historical eras and in different cultures, which is reflected in such a linguistic unit as phraseology, which takes place in the vocabulary of a native speaker of any language. The purpose of the study is to present the results of a comparative analysis of Russian and Kyrgyz phraseological units with semantics of “evil”, to reveal the national and cultural specifics of the concept “evil” as an ethnically significant idea of the moral character of a person.MATERIALS AN
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THOMPSON, ANDREW C. "POPERY, POLITICS, AND PRIVATE JUDGEMENT IN EARLY HANOVERIAN BRITAIN." Historical Journal 45, no. 2 (2002): 333–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002418.

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This article analyses two dissenting periodicals, the Occasional Paper and the Old Whig. It argues that these periodicals provide an opportunity to reconsider the current priorities in the historiography of eighteenth-century political thought and religious history. Having considered the contexts from which the periodicals emerged and the importance of a perceived growth in catholic proselytizing in the 1730s, it analyses the importance of ‘popery’ in religious and political discourse. Taken together, popery and private judgement provided the parameters to descibe what was termed ‘consistent p
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Kovaleva, Olga Alexandrovna, Vladimir Pavlovich Podolnikov, and Ekaterina Evgenievna Voloshina. "Regency Crisis and the Whig Opposition in Britain 1788-1789." UNIVERSITY NEWS. NORTH-CAUCASIAN REGION. SOCIAL SCIENCES SERIES, no. 3 (2016): 36–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/0321-3056-2016-3-36-41.

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7

Carpenter, Daniel, and Benjamin Schneer. "Party Formation through Petitions: The Whigs and the Bank War of 1832–1834." Studies in American Political Development 29, no. 2 (2015): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x15000073.

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When President Andrew Jackson removed the public deposits from the Bank of the United States, he set off an economic and political crisis from which, scholars agree, the Whig Party emerged. We argue that petitioning in response to removal of the deposits shaped the emergence of the Whig Party, crystallizing a new line of Jacksonian opposition and dispensing with older lines of National Republican rhetoric and organization. Where petitioning against removal of the deposits was higher, the Whigs were more likely to emerge with organization and votes in the coming years. We test this implication
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8

SKJÖNSBERG, MAX. "LORD BOLINGBROKE'S THEORY OF PARTY AND OPPOSITION." Historical Journal 59, no. 4 (2016): 947–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000485.

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ABSTRACTBolingbroke has been overlooked by intellectual historians in the last few decades, at least in comparison with ‘canonical’ thinkers. This article examines one of the most important but disputable aspects of his political thought: his views on political parties and his theory of opposition. It aims to demonstrate that Bolingbroke's views on party have been misunderstood and that it is possible to think of him as an advocate of political parties rather than the ‘anti-party’ writer he is commonly known as. It has been suggested that Bolingbroke prescribed a state without political partie
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9

WIGELSWORTH, JEFFREY R. "Bipartisan politics and practical knowledge: advertising of public science in two London newspapers, 1695–1720." British Journal for the History of Science 41, no. 4 (2008): 517–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087408001222.

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AbstractThis article explores the enticement of consumers for natural philosophy (buyers of books, audiences at public lectures and purchasers of instruments) in London between 1695 and 1720 through advertisements placed in two political newspapers. This twenty-five-year period witnessed both the birth of public science and the rage of party politics. A consideration of public science adverts within the Whig-leaning Post Man and the Tory-leaning Post Boy reveals that members of both the Whig and Tory parties were equally targeted and that natural philosophy was sold to London's reading populat
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10

Black, Jeremy. "AN UNDERRATED JOURNALIST: NATHANIEL MIST AND THE OPPOSITION PRESS DURING THE WHIG ASCENDENCY*." Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 10, no. 1 (2008): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-0208.1987.tb00003.x.

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Hemminki, Elina. "Opposition to unpopular research results: Finnish professional reactions to the WHI findings." Health Policy 69, no. 3 (2004): 283–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.healthpol.2003.12.019.

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12

Kolmakov, M. A. "BRITISH PRIME MINISTER FIGHT ROBERT WALPOLE WITH THE OPPOSITION IN THE 20S OF THE XVIII CENTURY." Vestnik Bryanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 07, no. 02 (2023): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22281/2413-9912-2023-07-02-79-90.

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Robert Walpole was first elected to Parliament in 1701. At the beginning of his political career he worked in many parliamentary committees. In 1721 Walpole becomes the first Prime Minister of Great Britain. During the remainder of George I's reign, Walpole's influence steadily increased in the upper echelons of power. At this time, the principles of Walpole's interaction with the British crown, parliament and government were laid as part of the internal political struggle. The politician gradually consolidates his power at the government level, developing a new internal model of the state str
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Middleton, Alex. "Conservative politics and Whig colonial government, 1830–41." Historical Research 94, no. 265 (2021): 532–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htab008.

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Abstract This article explores Conservative critiques of Whig colonial rule in the 1830s. Its case is that imperial administrative and constitutional issues occupied a more prominent place in the Tories’ politics of opposition during the ‘decade of Reform’ than historians have assumed. Conservative writers and politicians styled themselves as vigorous defenders of imperial integrity, colonial constitutions, and the colonial church, against the incoherent centralizing and liberalizing innovations of the Whigs. These arguments rested on wider assumptions about the inherent failings of Whiggism,
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Burge, Daniel J. "George D. Prentice and the Whig Sense of Humor." Studies in American Humor 8, no. 1 (2022): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/studamerhumor.8.1.0095.

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ABSTRACT Scholars have recently begun reexamining the Whig Party, paying particular attention to how the party gained adherents and challenged Andrew Jackson and his acolytes. Yet few scholars have focused attention on the Whig sense of humor. Typically portrayed as more uptight than their rambunctious Democratic counterparts, Whigs were seemingly unable to find humor in a burgeoning democratic society. This article challenges that traditional portrait by examining George D. Prentice, the long-serving editor of the Louisville Journal. Although largely forgotten as a humorist, Prentice gained a
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15

Bourke, Richard. "What is conservatism? History, ideology and party." European Journal of Political Theory 17, no. 4 (2018): 449–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885118782384.

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Is there a political philosophy of conservatism? A history of the phenomenon written along sceptical lines casts doubt on the existence of a transhistorical doctrine, or even an enduring conservative outlook. The main typologies of conservatism uniformly trace its origins to opposition to the French Revolution. Accordingly, Edmund Burke is standardly singled out as the ‘father’ of this style of politics. Yet Burke was de facto an opposition Whig who devoted his career to assorted programmes of reform. In restoring Burke to his original milieu, the argument presented here takes issue with 20th-
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16

Dayneko, Ilya V. "Charles James Fox and British Eastern Policy during the Russian-Turkish War (1787-1791)." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 3 (219) (September 25, 2023): 71–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2023-3-71-77.

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The article analyzes the role of Charles James Fox in British foreign policy during the Russian-Turkish war of 1787-1791. The position of Whig head towards Russian Empire from 1783 is considered. The author notes that Fox has been in close contact with representatives of Russian elite since the end of the American War for Independence. It is pointed out that the Russian-Turkish conflict of 1787-1791 led to diplomatic confrontation between Russia and England in 1791, called Ochakov crisis. The article focuses on the peacemaking role of the Whig party and its leader, Charles James Fox, in resolv
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17

Herman, Neil. "Henry Grattan, the Regency Crisis and the emergence of a Whig party in Ireland, 1788–9." Irish Historical Studies 32, no. 128 (2001): 478–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015224.

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The Regency Crisis that proceeded from the apparent insanity of George III in October 1788 has a twofold importance in Irish political history. In an Anglo-Irish context, it can be argued that this episode crucially accelerated the hardening of British opinion in support of a political union with Ireland, and therefore marked a stage in the long ‘prelude to union’. But the Regency Crisis was also significant in purely domestic terms. Its consequences for the development of Irish parliamentary politics form the central concern of this article, the primary object of which is to analyse the cours
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18

Bendler, Bruce A. "Isaiah D. Clawson: A Salem County Politician in a Time of Transformation." New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 9, no. 2 (2023): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/njs.v9i2.325.

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Isaiah D. Clawson was a physician and politician from Salem County in the antebellum era. He first affiliated with the Whig Party. When that party disintegrated in the mid-1850s, Clawson sought the support of the American (Know-Nothing) Party before affiliating with the more enduring Republican Party. Clawson's political maneuvers when he ran for, and was elected to, the U.S. House of Representatives in 1854 and 1856 revealed the political options open to Whigs as their party faded from the political scene. In the context of New Jersey politics, where the American Party endured longer than els
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19

Brunton, Anna. "‘Still may these Attic Glories Reign’: How Eighteenth-Century Whig Taste was Shaped by a Political Metaphor." Cultural History 11, no. 1 (2022): 94–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2022.0256.

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According to the cultural historian Peter Burke, cultural history concentrates on the ‘symbolic element in all human activities’. Building on Burke's remark, this essay examines how a particular set of metaphorical ideas shaped new approaches to material and visual culture in the eighteenth-century. The analysis applies a methodologically innovative approach, that of conceptual metaphor theory. This approach is generally used to analyse the hidden ideology found in contemporary political discourse, which finds that the use of similar metaphors by an ‘in’ group not only reinforces their own ide
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20

Kaunas, Domas. "Lithuanian Postcard in the struggle against Imperial Russia." Knygotyra 79 (December 30, 2022): 71–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/knygotyra.2022.79.121.

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The article is devoted to a peculiar episode of the struggle of Lithuanians against the policy of persecution based on nationality which was pursued by Imperial Russia between 1864 and 1904. Its participants were representatives of the parts of the Lithuanian nation separated by the border between Germany and the Russian Empire – Martynas Jankus (1858–1946), a German citizen, a Lithuanian of East Prussia, the owner of a printing office in Tilsit (Lith. Tilžė, currently Sovetsk, a town in Kaliningrad Oblast, the Russian Federation) and a group of Lithuanian young people who were operating illeg
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21

Stryer, Steven. "Burke's Vehemence and the Rhetoric of Historical Exaggeration." Rhetorica 30, no. 2 (2012): 176–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2012.30.2.176.

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This article seeks to explain Edmund Burke's notorious verbal vehemence as the consequence of a deliberate rhetorical strategy. I argue that over the course of a thirty-year parliamentary career, Burke relied on sharply formulated historical contrasts in order to express his opposition to the policies of successive ministries and warn of threats to the nation's defining achievements. Through the use of four distinct syntactical patterns, Burke cultivated a style of hyperbole which exaggerated both the failings of the present and the virtues of the national past, focusing on two periods in part
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22

Zook, Melinda. "Early Whig Ideology, Ancient Constitutionalism, and the Reverend Samuel Johnson." Journal of British Studies 32, no. 2 (1993): 139–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386026.

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In 1833, Samuel Taylor Coleridge wrote, “I do not know where I could put my hand upon a book containing so much sense with sound constitutional doctrine as this thin folio of Johnson's works.” The “Johnson” to whom Coleridge referred was not the celebrated Doctor Samuel Johnson of the eighteenth century but instead the late seventeenth-century Whig clergyman, the Reverend Samuel Johnson. Reverend Johnson's single volume of complete works impressed Coleridge; he scribbled laudatory remarks throughout the margins of a 1710 edition. Coleridge admired the directness of Johnson's style and his pers
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23

Kevin, Derby. "Transactional Leadership at the Start of Transformative Times: John J. Zubly's Opposition to the Stamp Act in Georgia." ISRG Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies (ISRGJMS) III, no. IV (2025): 6–11. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15165469.

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<strong><em>Aim:</em></strong><em> This study examines John J. Zubly&rsquo;s views on leadership by looking at his sermon on the repeal of the Stamp Act. </em> <strong><em>Methods:</em></strong><em> The study draws on primary and secondary sources, including James MacGregor Burns&rsquo; theories on transformational and transactional leadership, to explore Zubly&rsquo;s thinking. </em> <strong><em>Results:</em></strong><em> Like many other prominent Whig-Loyalists, Zubly remained torn between his support for more liberty for the colonies, his desire for order, and his allegiance to Great Britai
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Grampp, William D. "How Britain Turned to Free Trade." Business History Review 61, no. 1 (1987): 86–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3115775.

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British free trade has been variously attributed to the importuning of business interests, to the advanced state of manufacturing, to politicians acting on improper or unworthy motives, or to imperialism. Professor Grampp examines a critical event in the history of free trade: Parliament's declaration in 1820 that future commercial policy should be guided by that principle. By 1850, all major restrictions had been abolished. The decision of 1820, according to Thomas Tooke, a principal in the event, was made by the Tory Government with the concurrence of the Whig Opposition, both of which had c
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ZBORAY, RONALD J., and MARY SARACINO ZBORAY. "Gender Slurs in Boston's Partisan Press During the 1840s." Journal of American Studies 34, no. 3 (2000): 413–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875851006450.

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During the height of the 1840 presidential campaign season, the Democratic editor, Charles Gordon Greene, printed in his Boston Morning Post the following lampoon of the September 10 Bunker Hill Whig Convention: “ ‘Madam, I am astonished that you do not wave your handkerchief; I thought that the women were all whigs,’ said a gentleman to a lady while the procession was passing by them on Thursday. ‘You are mistaken, sir,’ was the answer – ‘the whigs are all women.’ ” Greene efficiently slung this partisan mud at the 80,000 men and women who demonstrated their support for the Whigs at the gathe
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HANHAM, ANDREW. "Early Whig Opposition to the Walpole Administration: The Evidence of Francis Gwyn's Division List on the Wells Election Case, 1723*." Parliamentary History 15, no. 3 (2008): 333–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.1996.tb00334.x.

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Radziszewska, Janina. "„Akademicki kaprys” czy „budowanie zrozumienia”? Refleksje z badań antropologicznych o sprawiedliwości naprawczej." Prace Etnograficzne 49, no. 4 (2021): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/22999558.pe.21.016.14851.

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“Academic Whim” or “Building Understanding”? Reflections from Anthropological Research on Restorative Justice The article focuses on restorative justice as a form of contestation against the retributive Western justice system. The emergence of the concept of restorative justice is strongly linked to the development of victimology and the movement fighting for a greater involvement of victims in the criminal proceedings. Embedded in the pattern of oppositions associated with retributive and restorative justice – conflict versus dialogue, power versus community, punishment versus responsibility
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Cust, Richard. "Charles I, the Privy Council, and the Forced Loan." Journal of British Studies 24, no. 2 (1985): 208–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385832.

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The Forced Loan of 1626–27 has traditionally been regarded as one of the milestones of early seventeenth-century politics. The great nineteenth-century Whig historian S. R. Gardiner saw it as the product of “new counsels” by which Charles I came increasingly to rely on the royal prerogative, and he depicted the opposition to this as a principled defense of Englishmen's liberties. Others writing in the same tradition have generally echoed these views. Thus the loan has been presented as the climax to a first stage of struggle between “Court” and “Country” or as a staging post on the “high road
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Jenkins, Philip. "Party Conflict and Political Stability in Monmouthshire, 1690–1740." Historical Journal 29, no. 3 (1986): 557–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00018914.

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In the 1960s Professor Plumb discussedThe growth of political stability in England 1675–1725. In the seventeenth century, he noted, party violence and political conflict were frequent events, resulting in open civil war in the 1640s and several perilous crises in later years. Stability (he argued) developed from the 1720s by means of the ubiquitous use of political patronage by the Whig government, and Sir Robert Walpole's judicious ability to avoid too many controversies that stirred political passions. The government simply offered too many tempting jobs and places for any but the staunchest
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Klochkov, Victor V. "British historians on the Whig opposition and revived Toryism of the last third of the XVIII - beginning of the XIX centuries." Общество: философия, история, культура, no. 10 (2021): 36–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/fik.2021.10.5.

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Grant, James. "The Great Famine and the poor law in Ulster: the rate-in-aid issue of 1849." Irish Historical Studies 27, no. 105 (1990): 30–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400010294.

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In February 1849, the Whig prime minister Lord John Russell gave the first hint of what was to be the last of his special relief measures for famine-stricken Ireland. This was a national rate to be imposed on every poor-law union in the country in aid of twenty-three bankrupt unions, all of them, with the exception of Glenties (County Donegal), in the provinces of Connacht and Munster. The opposition of Ulster interests to the rate was so vehement that the matter came to be regarded in parliament as ‘the Ulster question’. Ulster opposition was stimulated by the widespread conviction among loca
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McNeil, Peter. "Le remodelage du vestiaire et du corps à la fin du XVIII e siècle en Angleterre." Annales historiques de la Révolution française 409, no. 3 (2022): 11–40. https://doi.org/10.3917/ahrf.409.0011.

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Dans la dernière décennie du xviii e siècle, l’influence « révolutionnaire » de l’anglophilie et des nouveaux modes vestimentaires anglais a influencé une grande partie de l’Europe occidentale. En Angleterre, de nombreuses tensions autour des attitudes à l’égard de l’habillement et des apparences sont apparues autour de la figure du « macaroni », un type de dandy évoqué dans nombre de textes, d’images, de pièces de théâtre, entre 1760 et 1780. Les vêtements indiquant des affiliations politiques, sociales ou patriotiques étaient une vieille une tradition anglaise. Le politicien whig Charles Jam
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Bucknell, Clare. "The Roman Adversarial Dialogue in Eighteenth-Century Political Satire." Translation and Literature 24, no. 3 (2015): 291–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2015.0219.

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This article examines the use of the Roman satiric dialogue in eighteenth-century political verse. It studies partisan satires that pit their speakers against a cautionary interlocutor (adversarius) in imitation of Horace's Satire 2.1 and Persius' Satire 1. It begins with an overview of Pope's use of the dialogue form in his Imitations of Horace, and his shift in the later 1730s to a model of antagonistic encounter between ideological opponents in the style of Persius. Its main body is an examination of later eighteenth-century satires that find alternative political uses for Persius' dialogue
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Harling, Philip. "The Trouble with Convicts: From Transportation to Penal Servitude, 1840–67." Journal of British Studies 53, no. 1 (2014): 80–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2013.213.

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AbstractThis article makes three points about the death throes of convict transportation. First, the quarrel over transportation shows the double-edged nature of the moral critique of empire in the early Victorian era. Metropolitan criticism of transportation had its roots in the same effort to moralize the empire that was seen in the almost contemporaneous assault on slavery. But transportation was deemed too convenient a means of getting rid of criminals for Britons safely to do without it. Second, the Whig government of 1846–52 sought to save transportation by moralizing the convict before
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Connell, Philip. "Edmund Burke and the First Stuart Revolution." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 3 (2020): 463–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.40.

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AbstractThis essay reconsiders the character and significance of Edmund Burke's attitude to the seventeenth-century civil wars and interregnum. Burke may have venerated the “revolution principles” of 1688–89 over those of the 1640s, not least in the Reflections on the Revolution in France in which he notoriously compares English dissenting radicals to regicidal Puritans. Yet his response to the first Stuart revolution is more complex than has commonly been allowed and is closely bound up with Burke's earlier parliamentary career as a prominent member of the Rockingham Whig connection. The revi
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Ковалёв, М. А. "W. WINDHAM AND THE CONTROVERSY IN THE WHIG PARTY AROUND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION (1792-1793 YEARS)." Британские исследования, no. VIII(VIII) (June 7, 2024): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2024.viii.viii.004.

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В ходе партийной полемики вокруг Французской революции к 1793 г. в Англии сформировалась «третья партия» между оппозиционными вигами и возглавлявшими правительство тори. «Третья партия» представлена вигами, сторонниками Э. Бёрка (Уильям Уиндхэм, Уильям Эллиот, Филип Лоуренс, герцог Портленд и другие), и занимала воинствующие позиции по отношению к Франции. Мы рассмотрели взгляды лидера данной фракции – У. Уиндхэма и пришли к выводу, что он лишь избирательно использовал идеи своего учителя Э. Бёрка. Уиндхэм не стремился обратиться к политэкономическим рассуждениям мыслителя, к его юридической а
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Martinborough, Alex. "Debating Settler Constitutionalism: Consent, Consultation, and Writing a Transatlantic Debate, 1822–1828." Canadian Historical Review 102, no. 1 (2021): 27–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-2019-0018.

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In 1822, Robert Wilmot, the undersecretary of state for the colonies, introduced a bill to unite Upper and Lower Canada in the British House of Commons. In doing so, he was proposing not just an intercolonial union but a new constitution. He believed that because the Canadas’ constitution was granted by an Act of Parliament in 1791 it could be changed by Parliament without colonial consultation or consent. Whig parliamentarians and colonists contested this interpretation and raised questions about consent and the status of colonial constitutions. These debates in the 1820s reveal just how mudd
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Bendler, Bruce. "James Sloan: Renegade or True Republican?" New Jersey History 125, no. 1 (2010): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/njh.v125i1.1020.

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This paper examines the political career of James Sloan of Gloucester County, New Jersey. Sloan was instrumental in organizing the Democratic Republican party in Gloucester County, and he represented New Jersey in the United States House of Representatives from 1803 to 1809. Sloan was born into a Quaker family, but he supported the Whig cause in the American Revolution and faced disciplinary action from his Quaker meeting for doing so. Later, he would gravitate toward Methodism, but he never seemed comfortable in any religious organization. Historian Carl Prince called Sloan an “anomaly” in Ne
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Дайнеко, И. В. "AN ENGLISHMAN IN FRANCE IN 1802 CHARLES JAMES FOX IN PARIS (BASED ON THE REPORT OF FOX'S PERSONAL SECRETARY JOHN BERNARD TROTTER)." Британские исследования, no. VII(VII) (June 1, 2022): 299–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2022.vii.vii.005.

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Статья посвящена визиту лидера британской парламентской оппозиции Чарльза Джеймса Фокса в Париж. Предпринята попытка рассмотреть цели поездки главы вигов и контакты с представителями французской политической и военной элиты. Основываясь на ключевом источнике исследования — отчете секретаря Фокса Джона Бернарда Троттера, была проанализирована царившая на момент прибытия англичан обстановка в Париже. Одним из ключевых моментов визита стала встреча британского политика с Наполеоном Бонапартом. Рассматриваются отношения между Фоксом и Первым консулом с точки зрения изменения личной позиции лидера
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Rose, Craig. "‘Seminarys of Faction and Rebellion’: Jacobites, Whigs and the London Charity Schools, 1716–1724." Historical Journal 34, no. 4 (1991): 831–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017313.

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During Queen Anne's reign it was thought noteworthy that, in an age otherwise disfigured by party rancour, the charity school movement had won general acclaim. ‘No colourable Objection has been made against it’, declared the high churchman Andrew Snape in 1711, ‘nor indeed can it meet with Opposition from any, but those who are unwilling that the Empire of the Devil should be weaken'd, that Vice and Immorality should lose any Ground, and who are the declar'd Enemies of God and Goodness’. Charity schools were viewed as a force for unity in a politically divided society. Writing to Robert Harley
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Hankins, Laurel V. "The Art of Retreat." Nineteenth-Century Literature 71, no. 4 (2017): 431–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2017.71.4.431.

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Laurel V. Hankins, “The Art of Retreat: Salmagundi’s Elbow-Chair Domesticity” (pp. 431–456) James Kirke Paulding and William and Washington Irving’s literary periodical Salmagundi; or, the Whim-Whams and Opinions of Launcelot Langstaff, Esq. and Others (1807) has been incorporated into accounts of Washington Irving’s protoromanticism that define American romanticism through an oppositional relationship between the aesthetic retreat of the artist and the consensus-driven consumerism of a feminized reading public. This essay argues that through the self-conscious assumption of bachelor pseudonym
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Young, Michael B. "Charles I and the Erosion of Trust, 1625–1628." Albion 22, no. 2 (1990): 217–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049598.

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In contrast to their predecessors, who emphasized constitutional conflict and opposition in the parliaments of early Stuart England, revisionists emphasized harmony and cooperation. There was a problem with this new, anti-Whig orthodoxy from the outset, however, and that was the problem of trust. Defying the revisionist model of harmonious relations between Crown and Parliament, the M.P.s of early Stuart England perversely refused to trust James I and Charles I. Revisionists adopted two strategies to deal with this problem of trust. Conrad Russell exemplified the one strategy: he acknowledged
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Filimonova, M. A. "Ossian and the American War of Independence: American Th emes in James Macpherson’s Political Writings." LOMONOSOV HISTORY JOURNAL 65, no. 5, 2024 (2025): 27–46. https://doi.org/10.55959/msu0130-0083-8-2024-65-5-27-46.

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The subject of this study encompasses the political works of James Macpherson (1736–1796), which, in contrast to his Poems of Ossian, have not yet been examined by specialists in either Russia or other countries. The objective of this article is to ascertain the system of Macpherson’s political views, primarily expressed in his interpretation of the American Revolution of the late 18th century. The study draws upon a set of Macpherson’s pamphlets, which were written during the American War of Independence and serve as the primary source material for the investigation. These are complemented by
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Yavuz, Şevket. "Takdirden Tahayyüle: Dinin Kadastrolaşması ve Varlığın Ötekileştirilmesi Bağlamında Oksidantalizmi Yeniden Düşünmek." Marife 6, no. 3 (2006): 107–22. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3343801.

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Oksidantalizm; Oryantal ("Doğu ve Doğu ile ilgili olan")'in dışında kaldığı varsayılan Oksidantal ("Batı ve Batı ile ilgili olan")'i daha önce Oryantalist diskurların inşa ettiğinin aynısının aynadaki aksini yeniden ve sarkaç determinizmi ile kurma çabasıdır. Doğu'nun Batı tarafından asırlarca basmakalıplaştırdığı "kendisi"ni, Batı'yı ötekileştirerek telafi ve tanımlama teşebbüsü olarak isimlendirebilecek olan Oksidantalizmin epistemik kodları, antik dünyadan Hıristiyan-İslâm ilişkilerine, oradan da Post/modern dünyadaki mistik, egzotik, irrasyonel Doğu ile pratik, realist ve rasyonel Batı ara
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Egreteau, Renaud. "A Disciplined Dissident—Aung San Suu Kyi as Opposition Backbencher (2012–2016)." Parliamentary Affairs, June 4, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsab037.

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Abstract This article investigates the legislative activity of Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar's iconic dissident, during her inaugural tenure as opposition MP in the country’s first post-junta parliament (2012–2016). How did such a totemic figure behave in a legislature dominated by an army-backed party and military-appointed MPs? What legislative tools did she use? The study draws evidence from Burmese-language proceedings of Myanmar’s Union legislature and field interviews. The findings point to a largely marginal, yet disciplined, involvement of Aung San Suu Kyi in legislative business. She neit
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HONE, JOSEPH. "JOHN DARBY AND THE WHIG CANON." Historical Journal, December 28, 2020, 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x20000606.

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Abstract Through a co-ordinated series of publications in the final years of the seventeenth century, a diverse set of commonwealth texts was entrenched into the canon of whig political thought. This article explores that canon through the lens of the history of the book. A key figure in the formation of this canon was the printer and bookseller John Darby. This article reconstructs Darby's role in the commonwealth opposition to the perceived failures of the Williamite revolution. Using bibliographical methods to establish his output, it shows that from the earliest days of the revolution Darb
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Yamada, Makio. "Foreigner kings as local kingmakers: how the ‘unusual’ marginalization of conservative political groups occurred in pre-Industrial Revolution Britain." Journal of Institutional Economics, March 9, 2023, 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137423000048.

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Abstract Building on the Hodgson–Mokyr debate in this journal (Volume 18, Issue 1, 2022), this article discusses how modern economic growth occurred in pre-Industrial Revolution Britain, with a particular focus on coalition politics and the marginalization of conservative political groups – vetoers to change. Such political marginalization was unusual before the 19th century, when monarchs had substantial political power and land-based conservative groups were their main political allies. This article finds the source of the English exceptionalism in the unique system of non-imperial personal
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Burgess, Jean, Joy McEntee, and Emma Nelms. "How to Pick a Fight." M/C Journal 6, no. 1 (2003). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.2131.

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In a post September 11 era “the fight”, as a cultural construct, could hardly be more pertinent. We are seemingly forever poised on the edge of controversial U.S. led attacks on wayward Middle Eastern states and unexamined oppositions between the concepts of ‘good’ and ‘evil’ are evoked as valid justifications for battle. Our leaders muster us into wars of vigilance and national cohesion against unseen, unknown and uncomprehended terrorists hiding where communists once lurked under our beds. The articles in this issue examine fights in terms of media strategies and cultural divides in a range
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Melleuish, Greg. "Of 'Rage of Party' and the Coming of Civility." M/C Journal 22, no. 1 (2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1492.

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There is a disparity between expectations that the members of a community will work together for the common good — and the stark reality that human beings form into groups, or parties, to engage in conflict with each other. This is particularly the case in so-called popular governments that include some wider political involvement by the people. In ancient Greece stasis, or endemic conflict between the democratic and oligarchic elements of a city was very common. Likewise, the late Roman Republic maintained a division between the populares and the optimates. In both cases there was violence as
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Baird, Barbara. "Before the Bride Really Wore Pink." M/C Journal 15, no. 6 (2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.584.

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Introduction For some time now there has been a strong critical framework that identifies a significant shift in the politics of homosexuality in the Anglo-oriented West over the last fifteen to twenty years. In this article I draw on this framework to describe the current moment in the Australian cultural politics of homosexuality. I focus on the issue of same-sex marriage as a key indicator of the currently emerging era. I then turn to two Australian texts about marriage that were produced in “the period before” this time, with the aim of recovering what has been partially lost from current
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